thesis-dadaab refugee camp
DESCRIPTION
This project speculates on relief shelters and ambient space within the extreme setting of a refugee camp, located on the outskirts of the city of Garissa, along the border of Somalia. The camp refugees migrating groups, most of them women and children, whose lives have been affected by extreme drought, war, or political pressures. The project re-interprets the refugee camp within a socially integrated relief structure, creating a long-term strategy where social and religious spaces offer relief, treatment and hope for the community of refugees.TRANSCRIPT
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THE INTEGRATION OF SOCIAL AID RELIEF SYSTEMS: Providing the Refugees of Dadaab with an Alternative to Refugee Life.
b y : J u a n Ru b é n E s p a r z a
A thesis submitted in partial fulfill-ment of the requirements for the degree ofM a s t e r o f A r c h i t e c t u r e .
School of Architecture + Community DesignUniversity of South FloridaC o l l e g e o f T h e A r t s
P r o f e s s o r s :N a n c y S a n d e r s , M . A r c h , C h a i rR o b e r t M a c L e o d , M . A r c h , C o m m i t t e eM a r t i n G u n d e r s o n , M . A r c h , C o m m i t t e eP a u l R o b i n s o n , M . A r c h , C r i t i c
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©Copyright 2012, Juan Ruben Esparza
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Table of Contents
List of figures iv
Acknowledgments ix
Abstract 11
Introduction 12
Dadaab: The insecurities faced within a refugee camp 15
The Needs of the Refugee 17
The Typology of Refugee Camp 18
Refugee Camp as Home 20
Climate 20
Precedents 23
Notre Dame du Haut 25
Lalibella 25
Musgum Clay Houses 27
Sustenance Distribution: Water 29
Dependencies: Refugee Agencies 32
Refugee Architecture: Socioreligious Integration 37
Process 40
Order Principals of the Site 41
Below ground 42
The Shadow 44
Above ground 45
Topography as Architecture 50
X-ray 64
Cast Models 72
Above Ground: Social Aid Relief Systems 79
Above + Below 86
The Entrance 95
Sustenance Distribution: Water Cisterns 102
Socioreligious Integration: The Sanctuary 106
Conclusion 112
Bibliography 114
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List of Figures
Figure: 1 IFO, Dadaab. Inverted Map
Figure: 2 Kenya. Climatic Map
Figure: 3 A woman covers her eyes from wind-blown dust as she stands with her six children outside a food distribution point in the Dadaab refugee camp in Kenya. http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/jul/14/ dadaab-camp-kenya-drought
Figure: 4 Tents provided by the UNHCR. http://www.unrefugees.org/ site/c.lfIQKSOwFqG/b.7676973/k.B2AA/45000_Tents_Needed_to_ Transfer_SomaliRefugees_to_New_Camp_Areas.htm
Figure: 5 Dadaab population Chart. It depicts the population num- bers within dadaab currently, as well as prognosticated population growths.
Figure: 6 Dagahaley camp in Dadaab, an ariel view of the tent configuration and layout2011.
Figure: 7 An aerial view shows makeshift shelters at the Daga- haley camp in Dadaab, near the Kenya-Somalia bor- der, April 3, 2011.
Figure: 8 Refugee tents in Dadaab, showing the organizational scheme of the camp.
Figure: 9 A girl walks home with firewood in the world’s biggest refugee complex in Dadaab, Kenya on August 22, 2009.
Figure: 10 Kenyan Solar Chart. The proposal takes advantage of the solar path to maximize solar exposure, in order to pro- vide energy through a system of solar panels.
Figure: 11 Climate Graph. It shows many of the climate tenden- cies that affect Dadaab.
Figure: 12 Graph. Representing soil temperatures at different levels.
Figure: 13 Notre Dame du Haut, Ron-champ, France. Interior view
Figure: 14 Notre Dame du Haut, Ron-champ, France. Interior view of light well.
Figure: 15 The Church of St. George, Lalibela, Ethiopia. Interior view
Figure: 16 The Church of St. George, Lalibela, Ethiopia. Aerial view
Figure: 17 The Church of St. George, Lalibela, Ethiopia. Interior view of lit corridor.
Figure: 18 Musgum house, Cameroon. Reapplying mud to fa- cade. http://www.greendiary.com/entry/musgum-clay- houses-promote-earliest-natural-building-materials/
Figure: 19 Musgum Clay Houses plan. http:// newsroom.ecocus tomhomes.com/?p=12219
Figure: 20 Inhabitants wait eargerly for the arrival of a new water tank that has been installed at IFO camp.
Figure: 21 Young girls and women wait to collect water from a wa ter point at Ifo extension. UNHCR is settling approxi mately 300 families per day at Ifo extension as of the end of July.
Figure: 23 Newly arrived refugees from Somalia collect water provided by CARE at Dadaab refugee camp in Kenya.
Figure: 24 CARE poster. CARE promotes information and statis tics about refugees living in Dadaab.
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Figure: 25 Dadaab Refugee complex, Ifo, Dadaley, Hagadera, and Dadaab, the largest refugee camp in the world.
Figure: 26 Map Dadaab Region, Kenya. Analysis of camp and agency relation.
Figure: 27 Diagram of map. The analysis explains the intention of a multi-agency system at work.
Figure: 28 Aerial image of Dadaab.
Figure: 29 Schematic proposals.
Figure: 30 Inverted map used as a conceptual space organizer.
Figure: 31 Image used to raster.
Figure: 32 Raster image on corrugated cardboard.
Figure: 33 Computer generated drawing. Expresses the represen tation of an underground construction with folding sur- faces and crevices.
Figure: 34 Computer generated drawing. Expresses the represen tation of an underground structures and the various configurations in which they could be placed.
Figure: 35 Process, physical model of a result of raster image.
Figure: 36 Physical Model; Interior image of plaster model. It de- picts the spatial quality within the underground as refu- gees would experience as they travel through the en- trance and out through the sanctuary.
Figure: 37 Rendering. Underground image of tunnels.
Figure: 38 Rendering; perspective of conceptual building.
Figure: 39 Process, computer graphics Interpreting above and un- derground
Figure: 40 Master plan, the black dots around the plan signify nodes.
Figure: 41 Section. It is a transverse section as it would look through the building. Each rectangular section repre- sents individual chambers fit for one or two people.
Figure: 42 Conceptual section.
Figure: 43 Conceptual section.
Figuer: 44 Conceptual diagram of Ifo.
Figure: 45 Process, Ifo image transferred on chipboard.
Figure: 46 Conceptual drawing, illustrating a plan of the community space that would be implemented in Dadaab.
Figure: 47 A series of images of a models which explores the ideo- logical devices of above ground and underground.
Figure: 48 Rendering. It depicts an early example of a subterranean space used for social events.
Figure: 49 Rendering, an elevation of the actual surroundings with the proposal as it would look like as constructed.
Figure: 50 Rendering from a chamber with in the building.
Figure: 51 Rendering depicting and underground view of the project.
Figure: 52 Abstract Image. Layering of x-ray images part of a process.
Figure: 53 Telephone x-ray - conceptual thinking done with the use of an x-ray machine.
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Figure: 54 Cassette case with cassettes. Cassette case belonged to my grandfather, It was used as a special remem brance to him. The power of mu sic-related content cre ates memories in an non-verbal manner.
