tondano pronominal clitics: philippine …...tondano pronominals:! (31) wia natas rumping [*=na]...

TONDANO PRONOMINAL CLITICS: PHILIPPINE-TYPE OR INDONESIAN-

TYPE? TIM BRICKELL – CRLD La Trobe University

AV =ACTOR voice

EX =EXCLUSIVE

OV =OBJECTIVE voice

ADV =ADVERBIAL linker

FUT =FUTURE tense OBL =OBLIQUE NP

BV =BENEFICIARY voice GEN =GENITIVE (POSS) marker (Proform or phrase marker)

PERF =PERFECTIVE aspect

CV = CONVEYENCE voice IMPERF =IMPERFECTIVE aspect PL = PLURAL

DIST =DISTRIBUTIVE marker IN = INCLUSIVE PM= PHRASE marker

DAT =DATIVE NP INAN =INANIMATE phrase marker PV = PATIENT voice

DV =DATIVE voice IV = INSTRUMENT voice PST =PAST tense

DYN =DYNAMIC verbal affix LV =LOCATIVE voice REDUP =REDUPLICATION (ImperfecOve)

DIR.PROX =DirecOonal proximate. NEG(1) =NEGATOR SG =SINGLE

DIR.MED =DirecOonal medial NOM =NOMINATIVE NP STAT =STATIVE verbal affix

DIR.DIST =DirecOonal distal NR = NOMINALISER 1,2,3 = 1st person, 2nd person, and 3rd person

EV = EXPERIENCER voice NONVOL =NON-‐VOLITIONAL marker

Abbreviations:

§  Voice marking on verbs via the use of affixes which indicate the seman8c role and GR of a par8cular NP, this NP is always the Subject/syntac8c pivot.

§  Unlike in many languages there is not one par8cular type of NP (i.e. either ACTOR or UNDERGOER) which is preferred to be the Subject/pivot in a ‘basic’ clause.

§  None of the mul8ple verb forms are considered the basic form with other forms derived – as is seen in the ac8ve/passive, an8passive type split.

§  This has an effect on analyses of transi8vity, morphosyntac8c alignment, and core vs non-‐core status of clausal arguments.

Multiple (symmetrical) voice marking:

(1) ibinigayko na angpera kaycharlie (INSTRUMENT VOICE) (Tagalog)

i-b<in>igay =ko =na ang= pera kay= Charlie IV<PERF> give 1.SG.GEN PERF NOM money DAT Charlie

Philippine-type pronominals:

(2) somongtano sa iskwela (ACTOR VOICE) (Maranao)

s<om>ong =tano sa iskwela

<AV> go 1,2.PL.NOM OBL school

‘I already gave the money to Charlie’ (Kroeger 1998: 2)

‘Let’s go to school’ (Kaufman 2007: 135)

(3) naglawagsiya iban (ACTOR VOICE) (Tausug)

nag- lawag =siya iban AV.PERF search 3.SG.NOM companion


(4) inimbinaako o datu (BENEFICIARY VOICE) (Maranao)

i- ni- m- bina =ako o datu

BV PERF DIST greet 1.SG.NOM GEN datu

‘He searched for a companion’ (Lee & Billings 2005: 243)

‘The datu greeted me’ (Kaufman 2007: 135)

(5) hindimonaako mahahagkan (DATIVE/LOCATIVE VOICE) (Tagalog)

hindi =mo =na =ako mahahagkan

NEG 2.SG.GEN IMPERF 1.SG.NOM NONVOL.FUT-kiss-DV


(6) de’ako madakep (PATIENT VOICE) (Maranao)

de’ =ako madakep

NEG 1.SG.NOM PV NONVOL.catch

‘You cannot kiss me yet’ (Kroeger 1998: 3)

‘I didn’t get caught’ (Kaufman 2007: 136)

(7) hindisiya sinisisi niCharlie (OBJECTIVE VOICE) (Tagalog)

hindi =siya sinisisi ni= Charlie

NEG 3.SG.NOM OV-PRES-blame GEN Charlie

‘Charlie does not blame me’ (Kroeger 2005: 323)

§  All these cli8cs can be labelled as special cli)cs, i.e. those which occupy a special syntac8c posi8on within a clause.

§  More specifically, the pronominal cli8cs in (1) – (7) are

second posi)on (2P) or Wackernagal cli8cs (aXer Jacob Wackernagal 1892).

§  2P cli8cs must occur aXer the first element in a clause (Halpern 1998: 109).


§  2P cli8cs are a`ested in various different languages from different language families.

§  Conten8on as to what first element means (word, phonological word, cons8tuent).

§  The element which qualifies as ini8al can vary depending upon the language in ques8on.



