this is the published version - deakin...

Thisisthepublishedversion: Ata,AbeW.andRockliffe,Nigel2014,Muslimstudents’beliefs,knowledgeandperceptionsofAustralia:anationalsurvey,inEducationintegrationchallenges:thecaseofAustralianMuslims,DavidLovellPublishing,Melbourne,Vic.,pp.142‐156.

Available from Deakin Research Online: http://hdl.handle.net/10536/DRO/DU:30057402EveryreasonableefforthasbeenmadetoensurethatpermissionhasbeenobtainedforitemsincludedinDeakinResearchOnline.Ifyoubelievethatyourrightshavebeeninfringedbythisrepository,[email protected]:2014,DavidLovellPublishing

Muslim Students' Beliefs, Knowledge and Perceptions of Australia A national survey

Abe W. Ata & Nigel Rockliff e

Islam is the third largest religion in Australia after the Christian

denominations and Buddhism, and the Muslim community is one of the

fastest growing, having nearly doubled in size between 1996 to 2001. Many

are school students, and of these many are at Islamic schools.

Muslim schools in Australia are newcomers on the national scene, most

having been in existence only for the last 15 years. In Victoria alone they

employ about 400 teachers, serve 5000 students, and obtain $32 million

a year from state and federal governments. Donohoue Clyne (2001) found

that although the schools may promote a moral outlook, cultural identity,

retention of the mother tongue, and religious practice, many parents were

concerned that Muslim schools might not be the best alternative to secular

education.

The Melbourne Age (3 July 2005) reported that education departments

have little knowledge of the curriculum content in Muslim schools for junior

grades, the quality of education on offer or religious views propagated

... there are concerns among former teachers and members of Melbourne's Islamic community about the overall quality of education the 600-plus students receive ... Muslim extremists were posing a problem for 'vulnerable and impressionable youth' ... [A prominent Muslim leader says that] the proliferation oflslamic schools is causing concern in the Muslim community ... They are accountable to nobody but themselves.

The survey described in this chapter aims to assist policy-makers and

curriculum designers to foster inter-communal understanding and coop

eration. A recent survey entitled 'The Great Divide: How Westerners and

Muslim Students' Beliefs, Knowledge and Perceptions - 143

Muslims View Each Other', by the Pew Research Centre (2006), reported

that opinions held by the two communities varied markedly by country of

origin. Muslims were more positive than the general public in their adopted

country about their future, but many worried about the future of Muslims in

their country of origin. Their greatest concern was unemployment. Islamic

extremism emerged as the number two concern. The majority did not regard

most non-Muslims as hostile towards Muslims.

Clearly, even on this preliminary comparison, there is much commo

nality in our respective findings, and much common ground on which to

build. We know from previous work with non-Muslim students that there is

goodwill but much ignorance towards Muslims. At the same time, we know

little about the opinions of Muslim students. For consistency, policy should be

informed by the viewpoints of both groups.

Companion study of non-Muslim students

This current study follows a previous study, which was a national survey

entitled 'How Australian Students see Islam and Muslims' - and hereafter

referred to as the companion study in another chapter of this publication.

The aim of that previous study was to 'identify, analyse and interpret

the knowledge, perception and attitudes of Year 11 students with respect

to Islam and the Muslim communities'. The two studies are largely

complementary in the sense that both explore how one community perceives

the other.

Because the companion study drew its survey sample from non

denominational and Christian denominational schools, it included few

if any Muslims: it can therefore fairly be said to represent how the non

Muslim student community views Islam and the Muslim. Conversely, be

cause the current study drew its survey sample from Muslim denominational

schools, it included few if any non-Muslims; it can therefore fairly be said to

represent how the overwhelmingly Muslim student community views main

stream Australian society.

It should be noted that the survey samples of the two studies differ not

according to the religion (or non-religion) of the students but according to

the denomination (or non-denomination) of the schools they attend. This was

144 - Education Integration ChaUenges

done both for sampling convenience (it would have been difficult to sample in

any other way) and because we felt it would have been invidious to select stu

dents on religious grounds within a school setting. Nevertheless, since nearly

all students at non-Muslim schools are themselves not Muslims, and since

those at Muslim schools are nearly all Muslim, in practice one can interpret

the surveys as reciprocal viewpoints.