Figure: 55 Speaker. A conceptual image, using speakers.
Figure: 56 Physical model; poured plaster and basswood. After the execution of a graphics assignment, which led to the construction of a mold, the conceptual model took form. The subtractive method of construction helps to build space in order to create form. It’s a re- verse way of the thinking about spatial qualities and the development and progression of ideas.
Figure: 57 Physical model; poured plaster and basswood. It is a con- ceptual model investigating relation between the underground and the surface.
Figure: 58 Physical model; poured plaster and basswood. The model emphasizes the interstitial space with the articulation of elements.
Figure: 59 Computer-aided drawing of an aerial image of Dadaab.
Figure: 60 Conceptual sketch #1 for proposal of a node.
Figure: 61 Conceptual sketch #2 for proposal of a node.
Figure: 62 Conceptual sketch #3 for proposal of a node.
Figure: 63 Conceptual sketch #4 for proposal of a node.
Figure: 64 Conceptual sketch#5 for proposal of a node.
Figure: 65 Rendering. A truck supplying a node with water.
Figure: 66 Floor plan of a node showing entrance, social classrooms, water cistern and sanctuary.
Figure: 67 Section #1.
Figure: 68 Section #2.
Figure: 69 Sections. Multi-leveled interaction of the project.
Figure: 70 Physical model, plaster and museum board.
Figure: 71 Physical model, close up of the workings of a node.
Figure: 72 Physical model, plaster and museum board. It is an up close image of the entrance, social classrooms and cistern holding area. The shaded area provides the inhabitant with a cool place to gather water and a place to carry out social interaction.
Figure: 73 Rendering. A man is standing next to one of the sacred spaces above ground.
Figure: 74 Rendering, close up of the water cisterns. The below ground level as storage allows water to be maintained at cooler temperatures than in an above ground cistern.
Figure: 75 Rendering, close up of the social classrooms and the wa- ter cisterns. The room holds space for water distribution services
Figure: 76 Shading device detail.
Figure: 77 Rendering of the underground sanctuary for meditation and or religious services.
Figure: 78 Rendering. Entrance passing through the water cistern storage area. The ground was carved to with hold the large cisterns, that are filled with water daily..
Figure: 79 Sacred space attached to the nodes by underground path ways.
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Figure: 80 Close up of sacred space attached to the nodes by un- derground pathways.
Figure: 81 Rendering. Underground sanctuary for meditation or religious services
Figure: 82 Rendering. Underground sanctuary emphasizing the natural light..
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Acknowledgments
Throughout this project, I received invaluable support and ad-
vice from my chair, Professor Nancy Sanders. Through her patience and
dedication, I was able to complete my thesis and graduate. Thank you.
My committee members: Professor Robert MacLeod, Professor Martin
Gunderson, and Professor Paul Robinson, whom all responded with great
enthusiasm and interest in my thesis when I approached them. When we
started the initial talks about Dadaab, and the severe condition in which
it stands, we thought about how an appropriate design and commitment
to a place such as this, could really benefit and spark interests around the
community. They all gave great insight to the development and comple-
tion of my thesis. Thank you.
Dedication
A special gratification goes to my wife and son, Giauhara and
Ruben, who have supported me throughout the year while developing
myself as a student of architecture. I would like to dedicate all my hard
work to them, for without them I could not see myself receiving this great
accomplishment. My family members who have always shown their sup-
port will not go unnoticed, and this document is proof of the beginnings
to a prosperous career and education.
I would also like to thank my fellow colleagues, for it was them
who I learned the most from. At the end of our relationship as class-
mates, I leave this school with a small piece of each of them, and will
guide me through my career for the rest of my life. Thank you!
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opposite pageFigure 1: Ifo, Dadaab. Graphic Inverted Map
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Abstract
This project speculates on relief shelters and ambient space
within the extreme setting of a refugee camp, located on the outskirts
of the city of Garissa, along the border of Somalia. The camp refuges mi-
grating groups, most of them women and children, whose lives have been
affected by extreme drought, war, or political pressures. The project re-
interprets the refugee camp within a socially integrated relief structure,
creating a long-term strategy where social and religious spaces offer re-
lief, treatment and hope for the community of refugees.
Inspired by local earth-hewn church precedents, the design is
carved into the ground around communities of shelters. Largely placed
into the earth, to protect from the extreme heat and sand storms, this
sanctuary offers an entry point that channels through above ground
activities, such as water distribution and social gatherings, and then
through an eighty foot long corridor into the sanctuary.
The design was structured, firstly, around several casts, built
to investigate subsurface spatial organization. Secondly, models helped
analyze ground, structure, and solar relations with the habitable spaces.
This helped locate and orient much of the project to its most efficient
position on the site.
The program of interventions in the existing camp operates as
an extension of the relief agencies already located there. The proposed
relief structure engages its users as a distribution point for water, us-
ing cisterns, which are integrated as part of the support members where
they come in contact with the ground. It houses space for educational
workshops, aiding people with the tools to be self-sufficient. Finally, it
ends through the corridor and into an underground worship area, for the
purpose of emotional healing and tending to the spiritual needs of the
refugees.
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Introduction
In recent years, an increasing amount of attention has been fo-
cused on the refugees of Dadaab. It has been the focus of many media
sources as it is the world’s largest refugee camp. As time progresses, this
group of refugees will become even more deserving of our attention,
simply because their numbers are likely to grow (fig. 5). As a camp with
the charge of transitioning refugees into shelters, Dadaab is in a position
to introduce a completely new architectural element which could con-
tribute to a unification and reconstruction of its image to the world. This
element, implementing a social relief system throughout the camp and
functioning as social context for increased interaction and communica-
tion, aims to produce a different outlook and give hope and aspirations
to the refugees in Dadaab. Dadaab, as a design task has many problems
to solve before hand, and deserves an in depth analysis in order to ad-
dress all the needs. A hierarchical procedure for conceptual design de-
composes the design into a series of subproblems such as sustenance
distribution, socioreligious integration, insecurities, dependencies, and
identity reconstruction.
While refugee camps have been helpful in housing refugees dur-
ing conflict around the world, they, as a unique social system who depend
solely on foreign aid, are not a resourceful system with an integrated in-
frastructure to sustain themselves in their environment. Most of these
camps are structured in grid patterns for “it is normal for authorities and
relief agencies to require refugees in camps to organise in artificial struc-
tures to facilitate communication with the community” (Horst, 79). With
these sort of conditions already in place, Dadaab is a prime candidate for
an architectural intervention concerning not only the personal needs of
refugees, but also the sociological needs of the community.
Some of the problems Dadaab faces arise from a shortage of
resources to provide even subsistence rations. At Dadaab, refugees are
supplied with minimal food, medical care, and very rudimentary shelters
(tents). A very surprising image of the camps (fig. 3) shows the desert-
like environment and the configuration of the complex: a desolate grid of
tents. A major concern for the more than 450,000 people that have gath-
ered in makeshift shelters, made of branches and tarps, are the insecuri-
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ties that come with the absence of formal public space, particularly the
threat of crime, usually theft and rape, where young women are usually
the targets. But, while refugee camps intend to maintain order, problems
immerge from with in. “Not surprisingly, the task of taking care of refu-
gees is falling more and more on military organizations, which have the
skill and discipline to deploy quickly and create order out of situations
that might otherwise progress into anarchy.” (Kennedy, 136)
A new use of public space is proposed in conjunction with a
Social Aid Relief System (SARS), able to supply water from cisterns in-
tegrated within its structure, while also providing for social, educational
and religious needs. Part of the process was to design a SARS, based
on the essential needs of a refugee considered, firstly, as necessities for
human function, and secondly, as spaces that can provide emotional sta-
bility and comfort. The SARS would provide social space and civic func-
tion around its perimeter, based on where it is located. Locations were
systematically chosen, based on the density of refugee in any area. The
SARS is part superstructure and part substructure, each containing dif-
ferent and separate functions. In an attempt to form community within
the natural landscape, the design mediates between above ground and
underground, developing spaces within the complex that can serve as
areas of social gathering and integration.