(8) ditosiya magtataya ngbahay (ACTOR VOICE) (Tagalog)

[dito] =siya mag- ta- tayo ng= bahay here 3.SG.NOM AV FUT build GEN house

‘Here he will build a house’ (Schachter and Otanes 1972: 496-98)

(9) bukas nggabi nang alas.otsosiya aalis (ACTOR VOICE) (Tagalog)

[bukas ng= gabi nang alas.otso] =siya aalis tomorrow GEN night ADV eight.o’clock 3.SG.NOM FUT.AV.leave

‘Tomorrow night at eight o’clock he is leaving’ (Kroeger 1993: 120)


(10) roo sa Marawiako miyakatorog (ACTOR VOICE) (Maranao)

[roo sa Marawi] =ako m<iy>aka torog there OBL Marawi 1.SG.NOM <PERF> AV.NONV sleep

‘There in Marawi I slept’ (Kaufman 2007: 138)

(11) para kayPedroko binili nglaruan (OBJECTIVE VOICE) (Tagalog)

[para= =kay Pedro] =ko b<in>ili -ø laruan for DAT Pedro 1.SG.GEN <PERF> buy -OV toy.NOM

‘For Pedro I bought the toy’ (Kroeger 1998: 4)

•  Uma (Celebic, Kaili-‐Pamona, Southern):

Indonesian-type pronominals (Uma):

(12) naweba’a (TRANS) (Uma)

naweba’ =a 3.SG hit 1.SG

‘He hits me’ (Himmelmann 1996: 117)

(13) kukoni’ lokana (TRANS) (Uma)

kukoni’ loka =na 1.SG eat banana 3.SG.POSS

‘I eat his/her bananas’ (Himmelmann 1996: 117)

•  Uma (Celebic, Kaili-‐Pamona, Southern):

Indonesian-type pronominals (Uma):

(14) mokenoa (INTRANS) (Uma)

mo- keno =a INTR run 1.SG

‘I am running’ (Himmelmann 1996: 117)

(15) namanyu tobinena pae toe (TRANS) (Uma)

namanyu tobine =na pae toe 3.SG pound woman 3.SG.POSS rice DEM

‘His wife pounded the rice’ (Himmelmann 1996: 117)

•  Pamona (Celebic, Kaili-‐Pamona, Northern):

Indonesian-type pronominals (Pamona):

(16) nukoni wawu? (TRANS) (Pamona)

nukoni wawu 2.SG eat pig

‘Do you eat pork?’ (Adriani 1909; Van den Berg 1996: 102)

(17) da kutinti siko (TRANS) (Pamona)

da kutinti siko FUT 1.SG hit 2.SG

‘I will hit you’ (Adrianni 1928: 845; Mead 2002: 152)

•  Pamona (Celebic, Kaili-‐Pamona, Northern):

Indonesian-type pronominals (Pamona):

(18) bare’e kukita (TRANS) (Pamona)

bare’e kukita NEG 1.SG see

‘I don’t see (it)’ (Adriani 1931: 452; Mead 2002: 152)

(19) labuku kukeni ka i Ta Mati (TRANS) (Pamona)

labu =ku kukeni -ka i Ta Mati

machete 1.SG 1.SG bring to PM

Ta Mati

‘I took my machete to Ta Mati’ (Adriani 1931: 453; Mead 2002: 152)

§  Some typological features:

1.  Morphologically agglu8na8ve with numerous bound elements – procli8cs, prefixes, infixes, circumfixes, suffixes, encli8cs.

2.  Word classes less clearly gramma8calised than European type languages – lexical roots which appear inherently nominal may func8on as verbs and vice versa.

Tondano language: A brief overview.

3.  Two tenses (past/non-‐past), two aspects (perfec8ve/imperfec8ve), and two moods (realis/irrealis)

4.  Mul8ple voice marking system. Four voices; one

ACTOR and three UNDERGOER (PATIENT, LOCATIVE, CONVEYENCE).

5.  GRs encoded via word order, voice marking, and bound pronominal type.


§  Voice markers:

§  Voice marking affixes occur together with other verbal morphology, i.e. secondary verbal affixes, TAM markers, and bound pronouns.

Tondano language: Some typology

Voice marking encoded: Form: ACTOR VOICE: <um> PATIENT VOICE: -en LOCATIVE VOICE: -an CONVEYANCE VOICE: i-

§  Not the case that it comes down to a four way choice of any par8cular voice for every verbal clause.

§  Voice selec8on condi8oned by discourse factors such as: definiteness, referen8ality, and seman8c role of par8cipants.

§  Strong preference for UV if there is a definite/salient PATIENT or THEME.


(24) binunu’nèamou napi (PATIENT VOICE)

w<in>unu’ -Ø =nèa =mow N= api’ <PST> extinguish PV 3.PL.GEN PERF INAN fire.NOM

Tondano pronominals:

(25) palo’namou kokong (PATIENT VOICE)

pa- loo’ -en =na kokong

DYN see, look PV 3.SG.GEN head.NOM

‘They already put out the fire’ TDN_26

‘He sees the head (of the bat)’ TDN_32_KK

(26) ta’an dèi [*=na] kinaana lalèina (PATIENT VOICE)

ta’an dèy’ k<in>aan -Ø =na lalèina however NEG1 <PST> rice PV 3.SG.GEN leaf.NOM


(27) dèi’ [*=na] patèa’na (CONVEYANCE VOICE)

dèy’ i- pa- tèa’ =na NEG1 CV DYN spill 3.SG.GEN

‘But he didn’t eat the leaf (the cake was wrapped in)’ TDN_32_OL_KK

‘He does not spill it (the palm sugar sap) TDN_28

Negators:

