tmt final chicago format

Dargan, JustinDARG7035

Overcoming Violence and the Search for a Common Ground:

A Terror Management Theory Perspective on

Islamic Terrorism and Western Responses

Submitted by Justin A. Dargan

COMM-4960-421 Terror Management Theory, Dr. Claude Miller

19 Feb 15


Abstract

Violent terrorism is a critical issue in today’s global climate. Since the devastating

attacks of 9-11, world leaders from all cultures and religions who value peace have sought

ways to reduce instances of such violence, which have had an immense, negative impact on

the greater global community. In order to best do this, it is essential that would-be

peacemakers gain an appreciation and understanding for the root causes that drive extremist

violence. In this study, we will use Terror Management Theory as the underlying foundation

from which to explain the myriad motivating factors that cause such violence – in general,

and in specific instances. We will then discuss how these factors apply to the on-going ‘War

on Terror’ between Islamic fundamentalists and their Western counterparts, focusing

specifically on the similar ways that root existential psychology influences opposing actions

on both sides of this conflict. From these findings, we will attempt to propose viable

solutions in keeping with Terror Management Theory, which could be used to reduce

instances of violence on both sides.

2


Introduction

For well over a decade now, the Middle East has been overwhelmed by an on-going

conflict involving terrorist violence and military engagements resulting in the loss of

hundreds of thousands of lives. As one scholar noted, “all sides to this conflict see themselves

as doing God’s work by fighting for justice against an intractable, evil enemy.1” The

devastating attacks of 9-11 thrust the problem of violent terrorism into the public spotlight,

and ever since, terrorism has occupied a place of amplified importance – in politics, in the

media, and in the greater public consciousness. Groups like Al Qaeda and, more recently, the

Islamic State (IS) have emerged, threatening the peaceful and, more specifically, Western

way of life subscribed to by citizens of the United States and its allies. Responses to this

perceived threat have varied greatly, ranging the gamut from aggressive and militaristic

counterterrorism operations, to cooperative attempts to engage in dialogue with the terrorist

groups, to an inward-looking attempt analyse the ways our own behaviour might have

contributed to causing such acts of violence.

As we continue to witness the rise of the IS in Iraq and Syria, one thing is abundantly

clear: the severe violence of 9-11 was not an isolated incident. Terrorism continues to pose a

threat across the globe to peaceful people from all cultures and all religions. For this reason,

it is more important than ever that we study the external/societal and internal/psychological

conditions that produce terrorism. In this study we will analyse terrorist violence from a

Terror Management Theory (TMT) perspective, using relevant scholarly literature and

experimental findings to gain a better understanding of the factors that contribute to extremist

violence. Using these studies, we will show that many of the same psychological forces that

promote radical Islamic terrorism are also crucial in motivating aggressive and militaristic

counterterrorist policies by their Western counterparts. By focusing on these commonalities

1 Tom Pyszczynski, Zachary Rothschild, and Abdolhossein Abdollahi, “Terrorism, violence, and the Hope for Peace,” in Association for Psychological Science (2008), 320. Citing Lifton (2003).

3


that exist on both sides of this on-going conflict, we will attempt to propose a number of

potential suggestions for reducing the instances of violence in the future.

TMT and the Existential Motivations that Guide Human Action

“Life is tragic simply because the earth turns and the sun inexorably rises and sets, and one day, for each of us, the sun will go down for the last, last time. Perhaps the whole root of our trouble, the human trouble, is that we will sacrifice all the beauty of our lives, will imprison ourselves in totems, taboos, crosses, blood sacrifices, steeples, mosques, races, armies, flags, nations, in order to deny the fact of death, which is the only fact we have. --James Baldwin, 1963, The Fire Next Time.” 2

Terror Management Theory is a relatively new area of study which draws from the

works of modern existential psychologists, most notably Ernest Becker, who sought to forge

a comprehensive account of the motivational underpinnings of human behaviour.3 According

to Becker, “our species faces a unique existential dilemma: on one hand, we are animals with

a deeply rooted instinct for self-preservation; on the other, we are intelligent beings with

sophisticated cognitive abilities that are immensely adaptive but also render us aware of the

inevitability of our own death.”4 “Human beings are thus, by virtue of the awareness of death

and their relative helplessness and vulnerability to ultimate annihilation, in constant danger of

being incapacitated by overwhelming terror.”5 The human challenge of dealing with this

predicament is the foundation that lies at the heart of TMT. In linking TMT to the issue of