Aside from Issues Deliberation Australia (2007), it is almost certain that there

is little published work on the implementation of a successful strategy toward

the reduction of prejudice against Muslims. Pederson (2009) cites a forum to

achieve such an outcome but its relevancy was limited. Pederson, however,

believes that although educational interventions on their own are not suffi

cient, they can yield positive outcomes as the community becomes directed to

a different ways of thinking, remote from the influences of the media.

There is little published research examining the extent to which false be

liefs relate to attitudes of Muslims towards Australia. Much less is reported on

what may constitute negatives attitudes towards Australia that could be pre

dict from the scale of our knowledge, fashionable or well worn. It is held that

many of the false beliefs play a crucial role in perpetuating negative attitudes,

legitimising social distance and justifying blatant and subtle prejudice (Peder

son 2005, Eagly,1992). In other words, they link with generalizable attributes

and stereotyping, extending portrayal and the like.

In the written discourse, one can refute empirically most of these inac

curacies. But in common daily conversations, they serve as oxygen for quib

bles that can overcome reasoned argument. By the same extension, false

beliefs may be empirically challenged, though such attitudinal tendencies

often elude that. Results from studies on anti-prejudice education showed

that participants believed that factual information about out-groups is cru

cial in challenging negative feelings, and improving positivity towards them

(Pedersen, 2005).

Several researchers from Europe and Australia found that low and high

prejudiced people share the same knowledge of cultural and ethnic stere

otypes of minority, thus signifying that the level of knowledge and depth of

prejudice are independent of one another (Gordijn et al 2001; Augustinos,

Ahrens & Innes, 1994; Lepore & Brown, 1997). This could, however, relate


to the validity of the test itself. Gordijn (2001:157) argues that the measur

ing instrument may be insensitive enough to detect finer 'differences in the

knowledge of cultural stereotypes as a function of level of prejudice when the

free response method'.

The Edmund Rice Centre (2006) listed several falsehoods held by the

mainstream community about Muslims. They contend that such falsehoods

have long-term implications in that they foster negative and passionate re

actions. For example, words like jihad have come to overshadow what is a

religion of many perspectives. Jihad does not mean 'holy war', but refers to

'any action by which one makes sincere and conscious effort for a collective

benefit'. Similarly, wearing a hfjab is a testimony of faith, not a subjugation.

It is pointed out that differences of world view between the two societies and

their traditions will continue to exist.

Where might false beliefs about Muslim minorities have originated? It

is argued that attitudes are not only formed by the media but can also be

formed by other more individual social-psychological variables. Utsey, Mc

Carthy, Eubanks and Adrian (2002) found that people with high self-esteem

were more prejudiced. Walker (1994) found the same individuals often have

varying prejudiced views depending on the target group whereby Indigenous

Australians were at the bottom of the pecking order, followed by Asian Aus

tralians. Another variable relates to perceived consensus in the community',

that is, how widely people believe that their opinions are shared - a term

which Pederson (2004) ascribes as 'equal opportunity bigots' (see also Hartley

& Pedersen, in press).

Drawing on the findings of the literature, the authors set out to examine

if a relationship exists between prejudice and fact-driven knowledge of other

groups like Muslims. In other words, are negative attitudes towards Muslims

strongly correlated with false beliefs?

Batterham (2001), for example, found that giving accurate information

about false beliefs about Indigenous Australians reduced prejudice scores.

Like this group, if attitudes toward Muslims are to be modified, relevant false

beliefs need to be shown for what they are.

Jones (1997) and Sidanius et al. (2001) believe that legitimising myths

such as Muslims are a threat to Western values and the like has practical

146 - Education Integration Challenges

consequences in that they create, maintain and increase social inequality and

play a role in either the justification of or opposition to social policies.

A study by the Pew Research Centre (2006) showed that those who are

more knowledgeable about Muslims express favourable opinions of Muslims

and Islam. It was noted that through knowledge, greater levels of awareness

come from equal status interaction between the learner and individuals of

Muslim background. The study showed that the ability to identify both Allah

and the Koran correctly correlates with holding a favourable view of Islam.

Being informed about Islam prompts people to think that Islam and their own

religion have a lot in common. Similarly, being knowledgeable about Islam

makes one more likely to see recent terrorist attacks as part of a conflict.

Survey method and sample characteristics

The survey unit was the high-school student. Over 430 completed

questionnaires were obtained from students at eight schools (six high schools

and two community schools) in Victoria, New South Wales, Queensland

and Western Australia. South Australia, the Northern Territory, Australian

Capital Territory and Tasmania did not take part for logistical reasons. Two

schools catered mainly for students of Turkish background.