The SARS units take on a responsibility to supply refugees with
relief, for they are the buffers which maintain, protect, and nourish refu-
gees. This architectural thesis investigates the sociological intricacies of
a refugee community through the form of sculpting ground and integra-
tion of a structural unit to aid relief throughout Dadaab.
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Figure 2: Kenya, Climate map
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Dadaab:The insecurities faced within a refugee camp
Dadaab is composed of a system of refugees camps with a popu-
lation of about 450,000 people, unofficially making it Kenya’s fourth larg-
est city. The nearest major town is Garissa, which is headquarters of the
North Eastern Province in Kenya. Many of the camps within Dadaab are
integrated along a dirt road and are about fifty miles south of Somalia.
Many people in the camps of Dadaab have lived here for a major part of
their lives, becoming more of a permanent settlement, and depending
mostly on the aid of relief agencies and governments.
In the past decade, refugee camps have been flooded with
people, exceeding the capacity for which they were designed. Dadaab,
the worlds largest refugee camp, shelters around half a million people,
with thousands more arriving daily. “Somalia is now suffering its worst
drought in sixty years. A quarter of the population has fled famine and
conflict, heading west into Kenya. More than 1,300 people a day stream
into the complex of refugee camps at Dadaab which is now housing more
than 430,000 people in camps designed for 90,000. Many Somalis ar-
rive near death after journeys of weeks with little food. Large numbers
of them are children, often without parents.” (Rosenberg, 2011) In
recent years Dadaab has gone through expansions in order to accom-
modate more people who are in desperate need of aid. Most of the aid
that arrives to the camps are supplemented by other countries and relief
agencies. Many of them have their own dedicated regional offices within
Dadaab and are charged with different responsibilities.
The complex of camps was first established as a temporary
solution more than 20 years ago by the United Nations High Commis-
sion for Refugees (UNHCR), after Somalia descended into a civil war that
continues to this day. The camp already has a system of organization, a
grid layout with tents as shelters, which are provided for by the relief
agencies located in Dadaab. Often under political stress “...aid workers
are pressed to erect tent cities within weeks, even days.” (Kennedy, 135).
Officially, a refugee is a person who is outside her/his country of origin
(or habitual residence, in the case of the stateless person) and who, ow-
ing to a well-founded fear of persecution for reasons of race, religion,
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nationality, membership of a particular social group, or political opinion,
is unable or unwilling to avail herself/himself of the protection to which
s/he is entitled.” (Kennedy, 136) Refugee is more than just a state of be-
ing, it is a life pre-occupied with overcoming a set challenges to physical
and emotional well-being that occur during the transfix of thousands of
people along any given time or place. For some refugees the problem
of relocation is settled within a couple of weeks, some within months,
and others not for years and even generations. The main concern in the
Dadaab refugee camps, in addition to the provision of water, food, shel-
ter, and health care, is to provide the refugees with a space to gather,
support one another, and educate, and care for children. How can we
attempt to give permanence to the camp, not as a refugee camp but as
the beginnings of a city, for the close to half a million people living there?
Any place with a continuous occupancy of this magnitude needs perma-
Figure 4: Tents provided by the UNHCR. http://www.unrefugees.org/site/c.lfIQKSOwFqG/b.7676973/k.B2AA/45000_Tents_Needed_to_Transfer_Somali_Refugees_to_New_Camp_Ar-eas.htm
Figure 3: A woman covers her eyes from wind-blown dust as she stands with her six chil-dren outside a food distribution point in the Dadaab refugee camp in Kenya.http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/jul/14/dadaab-camp-kenya-drought
Photograph: Roberto Schmidt/AFP/Getty Im
ages
© Finbarr O’Reilly / Reuters;
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nent infrastructure regulating its masses.
The Needs of the Refugee
Refugees register into the camp and go through a “welcoming”
process which includes the distribution of nourishment, vaccines, and
water. Usually, the medical attention given is the most important for
many of the arriving refugees, for the journey may be more than a twenty
day walk through the desert. While the long journey through the desert
heat is dangerous, much of the actual danger comes from thieves who
burglarize, beat, and rape defenseless women and children along the
way. “Armed militia and guerilla factions sometimes infiltrate camps and
terrorize refugees; violence against women, children, and other vulnera-
ble people is common.” (Kennedy, 137) Relief agencies usually attend to
small children first in newly arrived families, given that they are the most
malnourished and desperate for medical attention. Though registering
with the camp is necessary, the typical wait for a family is usually three
to four days. Processing times within the camp continue to worsen, as
more and more people arrive daily in search of shelter. In the design of
an infrastructure system that could be implemented within the camps,
it is necessary to understand the needs of a refugee, which consists of
basic human needs clean water, food, sanitation, shelter, security, light,
refrigeration, telecommunications, medical care, and education.
“Refugee camps exist in order to provide refugees with protec-
tion and assistance. Yet, they are often situated in areas that are neither
safe nor offer a viable livelihood, while assistance provided is insufficient
and declines over time.” (Horst, 80) Refugees within the camps will al-
ways find themselves without freedoms and with the lack of economic
and educational opportunity. Relief agencies focus on refugee care
rather than the growth of individual refugees to become self-sufficient Figure 5: Dadaab population Chart. It depicts the population numbers within dadaab cur-rently, as well as prognosticated population growths.
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persons. Agencies find themselves retroceding in their efforts by offer-
ing too much humanitarian assistance rather than expressing a develop-
mental aid. “The consequences of this...are felt in most refugee-housing
situations and, for decades, attempts have been made to bridge the gap
in order to approach humanitarian assistance from a developmental per-
spective...” (Horst, 81) It is hoped that the approach offered by this thesis
may help reduce dependencies from aid relief agencies, and inspire self-
sustaining methods for survival.
The Typology of a Refugee Camp
The current typology of refugee camp arose from the cause of
war and extreme drought, with refugees heading towards the nearest
and safest place they know to receive help. “The camps where refugees
wind up are usually in poor nations, and they enormously burden local
societies, economies, and ecosystems, leading to a swarm of problems.”
(Kennedy, 137) Refugee camps have provided shelter for hundreds of
thousands of people around the world in stunningly short periods of
time (Kennedy, 135) and have created a system in which they operate
and function. Refugee camps are situated and laid out in very specific
Figure 6: Dagahaley camp in Dadaab, an ariel view of the tent configuration and lay-out2011.
(Reu
ters
/Tho
mas
Muk
oya)
Figure 7: An aerial view shows makeshift shelters at the Dagahaley camp in Dadaab, near the Kenya-Somalia border, April 3, 2011.