Islamic terrorism, psychologist Tom Pyszczynski, PhD, of the University of Colorado at

Colorado Springs maintains that, “paradoxically, an unconscious fear of death may underlie

much of the motivation behind terrorism and reactions to terrorism.6”

2 Claude H. Miller and Mark J. Landau, “Communication and the Causes and Costs of Terrorism,” in Terrorism: Communication and Rhetorical Perspectives, by D. O’Hair (2005), 7. Citing Baldwin (1963).3 Jeff Greenberg, Sander L. Koole and Tom Pyszczynski, Handbook of Experimental Existential Psychology (New York, NY: The Guilford Press, 2004), 15.4 Jaime L. Goldenberg, Tom Pyszczynski, Jeff Greenberg, Sheldon Solomon, “Fleeing the Body,” in Personality and Social Psychology Review (2000), 200.5 Greenberg, et al., Handbook of Experimental Existential Psychology, 15.6 Tori DeAngelis, “Understanding Terrorism,” in American Psychological Association (2009), 60. Citing Pyszczynski (2006).

4


Essentially, “TMT posits that humankind uses the same unique cognitive capacities

that give rise to the potential for terror to construct means of managing this terror through the

development of death-denying cultural belief systems.”7 These belief systems are referred to

by TMT scholars as Cultural World Views (CWVs). CWVs provide a vision of reality for its

constituents, offering a buffer against existential terror by providing answers to the most

fundamental questions of life: Why are we here? How should we live? What happens when

we die? By subscribing to a CWV, an individual can obtain a number of benefits: the

comfort associated with a belief in the world’s order and purpose, an enriched sense of

belongingness to a likeminded community, and an enhanced sense of self-esteem and

meaningfulness in life. In addition, CWVs routinely deal with the death dilemma head-on,

offering an avenue towards attaining symbolic immortality by being a part of something

larger than oneself and, as is the case with nearly all the world’s religions, by offering literal

immortality in the form of heaven, nirvana, reincarnation, or countless other variants on

afterlife.8 This, of course, applies directly to the case of Islamic Terrorism as a religiously

motivated movement in which afterlife beliefs play a prominent role.

Mortality Salience and Violent Responses to Ideological Threats

A large body of evidence exists which supports the validity of TMT. As of 2008,

over 350 studies conducted in 17 countries had supported hypotheses derived from TMT.9

The most widely studied of these is the Mortality Salience (MS) hypothesis, which posits

that, since CWVs are constructed primarily to provide protection from the realities of death,

conscious and unconscious reminders of this inescapable problem will encourage individuals

to more aggressively defend their personally held worldview. The vast majority of MS

studies have shown substantial evidence that increased MS, i.e., reminders of death, are

7 Goldenberg, et al., Personality and Social Psychology Review, 201.8 Greenberg, et al., Handbook of Experimental Existential Psychology, 16.9 Pyszczynski, Rothschild and Abdollahi, Association for Psychological Science, 120. Citing Greenberg, Solomon, & Arndt (2008).

5


accompanied by positive responses to stimuli that confirm their CWVs and negative

responses to ‘others’ that threaten it.10

These positive and negative responses can be linked to what numerous sources refer

to as the “social nature of faith.”11 In the Guide to Experimental Psychology, Greenberg et al.

write, “given that all CWVs are fragile human constructions that can never be unequivocally

confirmed, and none of them are likely to be literally true, TMT posits that social consensus

is an utterly essential means to sustain culturally constructed beliefs.”12 Thus, when opposing

views present themselves, especially in a condition of enhanced MS, these views represent a

collapse of social consensus, and can be seen as a direct threat to the test subject’s entire

belief system. In this light, passionate reactions to reinforce one’s CWVs are understandable

as a natural human response to a threat.

Studies in MS have direct implications on our analysis of Islamic terrorism and

Western responses. Indeed, if the findings mentioned hold true, then the entire conflict of

terrorism can be viewed as a self-fuelling fire wherein violent acts on both sides increase MS,

thus resulting in further acts of aggression. A young and impressionable youth growing up in

Iraq, for instance, is quite likely to bear witness to bombings, both from Islamic terrorists and

their Western foes, which serve as a constant reminder that death could occur at any time.