Schools were requested to survey Year 11 students, these being consid

ered mature enough to give informed answers. The survey was administered

to eligible students present on the day of the survey. Even so, four of the

schools chose to administer the survey to Years 10 and 12 as well.

As the survey was administered under the auspices of each school, and

in class time, it is unlikely that there was any significant non-response at the

student level. However, certain schools and school agencies declined to par

ticipate. Many school principals and school agencies were supportive. They

suggested that the survey was in the best interest of all Australians. However,

most of them declined to consider participating in the survey prior to meeting

with the chief researcher and assessing his credentials. One of the community

principals, an imam, insisted that the researcher meet with him at his home.

Only one principal of European background sent his approval to conduct the

survey promptly by email. He indicated that the survey was relevant to Year

11 students of Religious Education, and that they should be encouraged to

explore the beliefs of other religions whenever that was possible.

Muslim Students' Beliefs, Knowledge and Perceptions - 14 7

The survey was refined in the light of the pilot, after which 431 students

were administered the full survey form. The percentage of female partici

pant students (57%) was slightly higher than male students (43%). Almost the

entire sample (93%) declared themselves to be Muslim. We do not know the

circumstances of those who gave 'Other' (i.e., not Muslim) as their religion. It

is possible that some were children ofinterreligious marriages, and others just

rebellious. There were more students born in Australia (61%) than overseas

(39%). However, the percentage of fathers (3%) and mothers (9%) born in

Australia was significantly lower.

Over 66% indicated that their friends were mostly Muslim and 3% indi

cated that they were mostly non-Muslim; the remainder were 'half and half

'. Most students (93%) spoke other languages at home. This accords with the

finding that most parents were born overseas. In the companion study only

19% non-Muslim Australian students spoke other languages at home. Re

spondents were presented with 18 statements concerning subjective attitudes

towards Islam and Muslims and asked to rate their agreement on a three

point scale of Agree through Neutral to Disagree.

Knowledge of Christianity

Respondents were presented with ten statements concerning objectively

verifiable facts about Christianity, and asked to rate their agreement on a

five-point scale from Strong!Y agree through Neutral to Strong!Ji disagree. Responses

were tabulated for each question and aggregated into a score representing

each respondent's knowledge. To avoid bias, questions were worded so that

approximately half had Agree as the correct response, and half Disagree.

Overall results

The survey revealed some lack of knowledge of Christianity (Figure 1 ).

Muslim students' knowledge of Christianity was, however, noticeably better

than non-Muslims' knowledge of Islam (Ata, 2012a). On two particular

questions - Jesus wrote the Holy Bible and Christians believe that Jesus was the son ef God - respondents were overwhelmingly correct in their responses. This may

be because on these points Christianity and Islam disagree most starkly in

matters of fundamental doctrine.


Figure 1. Proportion of correct and incorrect responses.

Jesus was crucified on Easter Day . ••••

The Holy Bible contains four Gospels. -

Christians should try to make a ~iif~:~~e to Rome at least once in their ..

Jesus was a carpenter by trade. • •••

The Pope is the leader of the world Christians .••••••••

Christians believe that Jesus was the son of God. -

Jesus was born in Jerusalem . ••••••••

Jesus wrote the Holy Bible, •

Mary was the mother of Jesus. 11111

Saint Paul was the first Pope. -

0% 20%

•Incorrect

40% 60%

Proportion of responses

Don't know • Correct

N = 996, 997, 994, 991, 994, 989, 991, 995, 994, and 993 respectively

-80% 100°

Saint Paul was the first Pope. The correct answer to this is Disagree, since

most Christians accept St Peter as the first Pope, and do so on the author

ity of Matthew 16:18: "And I say also unto thee, That thou art Peter, and

upon this rock I will build my church; and the gates of hell shall not prevail

against it."

Mary was the mother ef Jesus. The correct answer to this is Agree. Christians

believe that Jesus, though divine, was born of an earthly mother.

Jesus wrote the Holy Bible. The correct answer to this is Disagree. The Bible,

scholars and Christians agree, is a collection of books written at different

times by different authors.

Jesus was born in Jerusalem. The correct answer to this is Disagree.Jesus was

born in Bethlehem, which is near Jerusalem but not in it.

Christians believe that Jesus was the son ef God. The correct answer to this is

Agree. This is unlike Muslims, who hold that the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh)

was not God but a messenger for God.