(Reu
ters
/Tho
mas
Muk
oya)
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ways: “Refugee camps are often seen as temporary settlements, but in
many places around the world, they have existed for decades and have
become virtual cities. In Dadaab, there are signs of urban planning, es-
pecially in the two camps that were set up later, after the initial emer-
gency phase. Ifo, the first camp in the region, consists of seventy-one
blocks, which are divided over three main sections, whereas Dagahaley
is neatly cut into eight lines and three cross-cutting avenues. Hagadera
consists of two big compact groups. The first is divided into eight sec-
tions and three cross-cutting avenues and second divided into three sec-
tions and one cross-cutting avenue. All sections and blocks have sec-
tion and blockleaders, who are elected to function as brokers between
the refugees and the agencies.” (Horst, 78) Refugee camps have been a
standing option, often times the only option of escaping the difficulties
of war and drought. The interaction between the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees is an important aspect of the current institu-
tional architecture responsible for providing protection and assistance
to refugees and migrants worldwide.
Refugee camps have become immensely powerful organiza-
tions, standing for the right of the human being. However, as a tempo-
rary solution, refugee camps have limited resources, and are becoming
Figure 8: Refugee tents in Dadaab, showing the organizational scheme of the camp.
Figure 9: A girl walks home with firewood in the world’s biggest refugee complex in Dadaab, Kenya on August 22, 2009.
Spencer Platt; 2009 Getty Images
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severely insufficient in meeting the needs of many of the refugees living
in them. A systematic approach to maximizing resources is necessary
to address the diverse problems facing refugee camps such as famine,
drought, flooding, education, and social belonging.
Refugee Camp as Home
The shelter (home) is the only space that can be called one’s
own space, and with out it, space is overabundant and meaningless. The
home shields the habitant from any external tension, and shelters or in-
ternalizes and fortifies the significance of family. “Shelter is a human
right, yet billions are homeless or living [under] inadequate conditions
due to population pressure, war, or environmental disaster.” (Kennedy,
1) The conditions of shelters are restricted to the abundance of resourc-
es employed in the construction of shelter, and should offer their own
social and aesthetic comment.
Refugees must look beyond the restricted mobility and idleness
of refugee life and work on establishing community. A unity must exist,
like in any other community containing the relationship between house,
neighborhood, and city, where one becomes the threshold which leads
into the next. Dadaab shows evidence of cluster communities (fig. 8)
and depicts the initial process of a social integration within the refugee
camp. Makeshift tents gather into small communities to create a sense of
a livelihood and possibly a way of adding security to the community. In
trying to make Dadaab a home, the social integration of refugees and the
process of community will minimize the stresses of insecurity and help
increase a social atmosphere.
Climate
Dadaab sits in an extremely arid location where the rainy season
is limited to only a few days a year. Although Dadaab is prone to flooding
during the rainy season, it does not receive enough water to maintain
the environment and its inhabitants. Many refugee emergencies de-
velop in border areas that are particularly vulnerable to the effects of
climate change, due to their geographic location, general prevailing con-
ditions (e.g. poverty, overpopulation) or relative isolation from political
decision-making. Refugees are affected by extreme climatic events, for
they depend on water for sustenance and irrigation for their horticul-
ture. Highly vulnerable populations like refugees face greater risk due
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to the impact of climate change, thus adaptation measures are essential
to reduce vulnerability and build resilience to extreme events. Climatic
events are forces that cannot be avoided, but the integration of a relief ef-
fort, to minimize the impact of future events, may be obtained. “Stressed
climates...[are an] extreme type which has a very low or very high tem-
perature in the daytime, a great differentiation between daytime and
nighttime temperatures, and little or no precipitation” (Golany, vii).
Dadaab’s climate contains all the variables which allows to introduce an
underground scheme within its sustainable methods to minimize the ef-
fects of the stressed climate.
Figure 11: Climate Graph showing many of the climate tendencies that affect Dadaab.Figure 10: Kenyan Solar Chart. The proposal takes advantage of the solar path to maximize solar exposure, in order to provide energy through a system of solar panels.
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In Dadaab, the arid climate facilitates the construction of sub-
terranean structures. The criteria of temperature, solar radiation, wind,
and precipitation are all variables included in a subterranean project.
Subterranean dwellings show cooler temperatures year round because
they sustain constant temperatures due to the ground’s good insulator
properties. “In hot, dry climates wind is desired only when it is cool or
when it can be combined with humidity and used passively to cause cool-
ing by evaporation.” (Golany, 154) The SARS units proposed in this thesis
work in conjunction with the above ground and underground proper-
ties; the sun helps produce energy and hot water, and the subterranean
construction helps maintain water at cool temperatures. Hot and cold
water is one of the most important features integrated into the SARS
unit. The production of hot water may serve disinfecting, cooking, clean-
ing, and bathing; while cold water, besides sustenance, is a good way to
moderate high body temperatures. Each SARS unit, besides becoming
a water storage and water distribution unit, could work in conjunction
with current CARE plans to re-drill bore holes, improve distribution lines
and increase storage capacity for water.Figure 12: Graph, showing soil temperatures at different levels
Image by http://w
ww
.geo4va.vt.edu/A1/A1.htm
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Precedents
From early examples of buildings, the intent to replicate the sa-
cred form of intimacy is present. An introduction of some of the prec-
edents that have informed the flow of this thesis to the point at which it
has culminated, are expressed here. Each precedent has an importance,
particularly the symbolism it brings to a space, as well as functionality.
Some locations include: Lalibella’s monolithic churches, Musgrum clay
houses, and Le Corbusier’s Chapel in Ronchamp.
Due to the similarities in climatic temperatures, underground
structures have been prominent. Underground sensibilities can become
more dramatic to nature and less harsh than those above ground. Sun
light can become a focused sacred beam of light, passing across a tex-
tured surface. Le Corbusier’s Notre Dame at Ronchamp for example,
portrays a massive wall with piercing beams of light, in an effect that
Figure 13: Notre Dame du Haut, Ron-champ, France. Interior view
Image by m
b17chung©Flickr
Image by kym
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.flickr.com/pho-
tos/kymak/1072174094/sizes/z/in/photostream
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Figure 14: Notre Dame du Haut, Ron-champ, France. interior view of light well.
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Figure 17: The Church of St. George, Lalibela, Ethiopia. Interior view of lit corridor.
Image by ©
George Steinmetz/Corbis
Figure 15: The Church of St. George. Lalibela, Ethiopia. Interior view
Figure 16: The Church of St. George; Lalibela, Ethiopia. Aerial View
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spiritualizes or sanctifies the worship area in the church.
Notre Dame du Haut
Built in Ronchamp, France, Notre Dame du Haut contains quali-
ties resembling those of the monolithic church of St. George in Lalibela.
Ronchamp was constructed in a primitive and sculptural manner, built of
heavy, rough masonry walls, and a large, dark, rough concrete roof. The
monumental pilgrimage chapel was constructed with the aesthetics of
a dramatic form, “like a sail billowing in the windy currents on the hill
top.” (Stroller) The chapels’ form gives monolithic qualities in its bulky
appearance of thick walls, enclosing a comparatively small area for the
human spirit. “In the interior, the spaces left between the wall and roof
and filled with clerestory windows, as well as the asymmetric light from
the wall openings, serve to further reinforce the sacred nature of the
space and reinforce the relationship of the building with its surround-
ings.” (Stroller) It is the seclusion of the site and the design of the small
intimate space with soft and indirect light that attributes sacredness to
the space. From the inside of Ronchamp, the towers (fig. 14) act as light
wells, and allow light to enter through the clerestory windows, reflecting
down the white walls of the tower. The use and manipulation of light
within a space gives a profound meaning to the architecture it inhabits.