This, coupled with “an unmet need for self-esteem”13 that characterizes the lives of poor,

oppressed people living in communities at war, combine to form a hotbed for extremism and

violence. On the other hand, consider the perspective of an average American voter whose

primary source of news is television. This individual’s MS reminder comes in the form of

news channels constantly airing footage of terrorist attacks and in the opinionated talking

10 Vail, et al., Greenberg, et al., Miller and Landau, Pyszczynski, Rothschild and Abdollahi.11 Kenneth Vail, Zachary Rothschild, Dave Weise, Sheldon Solomon, Tom Pyszczynski, Jeff Greenberg, “A Terror Management Analysis of the Psychological Functions of Religion,” in Personality and Social Psychology Review (2010), 86.12 Greenberg, et al., Handbook of Experimental Existential Psychology, 18.13 Miller and Landau, Terrorism: Communication and Rhetorical Perspectives, 23.

6


heads who clamour for a military response to those ‘evil’ forces threatening us with death. It

is only natural that an uneducated person who values the safety and comfort provided by the

American way of life would be impressionable to those advocating to protect it, perhaps even

by aggressive or excessively violent means.

Recognizing the theoretical role MS plays in promoting violent acts of terror and

counterterror, a number of scholars have recently embarked on studies to test more

specifically the way TMT motivates followers of the Islamic and Western CWVs. In a study

subjecting Christian fundamentalists to death awareness, test subjects became increasingly

supportive of violent and extreme counterterrorist actions against presumed terrorist forces.

This response was greatly diminished, however, when the test subjects were reminded of

compassionate Bible scripture advocating love for one’s neighbour.14 These results were

mirrored in a parallel study dealing with Islamic fundamentalists. While MS increased the

subject’s approval for terrorist attacks against the Western world, reminders of compassionate

scriptures from the Koran greatly lessened these effects. In both cases, it was only the

specific references to dogma from the test subjects’ own religion that inspired compassion.

This leads us to a potentially important lesson: that the best tools for combating ideologically

motivated violence can sometimes be found within the ideologies themselves. It also leads us

to discussion of another extremely important factor in motivating violence, which is religion.

The Implications of Religious Fundamentalism as Cultural World View

Certainly, there is sufficient evidence that MS increases the tendency of individuals

and groups to aggressively defend their worldview. However, the MS hypothesis alone

cannot adequately explain the phenomenon of Islamic terrorism. Indeed, since, by definition,

CWVs are constructs held by the entirety of human civilization, one can reasonably assert

that there are a multitude of additional factors to consider which explain why some cultures

14 Vail, et al., Personality and Social Psychology Review, 90.

7


are violent while the majority of others remain peaceful. As such, in terms of our own study,

we must ask ourselves: what is it specifically about the adopted CWV of terrorists that makes

them more susceptible to violence? Since the modern terrorist threat is primarily identified as

a religious movement, rooted in fundamental Islamic beliefs, we will first attempt to explain

it in terms of religion.

Archaeologists assert that religion is perhaps as old as humanity itself.15 From a TMT

perspective, it has historically been more attractive than secularly based worldviews to the

majority of the world’s population.16 This is because, while secular CWVs do serve a variety

of terror management functions, religion is unique in that it is especially well suited to the

reduction of death anxieties. As discussed earlier, the vast majority of world religions offer

the promise of literal immortality through which we can transcend our animal nature.

Additionally, because a majority of religions claim to operate on a supernatural dimension,

they cease to be definable in terms of earthly physics and are, thus, impossible to disprove

completely. Unfortunately, throughout human history, the conviction and commitment with

which individuals have defended and promoted their religions have had, at times, disastrous

consequences. “From early tribal wars, through the Crusades and Inquisitions of the Middle

Ages, to the current conflicts in the Middle East, Central Asia, and elsewhere, disputes about

religion have resulted in the death of millions.”17

Of course, not all individuals who subscribe to a religious CWV are violent, and some

approaches to religion are more likely to result in violence than others. In evaluating the

sects of Islamic fundamentalism responsible for recent terrorist attacks, a key defining feature

that distinguishes this religious CWV from others is evidenced in the prefixing word –

‘fundamentalism.’ Fundamentalist religions in particular have historically been more likely