The Pope is the leader ef the world's Christians. The correct answer to this is

Disagree. The Pope is the highest spiritual authority for Catholics, but not

recognized as such by Orthodox Christians or Protestants.

Jesus was a carpenter l!J trade. The correct answer to this is Agree.

Christians should try to make a pilgrimage to Rome at least once in their lifetime.

The correct answer to this is Disagree. There is no injunction for Christians

to make a pilgrimage to Rome or anywhere else, unlike that for Muslims to

make pilgrimage to Mecca.

The Holy Bible contains four gospels. The correct answer to this is Agree. They

are the gospels of Matthew, Mark, Luke andjohn.

Jesus was crucified on Easter Day. The correct answer to this is Disagree.Jesus

was crucified on Good Friday; he was resurrected from the dead on Easter

Day.

Knowledge score (method 1)

Under this method of scoring, wrong answers were penalized (figure 2).

Respondents who got many questions wrong could received a negative score.

Hence, it revealed the degree of misinformation as well as correct knowledge.

Some 12% of respondents received a negative score, meaning that they got

more questions wrong than right; 15% scored zero, meaning that they got as

many questions wrong as right, or alternatively did not know; and 73% received

a positive score, meaning that they got more questions right than wrong. We

conclude that although ignorance of Christianity is widespread, those who are

correctly informed outnumber the incorrectly informed in the ratio of six to

one. This is considerably better than the comparable ratio for non-Muslim

students, 2.5 to one (Ata, 2012a).

Knowledge score (method 2)

Under this method of scoring, wrong answers were not penalized (figure 3).

Some 22% of respondents scored zero, meaning that they got no questions

right. The rest got at least some right, with a mode of four correct.


Figure 2. Proportion of respondents, by knowledge score (method 1).

22%

18%

15%

13%

10%

I 6% 5%

I 4%

3% I I 2%

I 2% • • 0 3 4 6 7 8 9 10

Score

N=970

This demonstrates how students differ in their level of knowledge.

Figure 3. Proportion of respondents, by knowledge score (method 2).

22%

18%

15%

13%

10%

I 6% 5%

I 4%

3% I I 2%

I 2% • • 0 4 5 7 8 10

Score

N=970

A demonstration of how students differ in their level of knowledge.


Figure 4. Gender differences.

~ 3.0

~ 2.8 ., 2.6 u c .g 2.4 "' c

0 2.2 u '/fl.

t Ill 2.0 "' en c 1.8 'i 0 .s;; 1.6 .. e 1.4 0

t

u Ill c 1.2 z ::;; 1.0

Male Female

A significant difference was found between the mean knowledge scores

of boys and girls (F(l,416) = 7.36, p<.007). Girls were more knowledgeable of

Christianity (mean score 2.53) than were boys (1.78).

Figure 5. Place of birth.

~ 3.0

.s 2.8

t .5 .,

2.6 u c ., 'C 2.4 "' c 0

2.2 u

f

~ 2.0 "' en c 1.8 'i 0 .s;; 1.6 .. e 1.4 0 u .. c 1.2 z ::;; 1.0

Australia Asia and Middle East

A significant difference was found between the mean knowledge scores

of those born in Australia and those born overseas (F(l,386) = 6.21,

p<.013). The Australian- born were more knowledgeable of Christianity

(mean score 2.47) than the overseas-born (1.77).


Discussion and findings Figure 6. Level of Knowledge and positive attitudes .

2.6

2.4

2.2

2.0

1.8

1.6

1.4

1.2

1.0 Disagree Neutral

..,.._Most Muslims dislike the Australian way of life.

.....,._Most Muslims treat women with less respect than do other Australians.

- Australian TV and newspapers show Muslims in a fair way.

..,.._Islamic values clash with Australtan values.

Agree

The assumption behind cross tabulating the two variables was that

a knowledgeable person (in this case Muslim students) will answer in one

way and those with little knowledge will answer in another. More to the

point: Those who are knowledgeable about Christianity will not be bigoted

(a reasonable assumption). It is possible, though, that people can dislike

Christians and be knowledgeable, because of their ethnic and religious

affiliation; that is one is swayed to express tendencies that they believe share

with the rest of the community.

Figure 6 shows that people who are knowledgeable about Christianity, at

a high ranking of2.4 and above, disagree with the statements outlined above.

It is shown in particular that the five statements above, for example, Most

Muslims dislike the Australian wqy ef life, ranked highest (at 2.9) on the knowl

edge scale. On the other hand, the statement Movies show Muslims in a fair way

ranked lowest (at 2.45).