Lalibela
Lalibela, Ethiopia contains a series of subterranean structures
and monolithic churches, which were carved 800 years ago,forming
connected passageways for the use of religious purposes. The complex
rambles underground, as a labyrinth of narrow passages, causeways,
steps and tunnels. Access is typically set at a distance as a carved path,
which gets deeper as the person approaching the church gets closer.
This allows the person to be at eye level, as with any other above ground
structure, by the time they see the church. The church, though seemingly
invisible from a distance, blends with the landscape, rendering it virtu-
ally invisible to those who are not close enough.
Built as a religious temple in the 12th century, the Church of St.
George is one of eleven monolithic churches in Lalibela. It was carved
from solid red volcanic rock in the Twelfth Century, and is the most
well known and last built of the eleven churches in Lalibela. The di-
mensions of the trench are 25 meters by 25 meters by 30 meters, and
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there is a small baptismal pool outside the church, which stands in an
artificial trench. The interior image of the sacred space (fig. 17), shows
the instance of natural light slowly filling a corridor of the underground
church. The image portrays a shadowy room with a sense of sacredness
and tranquility. The temperatures in the church are typically cool and
sometimes damp, giving people the experience of thermal comfort and a
break from the hot, arid climate.
Psychologically and aesthetically, the subterranean chambers
and corridors provoke sensations of hope, reflection, and reverence,
which are all qualities which are important for a successful refugee
camp. Since, underground is a unique experience, it could be a breaking
point, from the monotonous life of above ground living.
Figure 18: Musgum house, Cameroon. Reapplying mud to facade. http://www.greendiary.com/entry/musgum-clay-houses-promote-earliest-natural-building-materials/
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Musgum Clay Houses
The Musgum are an ethnic group in the northern province of
Cameroon, where they have constructed their dwellings from com-
pressed mud-brick. These are tall conical dwellings constructed in a
circular pattern, creating a common space (fig. 19), used as a gathering
area for the village. The dwelling’s facade features geometric raised pat-
terns (fig. 18), giving it a “functional facade”, and allowing inhabitants
to use it as scaffolding in order to reapply mud, usually after the rainy
season. The height of the structure allows heat to rise, which then exits
through a small oculus at the top of the dwelling. The absorption of heat
through the mud brick throughout the day, allows heat to be released at
night when temperatures usually drop. It’s self-evident that the shape of
these dwellings are directly influenced by geographical location, and the
environmental issues affecting the particular region. In the same way,
the SARS units identifies with the location in which it is constructed and
operates as a functional piece of the landscape, in order to create the
sense of community that concentrates around each unit.
Figure 19: Plan, Musgum Clay Houses.http://newsroom.ecocustomhomes.com/?p=12219
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Figure 20: Inhabitants wait eargerly for the arrival of a new water tank that has been installed at IFO camp.
Jo Harrison/ Oxfam
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Sustenance Distribution:Water
With Dadaab being in its worst drought in over sixty years, wa-
ter is the single most important, indispensable resource. Most of the
land around Dadaab is incapable of sustaining any type of agriculture,
allowing “[r]elief food [to] become a permanent aspect of [their] survival
strategies...”(Horst, 73). This forces camps and refugees to maintain
the reliance on food, brought in from relief agencies world-wide., but in
response to the droughts, aid organizations, like Cooperative for Assis-
tance and Relief Everywhere (CARE), has constructed an infrastructure,
consisting of a network of pipes, wells and cisterns, for the storage and
distribution of water which provides most of the water to the families in
Dadaab. While CARE has solved the distribution problem of water, they
are still unable to meet the demands for a large part of the community in
Dadaab.
Figure 21: Young girls and women wait to collect water from a water point at Ifo extension. UNHCR is settling approximately 300 families per day at Ifo extension as of the end of July.
Brendan Bannon
Figure 22: CARE sponsored water truck, hulling in water for the distribution throughout the camp.
©Copyright 2012 Planetaterra.org
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Water distribution points have been set up around the camps
and are supplied by water trucks (fig. 21), which come from nearby wa-
ter sources. They are emptied into black, above-ground cisterns (fig. 20),
which are usually raised off the ground floor to minimize heat absorp-
tion from the ground’s high temperatures. While being raised off the
ground helps, cisterns still sit outside and are exposed to direct sunlight,
where temperatures reach up to 108° F. Cisterns connect to a main wa-
ter pipe, which houses a multitude of spigots (fig. 21), and becomes the
main supply for all refugees in the camp. Daily, family members arrive
at water distribution points for their water ration using jerrycans, which
are provided to each family upon registering with the camp, yet, it does
not meet the demands for many families, whose ration is barely enough
for consumption.
CARE is responsible for the water and sanitation systems in the
Dadaab camps, including wells, latrines and health education campaigns
on hygiene and water use. With the shortages of water being a constant
issue, great influence in water management is a major concern. A fam-
ily’s daily water ration consists of roughly around 12-15 liters (3.7 gal-
lons) per day, which is used for both consumption and sanitation. Sanita-
tion is also an important issue in order to reduce the spread of diseases
and infections, like diarrhoea which can kill the malnourished, especially
young children. Families struggling with their rations may prefer to use
water solely for drinking and take the risk of spreading infectious dis-
eases.
Since the project is socially oriented, the already existing social
interaction (fig. 23) of collecting water could become part of a new archi-
tecture, which could change the social outlook among refugees. Confin-
ing it into a series of functionally-articulated spaces, and expanding on
the premise of permanence and community through the implementation
of the SARS unit, Dadaab can become a more socially integrated and con-
structive place.
opposite pageFigure 23: Newly arrived refugees from Somalia collect water provided by CARE at Dadaab refugee camp in Kenya
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KATE HOLT
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Dependencies:Relief Agencies
Dadaab is supervised by the United Nations High Commis-
sioner for Refugees (UNHCR), which has been ceded responsibility to
Dadaab by the government of Kenya. “The UNHCR’s primary role is
one of supervision and coordination, whereas international agencies,
mainly subcontracted by the UNHCR, are in charge of delivering specific
services.”(Horst, 80). Some of the international relief agencies in Dadaab
providing services are: CARE International (Cooperative for Assistance
and Relief Everywhere), WFP (World Food Programme), MSF (Medicines
sans Frontières), GTZ (Gemeinschaft für Technolofische Zusammenar-
beit). Each agency has their own responsibilities, concerns towards the
camp as well as type of services rendered. The following are just a few
examples of the main support that Dadaab receives:
Figure 24: CARE poster. CARE promotes information and statistics about refugees living in Dadaab.
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• CARE- community services, water and sanitation and lo- gistics
• WFP- responsible for providing food
• MSF- medical services
• GTZ- is concerned with environmental activities like the distribution of firewood and the conservation of the local environments
CARE International is the leading agency in the region. They provide
much of the basic sustenance for a family in Dadaab. They are respon-
sible for the distribution and regulation of water for drinking and sani-
tary purposes. The health education poster (fig. 24) shows a graphic of
the distribution of water, the uses, costs and amount of people that are
served.