15 Ibid., 89. Citing Mithen (1996).16 Ibid., 91.17 Ibid., 84.

8


than other religions to promote violence.18 One reason for this is the unflinching conviction

of fundamentalists in a black-and-white interpretation of religion to allow for one and only

one truth. As Vail, et al. note, such attitudes are “likely to make beliefs that deviate from

one’s own especially threatening and thus encourage more vigorous attempts to assert the

correctness of those beliefs.”19 These attempts include, but are not limited to derogating,

converting, or even annihilating followers that promote a competing way of life.20

Conversely, scholars note that individuals who practice intrinsic or quest motivated

religious orientations view religion and life in general as a personal quest, with a variety of

answers to life’s questions that are applicable based on an individual, rather than universal

basis. In study, these individuals have proven less prone to violent tendencies21, and more

open to an assimilationist response to differing CWVs, in which aspects of a potentially

threatening CWV are adopted into ones own, thereby lessening the threat.22 In promoting

these approaches as an alternative to fundamentalism, religious leaders could potentially

reduce instances of religiously motivated violence.

Secular and Biological Motivations

The extremist terrorists we are discussing claim “Islam” as the primary motivation for

their violent actions. However, it is important to note that only a small percentage of

Muslims are extremists. Even within that group, it is only a much smaller percentage who

actually subscribe to violent terrorism. In his study of ISIS, which we will discuss later,

Graeme Wood made special note of this distinction. The inconsistency in behaviour of

individuals who claim to subscribe to the same religious views suggests that perhaps there are

18 Ibid., 89. Citing Altemeyer (2003); Altemeyer & Hunsberger (1992); Laythe, Finkel, & Kirkpatrick, (2001).19 Ibid., 89.20 Tom Pyszczynski, “Implications of Terror Management Theory for the War on Terrorism,” in slides presented for brief at University of Colorado at Colorado Springs, n.d.21 Vail, et al., Personality and Social Psychology Review, 89. Citing Allport (1950); Baston, Eidelman, Highley, and Russell (2001).22 Pyszczynski, “Implications of Terror Management Theory for the War on Terrorism.”

9


other factors beside religion at play here. Because of this, it is important that we resist the

urge to use religion as a catch-all scapegoat for which to blame terrorism. Instead, we will

expand our discussion to evidence that supports other factors as possible contributors to

violence.

One such factor, which we briefly alluded to earlier in our discussion of CWVs, is

socioeconomic conditions. For many young individuals growing up in the Middle East, they

have never known a time without war. In addition, poverty in these areas is widespread, and

many struggle just to meet the biological requirements of food, water, shelter of life, let alone

the auxiliary and uniquely human requirements of community, sense of meaning and self

esteem. Such miserable conditions, Miller and Landau write, “can only increase the

attractiveness of an ideology which offers a clearly defined route to self-worth, a guarantee of

martyrdom, and glory through inclusion in a cosmically significant battle against evil.”23 In

this context, the plight of the suicide bomber with nothing else to live for begins to take on a

disconcertingly relatable human dimension.

Charismatic Leaders and Manipulating the Masses

Individuals living in such conditions, especially young and impressionable ones, are

easy targets for manipulation at the hands of charismatic leaders who would look to use them

as pawns in their own greater plan. In their study of the roles of charisma and political

orientation, Kosloff, et al. wrote of such leaders: “At times of cultural upheaval or personal

insecurity, charismatic figures who confidently pronounce the righteousness of important

ideals, from Adolph Hitler to Barack Obama, have provided comfort and inspiration to

millions.“24 Considering the many instances where charismatic leaders have driven people to

acts of violence, and in some cases, mass genocide, it is evident that such leaders provide yet

23 Miller and Landau Terrorism: Communication and Rhetorical Perspectives, 23.24 Spee Kosloss, Jeff Greenberg, David Weise, and Sheldon Solomon, “The Effects of Mortality Salience on Political Preferences: The Roles of Charisma and Political Orientation,” in Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, (2010), 140.

10


another factor that can encourage extremist violence, including that which is on-going on

both sides of the current terrorist conflict.