Given the high bi-directional relation between the two variables, surpris

ingly no group was found to fall in the middle, i.e., showing a flat line. This

is expected in that a knowledgeable person will answer in one way and one

with little knowledge answer in another. It is clear that the hypothesis is cor-


roborated by evidence - one that suggests bigots are ignorant but those who

have a high level of knowledge are not.

Figure 7. Level of Knowledge and negative attitudes.

2.8

Oi~agree Neutral

-o-some Muslims face discrimination because they dress differently

., ~"'Since being at this school I understand non·Musllms better.

~,,,.,.A person can be both a good Muslim and a loyal Australian .

...._, have learnt a lot about other religions beside Islam at this school.

Agree

Figure 7 shows people who disagree with the four statements: Some Muslims

face discrimination because they dress dif.ferentfy; Since being at this school I understand

non-Muslims better; A person can be both a good Muslim and a loyal Australian; I have

learnt a lot about other religions besides Islam at this school. Those who are least

knowledgeable about Christianity (at a ranking that ranges between 1.1 - 2.0,

lower that the 2.4 knowledge threshold shown in Figure 6) disagree with these

statements. These results do not show causality. One could say, though, that

being pre-disposed towards other cultures, and by extension Christianity,

would show a positive movement/attitudes on average towards the group in

focus. Three false beliefs were particularly prevalent with the statements I

have learnt a lot about other religions beside Islam at school and A person can be both a

good Muslim and a loyal Australian.

It is understood that if participants were given the opportunity to express

all the reasons behind their attitudes, more false beliefs were likely to have

emerged.


Figure 8. Knowledge and neutral attitudes.

3.0 T--------------------------- ..,._Most non-Muslim

2.8

1.6

1.4

1.0 Oisagnie Neutral

Australians want good relations with the Muslim

--------------------Australian schools should

teach more about Muslims.

--""'This school helps people of different cultures to get along better.

Agree

People who are ignorant (i.e., those with neutral attitudes shown in Figure

8) do not agree or disagree with the statements listed above. That is, they have

no opinion. Statements in Figure 8 clearly demand some form of knowledge,

and those who indicated neutrality in their responses are presumed not to

show any disposition of knowledge.

Participants who spontaneously mentioned false beliefs and had low levels

of knowledge reported significantly more negative attitudes to Christians

than those who did not. This is an important result because it is possible that

accepting incorrect information may be shaping negative attitudes toward

Christians.

On the basis of the research analyzed, the results show that there is no

conclusive relationship between prejudice and the degree of knowledge of or

cultural perception of Christians in the Australian society.

Educating people to reduce prejudice levels may be seen as an agenda

flagged by some interest groups. The agenda behind this research is to present

new findings that will generate alternate ways of thinking and educational

interventions.


References Ata, A. (2012a). Knowledge, false beliefs and attitudes in Australian schools: A

national survey. Religi,on and Education Journal (USA), vol. 49, #3/#4 Fall/ \<\'inter issue.

Ata, A., Lusher, D. & Brock, B. (2012b). Contact, evaluation and social distance: Differentiating majority and minority effects. The International Journal ef Intercultural Relations (in press).

Ata, A. (2009 a). Us and Them: Muslim-Christian relations and social harmof!Y in Australia. Brisbane, Australian Academic Press.

Ata, A., Bastian, B. & Lusher, D. (2009b). Intergroup contact in context: the mediating role of social norms and group-based perceptions on the contactprejudice. The international Journal ef Intercultural Relations (Nov) v. 33, 6, 498-506.

Ata, A. (2009 c). Non Christian Religions in Australia. The Australian Encyclopaedia ef Religions, Cambridge University Press (pp. 663-668).

Ata, A (2007a). Moslem Arab Portrayal in the Australian Press and in School Textbooks. Australian (!journal q/Theology, 2 March (issue 9, ISSN 1448 -6326).

Ata, A. (2007b). Cross religious misunderstanding or a clash between civilizations: an Australian study. Eastern Anthropologist, vol. 60, no. 1, 27-43.

Ata, A. (1984). Moslem Arab Portrayal in the Australian Press and in School Textbooks. Australian Journal ef Social Issues, vol 19, no. 3.

Augoustinos, M. & Quinn, C. (2003). Social categorization and attitudinal evaluations: Illegal immigrants, refugees, or asylum seekers? New Review ef Social Psychology, 2, 29-57.