Although relief agencies are respectable organizations, there
are some flaws, especially within the UNHCR. “[The] UNHCR practice
in Dadaab...operates in a rather non-participatory and hierarchical man-
ner; both towards refugees as well as towards its implementing part-
ners.” (Horst, 112) There is no significance to the feeling refugees have
about food or the distribution of it and some have even refused to collect
Figure 25: Dadaab Refugee complex, Ifo, Dadaley, Hagadera, and Dadaab, the largest refu-gee camp in the world.
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their rations as an act of protest in hopes of improving the food quality in
Dadaab. “CARE employees argue that refugees refuse the handouts due
to the poor quality of “yellow maize”, and much of the problems within
the refugee camps deals with the allocation of funds.” (Horst) Much of
the money that is spent goes to support UNHCR activities instead of di-
rectly spending money on the refugees. Employees keep a distance to
many of the refugees, minimizing contact with them unless it is in a con-
trolled environment such as a field office or in the Rubb Halls (portable
warehouses). There are different stages in the relationship between the
refugees and UNHCR employees:
In the emergency stage, the refugees are very happy with the UNHCR preence. At the time, the refugees are still most trust-worthy and honest. They follow the ideas of the UNHCR staff since they do not know anything in their new environment. But when the situation starts to stabilise, the refugees devel-op new, different needs. They are past the need for food alone and develop other needs that concern their future. They then want durable solutions, or they simply want to visist a friend in town or something of the sort. That is when they start see-ing UNHCR staff like an obstacle in the way of getting some-thing. They may become angry or very demanding and ap-proach UNHCR staff like an abstract figure instead of human being.
While problems within organizations exist, volunteers are still the only
Figure 26: Map Dadaab Region, Kenya. Analysis of camps and agency relation
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line of defense for all refugees that live in Dadaab, and while volunteers
are there to help, they cannot control living conditions or improve the
sustenance that is distributed.
Figure 27: Diagram of map. The analysis explains the intention of a multi-agency system at work.
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Figure 28: aerial image of Dadaab
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Refugee Architecture:Sociocultural Integration
The role of refugee architecture primarily exists within Dadaab
due to its typology as a refugee camp and its arid climate. The typology
developed in response to the social stigma that Dadaab and many other
refugee camps have. “There is a picture of horror and powerlessness...
refugees stop being specific persons, but are reduced to pure victims of
the worst in humanity. They are stripped of the particular character-
istics of their person, place and history; left only with a humanness of
the most basic sense.” (Horst, 12) Refugee architecture allows for an
integration into society and a self-sustaining method of living with the
limited resources available to them. Refugees also need a sociocultural
integration that allows them to take part in a society that can treat and
understand them as people and not as victims. The main focus of design-
Figure 29: Dadaab Maps; Schematic proposals Figure 30: Inverted map; used as conceptual space organizer.
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Figure 31: Image used to raster
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opposite pageFigure 32: Raster image on corrugated cardboard
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ing the Social Aid Relief System is to aid the refugees in reclaiming their
culture and identity. Refugee architecture, besides allowing refugees to
cope with the external problems of a stressed climate, builds a social role
among refugees in Dadaab.
Process
A series of processes, interpreting the ideas of the underground
with the social interaction of refugees, produced a collection of abstract
images depicting the relationship between earth and man. The pro-
cesses were developed through the use of different media: relics, x-rays,
and traces to investigate space and function through abstract images and
conceptual thinking. The use of the x-ray was a new method that aug-
mented the effectiveness of existing methods for the conceptual design
stage. Process models were also considered part of the decision mak-
ing process, and were later adapted to holistic view of the project. This
method for process development using existing data, produced an accu-Figure 33: Computer generated drawing. Expresses the representation of an underground construction with folding surfaces and crevices.
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rate computer-aided representation of the camp (fig. 56).
Order Principals of the Site
The series of conceptual sketches are early attempts to organize
the site in a linear fashion with the intention of maximizing the number
of refugees that will benefit from the SARS units. In order to control dis-
ordered movements in the camps, a scheme to densify refugees under
ordered and controlled habitats was necessary. The black and white im-
age (fig. 27) is an interpretation of a map of Ifo with black representing
how refugees could be relocated to create densification. Within these
dense areas, subterranean programs would be implemented. Concep-
tual models were developed through the process of a map a raster image
(fig. 28), which helped (fig. 31) emphasize the relation between earth
and structure. The forms (fig. 32) that are inserted as part of the land-
scape, as topographic program, house activities and create a dynamic
relationship with the landscape. This model looks at form and space in
order to make connections with the surrounding environment. Minimiz-
ing the impact upon the arid zone, these structures point to a new typol-
ogy in the morphology of Dadaab, creating the dynamics and movements Figure 34: Computer generated drawing. Expresses the representation of an underground structures and the various configurations in which they could be placed.
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that will engage the refugees.
The early sections (fig. 37, fig. 38), developed from the concep-
tual model, interpret relationships between above and below ground.
Where one image shows a case in which a dramatic change of elevation
exists, the other is an example of a level elevation and its interaction with
its environment. It is an area for the social, cultural, and recreational
fabric that provides refugees with different types of spaces. Just like in
any project, the importance of scale and dimension give hierarchy and
functionality to space. The design aims to play with the landscape and
become an intermediary between nature and human interaction, which
can aid in the healing process as well as becoming an established per-
manent home. The relationship between a person and the natural ele-
ments of their environment, should be the same as the relationship with
a person and their home. It is the space they inhabit and the one they feel
most comfortable
Below ground
Providing below ground spaces supplement cool, dark areas,
which would provide for religious and spiritual activities. Many reli-
gious/spiritual areas usually contain a certain level of intimacy created
by small dark areas where a person can feel alone and reflect on their
thoughts. Programmatically, this underground space contains the Cor-
ridor of Anticipation and the Sanctuary. The Corridor of Anticipation is
a long corridor that emphasize the journey which every refugee had em-
barked upon to reach the Sanctuary. “The underground might offer more
than just a confrontational image against architecture’s normative social
roles. Work, by contemporary experimental architects . . . considers the
particularities offered by its cool, dark, and moist qualities, re-purposing
the underground into an entirely new milieu in which architecture is
conceived and experienced.” (Gissen, 36) The underground identifies
a new material-aesthetic between architecture and nature. The build-
ing material is the nature of the architecture, it exhibits a new potential
of forms and transitional spaces with different sensations. The carved
earth walls as building material, creates a fused ambiance of intimacy,
darkness, and coolness. The topic of darkness and the coolness of such
a space, and how it has related to humans, allows people to interact in a
space where they are in profound relation with the earth and the subsoil.
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Figure 35: process, physical model of a result of raster image.
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The Shadow
An important feature of this project comes from the act of carv-
ing. The negative space created during excavation expresses symbolic
feeling, of permanence and safety. Created by the shadows and textures
made from the carved earth and rocks, the threshold initiates the se-
quence through the intimate passage to a sacred place. The recreation of
intimacy was created through the introduction of the shadow, as they are
as important to the project as the built structure itself, “deep shadows
and darkness are essential, because they dim the sharpness of vision,
make depth and distance ambiguous, and invite unconscious peripheral
vision and tactile fantasy” (Pallasmaa, 46). The path to the sanctuary
(fig. 62) allows the body to rest from the external stresses of the sun, and
succumb to a dreamy-like state in preperation to enter the sanctuary.