From a TMT perspective, following a charismatic leader fulfils many of the same

psychological CWV bolstering functions as religion. Kosloff writes, “people embrace such

leaders because they assertively reinforce values and beliefs that afford the prospect of being

part of something enduringly significant, thereby providing a sense of symbolic continuance

beyond one’s death.”25 More specifically, a number of MS studies262728 have shown that

increased death awareness results in an individual’s preference for charismatic leaders whose

rhetoric reinforces their personal ideals. Since many of these ideals are religiously motivated,

there has consistently been an overlap of religion with charismatic leadership, in the way that

aspiring leaders seek to appeal to the religiosity of the people over whom they govern. It

follows that, in some cases, perhaps religion itself hasn’t been so much to blame for violent

acts as the leaders who used religion as a platform from which to encourage them.

In evaluating the interrelated nature of religion and charismatic leadership, Adolf

Hitler serves as a particularly useful case study. Hitler was one of the most interesting

historical examples of a leader who blurred the lines of religion and secularism, using his

personal charisma along with vague and opportunistic appeals to religion in order to motivate

violence. The religiosity of Hitler has been the subject of countless studies over the years,

and to date, there is no definitive scholarly consensus as to his actual religious views. In

much of his life and writing, it would seem as though he was staunchly anti-Christian. Yet,

key in his political campaigning for murder was a reliance on Christian dogma to motivate

the majority of the German population, which, in 1939 identified itself as 95% Protestant or 25 Ibid., 141. Citing Becker (1973); Greenberg et al. (2007); Lifton (1968).26 Ibid., 141.27 Florette Cohen, Sheldon Solomon, Molly Maxfield, Tom Pyszczynski, Jeff Greenberg, “Fatal Attraction,” in Psychological Science (2004), 848.28 Mark Landau, Sheldon Solomon, Jeff Greenberg, Florette Cohen, Tom Pyszczynski, Jaime Arndt, Claude H. Miller, Daniel M. Ogilvie, Alison Cook, “Deliver Us From Evil,” in Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, (2004), 1140.

11


Catholic.29 In a 1928 speech he said: "We tolerate no one in our ranks who attacks the ideas

of Christianity. In fact our movement is Christian."30 Despite this, those in Hitler’s inner

circle maintained that Hitler was deeply hostile to Christianity.31 To explain this apparent

hypocrisy, Laurence Rees wrote that, “The most persuasive explanation of these statements is

that Hitler, as a politician, simply recognized the practical reality of the world he inhabited.

Had Hitler distanced himself or his movement too much from Christianity it is all but

impossible to see how he could ever have been successful in a free election."32

It can be argued that many of today’s most charismatic leaders are operating from a

similar religious position, tailoring their public persona in order to reflect the ideals most

likely to result in political popularity. Though I hesitate to question his authenticity, it is

undeniable that George W. Bush appealed directly to the religiosity of the American public,

utilizing his Christianity as a key part of his political identity. “Indeed, Woodward describes

how when asked if he seeks his father’s advice on Iraq, the president replied, “You know, he

is the wrong father to appeal to in terms of strength. There is a higher father that I appeal

to.”33 It is telling that in the wake of 9-11 – one of the most significant mass-reminders of

MS in recent history – that the approval ratings of Bush shot up from around 50% to an

unprecedented 88-90% as early as September 13, 2001.34 His personal charisma and religion

were likely key factors in this surging popularity which, it can be argued, played a significant

role in the widespread support for the Iraq invasion, across all political domains and in the

absence of any concrete evidence of WMDs.

On the other side of the terrorist conflict, leaders like Osama Bin Laden and, more

recently, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi of IS have appealed to the masses of Islamic fundamentalists

29 Richard J. Evans, The Third Reich at War (New York, NY: Penguin Press, 2009), 546.30 Jim Walker, “Hitler’s Christianity,” in nobeliefs.com (2006).31 Albert Speer, Inside the Third Reich, (New York, NY: Simon and Schuster, 2004), 15.32 Laurence Rees, The Dark Charisma of Adolf Hitler, (London, England: Ebury Press, 2012), 135.33 Landau, et al., Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 1139. Citing Woodward (2004), 421.34 Ibid., 1139. Citing Morin and Deane (2001); PollingReport.com (2004).