Augustinos, M., Ahrens, C. & Innes,]. M. (1994). Stereotypes and prejudice: The Australian experience. British Journal ef Social Psychology, 33, 125-141.

Batterham, D. (2001). Modern racism, reconciliation and attributions for disadvantage: A role for empathy and false beliefs? Paper presented at the 2nd Victorian Postgraduates in Psychology Conference, Swinburne University of Technology, 24 November 2001.

Edmund Rice Centre (2006). Debunking myths about Muslims in Australia. Soundings, no. 19, 1 February.

Gringart, E., Helmes, E. & Speelman, C. (2008). Harnessing cognitive dissonance to promote positive attitudes toward older workers in Australia. Journal ef Applied Social Psychology, 38, 751-778.

Gordijn, E., Koomen, W, Stapel, D. (2001). Level of Prejudice in Relation to Knowledge of Cultural Stereotypes, Journal ef Experimental Social Psychology, 37, 150-157.

Griffiths, B. & Pedersen, A. (2009). Prejudice and the function of attitudes relating to Muslim Australians and Indigenous Australians. Australian Journal ef Psychology, 61, 228-238.

Hill, M. E., & Augoustinos, M. (2001). Stereotype change and prejudice reduction: Short- and long-term evaluation of a cross-cultural awareness program. Journal q/Community and Applied Social Psychology, 11, 243-262.

Issues Deliberation Australia (2007). Australia deliberates l\foslims and non-Muslims in Australia, final report summary.


Jones, F. L. (1997). Ethnic diversity and national identity. Australian and New Zealand Journal ef Sociology, 33, 285 - 305.

Lepore, L. & Brown, R. (1997). Category and stereotype activation: Is prejudice inevitable.Journal qf Personality and Social Psychology, 72, 275-287.

Kabir, N. (2007). What does it mean to be un-Australian? Views of Australian Muslim students in 2006. People and Place, 15,62-79.

Paluck, E. L. & Green, D. P. (2009). Prejudice reduction: what works? A review and assessment of research and practice, Annual Review ef Psychology, 60, 339-67.

Pettigrew, T. F. & Tropp, L. R. (2008). How does intergroup contact reduce prejudice? Meta-analytic tests of three mediators. European Journal ef Social Psychology, 38, 922-934.

Pedersen, A., Watt, S. & Griffiths, B. (2008). Prejudice against Australian asylum seekers and their function: Suggestions for anti-prejudice strategies. In H.Babacan & N. Gopalkrishnan (eds), The complexities qfracism. Proceedings of the Second International Conference on Racisms in the New World Order. Queensland: University of the Sunshine Coast. ISBN13 978-0-9804744-1-1.

Pedersen, A. & Barlow, F. (2008). Theory to social action: A university based strategy targeting prejudice against Aboriginal Australians. The Australian Psychologist, 43, 148-159.

Pedersen, A., Walker, I. & Wise, M. (2005). Talk does not cook rice: Beyond antiracism rhetoric to strategies for social action. The Australian Psychologist, 40, 20-30.

Pedersen, A., Aly, A., Hartley, L. & McGarty, C. (2009). An intervention to increase positive attitudes and address misconceptions about Australian Muslims: A call for education and open mindedness. The Australian Community Psychologist, 21, 81-93.

Pedersen, A., Dudgeon, P., Watt, S. & Griffiths, B. (2006). Attitudes toward Indigenous Australians: The issue of 'Special Treatment'. Australian Psychologist, 41(2), 85- 94.

Pedersen, A., Watt, S. & Hansen, S. (2006). The role of false beliefs in the community's and the federal government's attitudes toward Australian asylum seekers. Australian Journal ef Sociallssues, 41(1), 105-124.

Pedersen, A., Attwell,]. & Heveli, D. (2005). Prediction of negative attitudes toward Australian asylum seekers: False beliefs, nationalism and selfesteem. Australian Journal ef Psychology, 57, 148-160.

Sidanius,J., Levin, S., Federico, C. & Pratto, F. (2001). Legitimizing ideologies: The social dominance approach. InJ. T.Jost & B. Major (eds.), The psychology ef legitimacy: Emerging perspectives on ideology, justice, and intergroup relations (307- 331). New York: Cambridge University Press.

Utsey, S., McCarthy, E., Eubanks, R. & Adrian, G. (2002). White racism and suboptimal psychological functioning among white Americans. Journal ef Multicultural Counselling and Development, vol. 2 , 81-96.

this is the published version - deakin...

Documents