The sanctuary allows a refugee to take control, for a few min-
utes, of the otherwise uncontrollable life they live. The sanctuary allows
a person to reflect and seclude themselves from external tensions, which
surrounds them on a daily basis. “During an overpowering emotional ex-
perience, we tend to close off the distancing sense of vision; we close the
eyes when dreaming, listening to music, or caressing our beloved ones.
(Pallasmaa, 46)
Without this secluded experience a refugee may never have
the time to dream and awaken thoughts which would lay dormant. The
model of the cast pour (fig. 54 and fig. 55) investigates subsurface spa-
tial organization, in an attempt to identify ways to design such a space
of solitude. The important feature here is the interaction between the
ground and human intervention, where space submerges itself inward
bouncing off interior walls, as sound would, in an experience of interior-
ity. “A powerful architectural experience silences all external noise; it
focuses our attention on our very existence, and ... makes us aware of our
fundamental solitude.” (Pallasmaa, 52) Intimate space and solitude are
essentially qualities foreign to any refugee camp. If space was designed
that influenced these feelings, then I believe that architecture has mani-
fested within the soul of the refugee, and could establish the beginning
process of healing.
The model (fig. 63) is the final first model that was produced,
based on the interpretations from the x-ray image and mold construc-
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tion. It became a very interesting and thought provoking piece for me,
and helped me understand how the simple gesture of experiencing a
new media, could help guide a project to further development. As with
the x-rays, the model expresses dimensionality that can be obtained
through the relations between traces and layers. The model has gone
through many transformation to acquire the space it holds, it has the
texture, weight density, and temperature of matter. The folding spaces
are a reflection of the chemical processes that formed during the curing
process of the plaster. Just like a surface with polished faces among the
textured cavities of a cave, the model gives light to the experience of an
earth dwelling
Above ground
In conjunction with the below ground areas, above ground
structures exhibit the workings of a functional community, and act as
beacons identifying areas where resources are found. The symbology
Figure 36: Physical Model; Interior image of plaster model. It depicts the spatial quality within the underground as refugees would experience as they travel through the entrance and out through the sanctuary.
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Figure 37: Rendering. Underground image of tunnels
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Figure 38: Rendering; perspective of conceptual building.
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behind the beacon is one of hope.
The SARS units have integrated shading devices (fig. 72), which
provide shade around their perimeter in order to carry out daily social
activities during the hottest parts of the day. In this way the public space
will provide refugees with opportunities for numerous activities and
events, enabling them to interact with freedom and spontaneity at any
time of the year. The above ground program of the SARS units are con-
structed on pillars and are located in large open areas, to minimize the
impact on the ecosystem.
Topography as Architecture
Working at multiple scales, I explored and developed an ar-
chitectural intuition with a personal, authentic approach to the design.
An underground situation, where the exploration of microclimates and
habitable spaces introduce the variable of human interaction, to bring
forward a stable subsurface construction. The introduction of these un-
derground structures in Dadaab’s delicate climate are more efficient and
adaptive. These subterranean spaces maintain a constant, stable micro-
climate. , which fit the needs for any educational or recreational activi-Figure 39: process, computer graphics, interpretation of above ground and underground
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ties within the structure.
“First, subterranean structures can have a microclimate of their own, independent of the exterior; second, their microcli-mates are almost stable on both a daily and a seasonal basis; third, the stability of their microclimate is primarily depen-dent on their depth in the ground and less influenced by the fluctuation of the outside climate; and fourth, underground structures can save substantial amounts of energy when ex-treme climatic conditions exist outside.”
The sub-program of the SARS units will excavate around any
trees or natural vegetation, to avoid further deforestation. The initial
conceptual form I generated, allowed the project to function as part
of the landscape (fig. 46), creating new underground spatial qualities
where refugees inhabit shaded space within a dynamic spatial random-
ness. The building’s formal gesture interlocks with overhead spaces (fig.
48) in a multi-scaled relationship between architecture and landscape,
creating a diverse environment with the interaction between people,
earth and building in communal, and interstitial spaces. The building
is not a separate piece from the landscape, but an element that is de-
veloped to be part of the connective, sociocultural, recreational fabric of
Figure 40: Master plan, the black dots around the plan signify nodes.
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Figure 41: Section. It is a transverse section as it would look through the building. Each rectangular section represents individual chambers fit for one or two people.
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Figure 42: Conceptual section
Figure 43: Conceptual section
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Figure 44: Conceptual diagram of Ifo
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Figure 45: Process. Conceptual diagram of Ifo, transferred onto chipboard.
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Figure 46: Conceptual drawing, illustrating a plan of the community space that would be implemented in Dadaab.
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Dadaab. The dynamic height changes within the structure directly re-
flects the actual form of the structure (fig. 36). The intention of the un-
derground condition is to have as much open space to allow as much day
light as possible, while still keeping specific areas dark and cool. “The
compact, isolated, underground living space deprived of natural light...
sounds, time orientation,and social interaction can certainly have a psy-
chological impact on people if they are exposed to such conditions for a
long time” (Golany, 109). The structure breaks its rhythm in order to cre-
ate places with views of the interior and to suggest a place of belonging.
The interplay between subterranean space and the above
ground space create a condition like that of Lalibella, where a church is
carved from volcanic stone. While the proposal of implementing an un-
derground system in an area such as Dadaab is new, the idea behind this
proposal is historic. “Man has used underground structures throughout
history for a wide variety of practical purposes, most of which have in-
volved defense, protection from extremely stressful climates and conser-
vation of land for agricultural needs” (Armstrong, 27).
.
Figure 47: A series of images of a models which explores the ideological devices of above ground and underground.
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Figure 48: Rendering. It depicts an early example of a subterranean space used for social events. The
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Figure 49: Rendering, an elevation of the actual surroundings with the proposal as it would look as constructed.
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Figure 50: Rendering from a chamber with in the building
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Figure 51: Rendering from Underground
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X-ray
In Paul Robinson’s paper, Traces, Relics & X-rays: The Form of
Absence, he states “the Form of Absence portends a multifarious process
using both explicit and implicit relationships between traces, relics and
x-rays to critically inform how one can architectonically approach, and
ultimately touch, existing structures.” As an experimental piece and gen-
erator of ideas, I utilized this tangent of exploration through the layers of
an x-ray. With a regular x-ray, the negative space delineates the positve
space, giving form and exposing impression of that object. As an experi-
mental architectonic approach, the x-rays became layers of information
created by the different material qualities integrated within the object,
allowing greater interpretation and deeper meaning.
The x-ray of my relics (fig. 51), an old wooden speaker and cas-
sette suitcase belonging to my grandfather, helped my project both for-
mally and spatially, as the x-ray images generated a mold, which later
became a cast model (fig. 54). The mold was constructed to give a 3
dimensional form, based on the x-ray images to cohesively interpret the
theoretical essence of the object and the basis of my thesis. Like the x-
ray, architecture is an art where traces and layers are the principles that
give form and function, where positive and negative space relate to show
meaning. A person may design the space they live in, due to the sequence
of movements they make within that space, forging a feeling of belonging
and a sense of identity. Every person responds to each space differently,
causing a memory or a reaction to a memory, which is associated with a
positive, negative or neutral feeling.
opposite pageFigure 52: Abstract Image. Layering of x-ray images part of a process
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opposite pageFigure 53: Telephone x-ray - conceptual thinking done with the use of an xray machine
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Figure 54: Cassette case with cassettes. Cassette case belonged to my grand-father, It was used as a spe-cial remembrance to him. The power of music-related content creates memories in a nonverbal manner.