12


as charismatic leaders, rallying support for the most extreme forms of terrorist violence. In

terms of religiosity, these two leaders illustrate a sharp contrast in the varying degrees by

which political or spiritual leaders make religion the focal point of their strategy. Bin Laden,

it has been noted by historians, was very much a creature of the modern secular world. Peter

Bergen, who produced the first interview with Bin Laden in 1997, titled his book, Holy War,

Inc., acknowledging the ways that Bin Laden used corporate, modern methods to corporatize

terror and franchise it to the masses.35 Baghdadi, on the other hand, has made religion the

central point from which he commands power and influence. Using deeply revered religious

scripture to enhance his cause to Islamic fundamentalists, Baghdadi uses the Koran to provide

a basis in theology for his platform that even many non-violent practitioners of Islam agree

has a legitimate basis in Muslim theology.36 Using this justification he has staked a claim to

his legitimacy as the first Caliph in generations, thereby declaring his position as commander

of all Muslims. Most Muslims, of course, do reject this claim, but for those who subscribe to

the most literal interpretations of the Koran, doing so could arguably carry a penalty of

damnation from within their faith.37

Proposing Solutions: The Search for a Common Ground

“We’re all going to die, all of us, what a circus! That alone should make us love each other but it doesn’t. We are terrorized and flattened by trivialities, we are eaten up by nothing.” 38 ~ Charles Bukowski

Thus far, we have discussed a variety of ways that cultural world views, mortality

salience, religion, socioeconomic conditions, and charismatic leadership have contributed to

the global epidemic of extremist violence. All of these factors must be considered in the

ways we choose to deal with the terrorist problem. They are factors that are based in the

35 Graeme Wood, “What ISIS Really Wants,” in The Atlantic, (2015). Citing Bergen 1997.36 Ibid.37 Ibid.38 Charles Bukowski, You Get o Alone at Times That it Just Makes Sense, (New York, New York: Black Sparrow Press, 2001).

13


most deeply rooted foundations of human psychology, and as such, they will be difficult to

overcome completely. This suggests that there are no easy solutions to ending the

phenomenon of terrorism. However, using conclusions drawn from our study, we can make

suggestions for building a better strategy towards reducing the modern terrorist threat.

The first suggestion, which has been made by a variety of scholars,3940 is to develop

and promote a new CWV which aspires to be all inclusive. While this is indeed a lofty and

perhaps unfeasible goal, it is most certainly an admirable one worth pursuing. Since TMT

explains ideologically motivated struggles as a natural response by ingroup members to

outgroups whose differing CWVs are perceived as a threat, it follows that the formation of a

new CWV that encompasses members of both groups would result in a reduction in the

intensity of such struggles. Though they vary in innumerable ways, from the perspective of

TMT, all religions serve similar functions in the way they deal with universally applicable,

existential dilemmas. This suggests that at the root of all societies, and in spite of our

differences, there exists a shared humanity that, in an ideal situation, could transcend the

myriad differences that exist between rival societies.

One such program that exists already, and is attempting to appeal to this shared

humanity is the Center for Global Ethics started by Leonard Swidler. The root of this

movement is the “golden rule,” or, the ethic of reciprocity which requires that one should do

unto others as one would have done unto oneself. The authors of the Handbook of

Experimental Psychology point out that this motto “is nearly universal in its involvement in

the world’s religions.”41 Using the “golden rule” as the starting point of consensus, the

promoters of the Global Ethic have sought to formulate a definitive list of ethical imperatives,

39 Miller and Landau, Terrorism: Communication and Rhetorical Perspectives, 37.40 Pyszczynski, “Implications of Terror Management Theory for the War on Terrorism.”41 Greenberg, et al., Handbook of Experimental Existential Psychology, 18.

14


soliciting inputs from peaceful representatives of all the world’s major religions, which can

apply to the entirety of humanity.

A second suggestion I will offer is that we, as a society, hold aspiring world leaders

and media outlets to a higher standard of ethics. In our discussion of charismatic leaders and

the influence of media driven MS we made clear the impact that people in such positions can

have on a society. It is essential that such individuals preach tolerance and avoid hypocrisy at

all costs. In addition, these people must avoid the temptation to lash out at those with

differing religions or CWVs, even those from which violence has sprung. Condemn the

violent acts, not the religion. For the most part, President Obama offers an excellent example

in the way he has dealt with Islamic terrorism, continually emphasising that Islamic terrorists

do not represent the vast majority of Muslims. However, he too has had moments that can

serve as the example of ‘what not to do,’ such as his recent categorization of ISIS as a “not

Muslims” and a “jayvee team.”42 This brings us to our final suggestion, which is that secular

leaders treat religion with respect and caution.

In his study of ISIS, Wood points out that, as a non-Muslim, Obama’s declaration of

ISIS as “un-Islamic” holds very little significance for fundamentalist Muslims with a literal

interpretation of Koranic scripture. Although he admits that “most Muslims” probably

appreciated the sentiment of Obama’s statements, he emphasizes that, “most Muslims aren’t

susceptible to joining Jihad. The ones who are susceptible will only have had their suspicions

confirmed: the United States lies about religion to serve its purposes.”43

Because of this, Wood recommends that, “Western officials would probably do best to refrain

from weighing in on matters of Islamic theological debate altogether.”

This leads to an additional suggestion for dealing with the most hard-lined, religious

extremists. In these matters, it is always preferable to ‘fight fire with fire.’ In his article,

42 Wood, The Atlantic.43 Ibid.

15


Wood includes a lengthy discussion he had with Breton Pocius, 28, a Salafi44 Imam in

Philadelphia. Pocius belongs to the same extremist sect of Islam as Baghdadi and, as such,

uses much of the same religious scripture to define his CWV. However, as a quietist Salafi,

Pocius maintains staunch opposition for the violent and disruptive methods Baghdadi has

used, citing scripture to refute his legitimacy as Caliph. In seeking to delegitimize violent

extremists, Western leaders would do well to seek the advice of individuals like Pocius.

Indeed, his quietist Salafism may offer a viable alternative to would-be jihadists who seek an

uncompromising version of Islam that the literal minded would not view as hypocritical and

blasphemous. And yet, despite his potential usefulness as a promoter of peace, Pocius

maintains that his experience with the US government has been far from amicable. Perhaps

because Salafi Islam has been villainized, Pocius claims that he has been the victim of

stereotyping, citing specific instances in which he and his family were treated as “less than

citizens.”45

As a final signoff, I will call attention to a recommendation made by Miller and

Landau in their study of Communication and the Costs of Terrorism. In their discussion of

using positive psychology to promote peaceful coexistence of differing worldviews, they

wrote, “at the risk of sounding trite, we would suggest that what is most important is not

studying or appreciating the nature of positive emotions; rather, what is needed from each of

us, is the earnest endeavour to cultivate the experiences that generate such emotions.”46

Removed from the difficulties of everyday life, not least of all the efforts that go into

maintaining our worldviews to fend off existential threats, it is true that we are essentially ‘all

in the same boat.’ With this in mind, each individual has the capacity to appeal to others on a

shared human ground, and it is on this level that each of us should seek to make a positive

44 Ibid. 45 Ibid. In his discussion with Wood, Pocius alleges that the US government paid spies to infiltrate his mosque and harassed his mother at work with questions about his being a potential terrorist. 46 Miller and Landau, Terrorism: Communication and Rhetorical Perspectives, 38.

16


impact on those who surround us daily, regardless of the seemingly infinite number of petty

differences that exist between individual citizens in our shared earthly community.

References

BBC News. BBC News - Captured Islamic State Suicide Bomber: 'I'm so sorry'. February 16,

2015. http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-31498034 (accessed February 18,

2015).

Bonney, Richard. "The Nazi Master Plan: The Persecution of the Christian Churches."

17


Rutgers Journal of Law and Religion, 2001.

Cohen, Florette, Sheldon Solomon, Molly Maxfield, Tom Pyszczynski, and Jeff Greenberg.

"Fatal Attraction: The Effects of Mortality Salience on Evaluations of Charismatic, Task-

Oriente, and Relationship-Oriented Leaders." Psychological Science 12, no. 15 (Dec

2004): 846-851.

Coppa, Frank J. Controversial Concordats: The Vatican's Relations with Napoleon,

Mussolini, and Hitler. Catholic University of America Press, 1999.

Das, Enny, Brad J. Bushman, Marieke D. Bezemer, Peter Kerkhof, and Ivar E. Vermeulen.

"How Terrorism News Reports Increase Prejudice Against Outgroups: A Terror

Management Account." Journal of Experimental Social Psychology 45, no. 3 (May

2009): 453-459.

DeAngelis, Tori. "Understanding Terrorism." American Psychological Association 40, no. 10

(November 2009): 60.

DeAngelis, Tori. "With Terrorism, Labeling Has Implications." American Psychological

Association 40, no. 10 (December 2009): 65.

Evans, Richard J. The Third Reich at War. New York, New York: Penguin Press, 2009.