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Figure 55: Speaker. A conceptual image, using speakers that belonged to my granfather.
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opposite pageFigure 56: physical model; poured plaster and basswood. After the execution of a graphics exercise, which led to the construction of a mold, the conceptual model took form. The sub-tractive method of construction helps to build space in order to create form. It’s a reverse way of the thinking about spatial qualities and the development and progression of ideas.
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opposite pageFigure 57: physical model; poured plaster and basswood. It is a conceptual model investi-gating relation between the underground and the surface..
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opposite pageFigure 58: Physical model; poured plaster and basswood. The model emphasizes the inter-stitial space with the articulation of elements.
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Above Ground:Social Aid Relief Systems
The above ground Social Aid Relief Systems (SARS) work in
conjunction with underground spaces. They function as spatial units
capable of harvesting, storing, and distributing water. The map (fig. 56)
identifies proposed sites for all S.A.R.S nodes within the camp. These
nodes, besides serving the use of water distribution points can be taken
up as small communal gathering areas. In an attempt to generate mean-
ing through this social exchange, the project attempts to fulfill a persons
basic needs. Currently, the areas with a red circle are the location where
SARS are placed, based on the density of tents and the amount of people
that can use them. The distribution helps minimize space between refu-
gees and maximize social interaction by creating the socioreligious areas,
both at a macro-scale and micro-scale in the form of community gather-
ings and individual healing. The system requires a relatively small area
to function and works in conjunction with an underground sanctuary.
Every SARS unit within the proposal will be structured above an exca-
vated space. The unit’s beacon marks the entrance to the progression of
spaces, which culminate at the sanctuary (fig. 63).
The SARS unit is constructed of structural members that sup-
port a series of solar panels, as well as water cisterns that are embed-
ded in the ground to reduce or eliminate the time of exposure to the
sun. In arid climates, the deeper you dig, ground temperatures tend to
be cooler. Taking advantage of the natural cooling of the earth, water,
and even dairy products within the cisterns, would be able to maintain
an even and constant low temperature. The image (fig. 12) shows how
temperatures vary greatly at the surface, where the most heat exposure
is absorbed. At the same time the graph shows how the temperatures in
dry climate soils stay constant at deeper levels. A SARS unit is capable
of harnessing energy from the ground. Similar to the way a geothermal
pump works, it draws energy from the earth in order to provide, in this
case, cisterns with cold water. Dadaab has an arid climate with very long
opposite pageFigure 59: Computer-aided drawing of an aerial image of Ifo, Dadaab
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drought spells. With an arid climate, Dadaab is a prime candidate for
introduction of the SARS as part of the landscape to serve as a prototype
for other arid-region camps. The future of Dadaab lies, not in the con-
tinuous aid from relief agencies, which are rendering any social system
useless and making refugees dependent on foreign aid, but with a fully
integrated infrastructure system. The design proposes nodes around the
camp: social interaction, and distributing water.
Figure 60: Conceptual sketch #1 for proposal of a node Figure 61: Conceptual sketch #2 for proposal of a node
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Figure 62: Conceptual sketch #3 for proposal of a node
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Figure 63: Conceptual sketch #1
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Figure 64: Conceptual sketch #2
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Figure 65: Rendering. A truck supplying a node with water.
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Figure 66: Floor plan of a node from entrance to exit.
Above + Below
1. Entrance
2. Water Cisterns
3. Social Classroom
4. Storage
5. Underground Entrance
6. Sanctuary
7. Exit
8. Water Truck
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Figure 3.6 Section, transverse sectionFigure 67: Sections,
A-13/32 = 1’-0”
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Figure 68: Sections
A-23/32 = 1’-0”
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Figure 3.7 Section, longitudinal sectionFigure 68: Sections, Figure 69: Sections. Multi-leveled interaction of the project.
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B-21/18 = 1’-0”
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Figure 70: Physical model, plaster and museum board
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Figure 71: Physical model, close up of the workings of a node
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The Entrance
The entrance is a long path which slowly deepens as you ap-
proach the sanctuary. It is designed to emphasize the journey a refugee
takes in order to arrive at Dadaab. It is a powerful gesture where after a
long walk, a refugee submerges slowly into the ground and starts feeling
changes in temperature, ambient light and sounds. The entrance capti-
vates and compells the inhabitant to start thinking or meditating on their
individual spiritual needs in order to find hope.
Figure 72: Physical model, plaster and museum board. It is an upclose image of the en-trance, social classrooms and cistern holding area. The shaded area provides the inhabit-ant with a cool place to gather water and a place to carry out social interaction.
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Figure 73: Rendering. A man is standing next to one of the sacred spaces above ground.
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Figure 74: Rendering, close up of the water cisterns. The below ground level as storage allows water to be maintained at cooler temperatures than in an above ground cistern.
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Figure 75: Rendering, close up of the social classrooms and the water cisterns. The room holds space for water distribution services
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Figure 76: Shading device detail
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Sustenance DistributionWater Cisterns
Figure 77: Rendering. Underground sanctuary for meditation or religious services
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Figure 78: Rendering. Entrance passing through the water cistern storage area. The ground was carved to with hold the large cisterns, that are filled with water daily.
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Socioreligious IntegrationThe Sanctuary
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Figure 80: Close up of sacred space attached to the nodes by underground pathways.
Figure 79: Sacred space attached to the nodes by underground pathways.
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next pageFigure 82: Rendering. Underground sanctuary emphasiz-ing the natural light.
Figure 81: Rendering. Underground sanctuary for medita-tion or religious services
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Conclusion
Twenty years ago Dadaab was established as one of many refu-
gee camps in the world. For years, thousands of refugees have arrived
there in search of shelter, food, medicine, and water. Today, Dadaab has
become the world’s largest refugee camp, and with many media outlets
focusing attention on it, a design proposal for its transformation can po-
tentially transform societal views of refugee camps in general.
While Dadaab has done its job in providing shelter to refugees,
improvements in its system of sustainability and social atmosphere are
needed. This proposal for a comprehensive master plan proposes an in-
frastructure for Dadaab to continue its quest for saving innocent people
while granting them an opportunity for social and spiritual fulfillment.
With no sense of place, refugees have lost the ability to interact with
their environment and with each other. By designing a social structure,
integrated with the natural landscape, refugees can be given greater dig-
nity and hope.
The sustenance distribution of water through an above ground/
underground integrated system aims to solve issues of storage and cool-
ing, in the hopes of introducing a sociocultural atmosphere as part of a
refugee’s life. A sociocultural integration in Dadaab is necessary due to
immigration and sudden introduction of a clash of cultures, which has
reduced social solidarity. This proposed system aims to become a social
activator for the hundreds of thousands of refugees living in camps and
act as a catalyst in to fortify a sense of community. Lastly, identity recon-
struction is important, for it contributes to the image that refugees have
of themselves and the image that the world has towards refugees and
refugee camps.
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University of South FloridaSchool of Architecture + Community Design
©Copyright 2012, Juan Ruben Esparza
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