Fox News Insider. 'We Can't Kill Our Way Out': State Dept Cites 'Lack of Jobs' for Rise of

ISIS. February 17, 2015. http://insider.foxnews.com/2015/02/17/state-dept-spokesperson-

marie-harf-isis-we-cant-win-war-killing-them-give-them-jobs (accessed February 18,

2015).

Goldenberg, Jaime L., Tom Pyszczynski, Jeff Greenberg, and Sheldon Solomon. "Fleeing the

Body: A Terror Management Perspective on the Problem of Human Corporeality."

Personality and Social Psychology Review 4, no. 3 (2000): 200-218.

Greenberg, Jeff, Sander L. Koole, and Tom Pyszczynski. Handbook of Experimental

Existential Psychology. New York, New York: The Guilford Press, 2004.

18


Kershaw, Ian. Hitler: A Biography. New York, New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2008.

Kosloff, Spee, Jeff Greenberg, David Weise, and Sheldon Solomon. "The Effects of

Mortality Salience on Political Preferences: The Roles of Charisma and Political

Orientation." Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, no. 46 (2010): 139-145.

Landau, Mark Jordan, et al. "Deliver Us From Evil: The Effects of Mortality Salience and

Reminders of 9/11 on Support for President George W. Bush." Personality and Social

Psychology Bulletin 30, no. 9 (September 2004): 1136-1150.

Landau, Mark Jordan, Jeff Greenberg, and Sheldon Solomon. "The Motivational

Underpinnings of Religion." Behavioral and Brain Sciences 6, no. 27 (2004): 743-744.

Miller, Claude H., and Mark J. Landau. "Communication and the Causes and Costs of

Terrorism: A Terror Management Theory Perspective." In Terrorism: Communication

and Rhetorical Perspectives, by D. O'Hair, R. Health and G. Ledlow. Cresskill, New

Jersey: Hampton Press, 2005.

Pyszczynski, Tom. "Implications of Terror Management Theory for the War on Terrorism:

Understanding Muslim Attitudes and the Unique Stress of Peace-Keeping Missions."

Presentation Slides, University of Colorado at Colorado Springs, n.d.

Pyszczynski, Tom, Sheldon Solomon, and Jeff Greenberg. "In the Wake of 9/11: The

Psychology of Terror." American Psychological Association xiv (2003): 227.

Pyszczynski, Tom, Zachary Rothschild, and Abdolhossein Abdollahi. "Terrorism, Violence,

and the Hope for Peace: A Terror Management Perspective." Association for

Psychological Science 17, no. 5 (2008).

Rees, Laurence, The Dark Charisma of Adolf Hitler. London, England: Ebury Press, 2012.

Robertson, Gordon, and Erin Zimmerman. "God and Hitler." Christian Broadcasting

Network. n.d. http://www.cbn.com/700club/features/churchhistory/godandhitler/EZ15_

god_and_hitler.aspx (accessed February 17, 2015).

19


Sharkey, Joe. "Word for Word/The Case Against the Nazis; How Hitler's Forces Planned to

Destroy German Christianity." The New York Times, January 13, 2002.

Shirer, William L. Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany. New York,

New York: Simon and Schuster, 2011.

Speer, Albert. Inside the Third Reich. New York, New York: Simon and Schuster, 1997.

Swidler, Leonard. "Dialogue Decalogue by Leonard Swidler." The Center for Global Ethics.

March 7, 2010. globalethic.org/Center/decalog.htm (accessed February 15, 2015).

—. For All Life: Toward a Universal Declaration of a Global Ethic - An Interreligious

Dialogue. Ashland, Oregon: White Cloud Press, 1999.

Vail, Kenneth E., Zachary K. Rothschild, Dave R. Weise, Sheldon Solomon, Tom

Pyszczynski, and Jeff Greenberg. "A Terror Management Analysis of the Psychological

Functions of Religion." Personality and Social Psychology Review I, no. 14 (2010): 84-

94.

Walker, Jim, ed. Hitler's Christianity. june 3, 2006. nobeliefs.com/speeches (accessed

February 18, 2015).

Wood, Graeme. "What ISIS Really Wants." The Atlantic, March 2015.

Zuckerman, Phil. "How Secular Family Values Stack Up." LA Times, January 14, 2015.

20

tmt final chicago format

Documents