(28) susur nendo [*=na]’ pepakèna (PATIENT VOICE)

[susur N= endo] pa- pakè -en =na however INAN day DYN use, utilse PV 3.SG.GEN


(29) kaawi’in [*=ku] sipinèrokula (PATIENT VOICE)

[kaawi’in] si= peN- <in> sèro -Ø =ku =la

yesterday 3.SG.NOM DYN <PST> search PV 1.SG.GEN DIR.PROX

‘Every day he uses (it - his time)’ TDN_28

‘Yesterday I searched for him (here)’ TDN_31

Fronted adverbs:

(30) waki akel [*=nèa] sinandaranèamou enaran (LOCATIVE VOICE)

[waki akel] s<in>andar -an =nèa =mow N= aran on sugar palm tree <PST>lean on LV 3.PL.GEN PERF INAN ladder


(31) wia natas rumping [*=na] winèèana (PATIENT VOICE)

[wia N= atas rumping] w<in>èè -Ø =na

on INAN above wok <PST> give, offer PV 3.SG.GEN

‘They lean the ladder on the sugar palm tree’ TDN_32_OL

‘On top of the wok he puts (the lid)’ TDN_32_KK

Fronted OBL arguments:

(32) kotimumpa wisa? (ACTOR VOICE)

ko= t<im>umpa wisa 2.SG.NOM <AV.PST> descend where


(33) kumekekawèngou (ACTOR VOICE)

ku= ma- Ce- kawèng =mow

1.SG.NOM AV.DYN IRR marry PERF

‘Where did you go down to?’ TDN_07

‘I will/want to get married’ TDN_14_DK_NK

(34) sèsimadiamou uka (ACTOR VOICE)

sè= s<im>adia =mow uka 3.PL.NOM <AV.PST> prepare PERF coconut shell


(35) takimaani sawo terang (ACTOR VOICE)

ta= k<im>aan =mi sawo terang

1.PL.EX.NOM <AV.PST> rice DIR.DIST broth clear

‘They prepared coconut shells’ TDN_26

‘We ate clear (fish) broth’ TDN_28

(36) kopewewuingkumèè (PATIENT VOICE)

ko= pa- Ce- wui -en =ku =mèè 2.PL.NOM DYN IRR ask. s.t. PV 1.SG.GEN DIR.MED


‘I will ask you (about the legislative candidate)’ TDN_32_OL_KK

(37) sipaturu’nè’ nituama esa (PATIENT VOICE)

si= pa- turu’ -en =pè’ ni= tuama esa 3.SG.NOM DYN point PV IMPERF AN.SG.GEN man one

‘He is still taught by the first man’ TDN_26


(38) jadi sèrèi mèdo rano (ACTOR VOICE)

jadi sè= rèy’ <um> èdo rano so 3.PL.NOM NEG1 <AV> take water

‘So they will not take water (from the irrigation channel)’ TDN_10

(39) tarèiymou mate’u (EXPERIENCER VOICE)

ta= rèy’ =mow mate’u 1.PL.IN.NOM NEG1 PERF EV.STAT know

We no longer know (about the old times) TDN_07


(40) komèmang masiwo siwo engkasèlokan (ACTOR VOICE)

ko= mèmang ma- CVCV- siwo N= 2.PL.NOM truly AV.DYN REDUP make, do INAN

ka- sèlok -an NR mistake NR

‘You are truly making mistakes (sinning)’ TDN_30

(41) sèmèmang mewali wali (EXPERIENCER VOICE)

sè= mèmang ma- CVCV- wali 3.PL.NOM truly EV.STAT REDUP together

‘They are truly together’ TDN_31

Pre-‐verbal adverbials also host procli8cs:

§  :

Tondano pronominals: Comparison to Indonesion-type and Philippine-type.

Philippine-‐type features: Tondano features:

1) 2P encli8cs NO

2) Encli8cs func8on as both Subject/pivot (NOM) and non-‐

subject/pivot (GEN)

NO

3) GEN encli8cs reference ACTORs in UV clauses YES

Indonesian-‐type features:

1) Preposed pronominals YES

2) Verb adjacent NO

3) Prefixes NO

4) Pronominals must express Subjects/ACTORs NO

5) Cross referencing function

NO

§  Adriani, N. 190. Een en ander over de werkwoorden in de Bare’e taal. MNZG (53). Bandoeng, Indonesia, 310-‐327

§  Billings, Loren, & Daniel Kaufman. 2004. Towards a typology of Austronesian pronominal cli8cs. In Paul Law (ed.). Proceedings of AFLA 11 [the 11th mee)ng of the Austronesian Formal Linguis)cs Associa)on (ZAS Papers in Linguis8cs 34). Berlin: Zentrum für Allgemeine SprachwissenschaX.15-‐29.

§  Halpern, A. 1998. Cli8cs. In Andrew Spencer and Arnold M Zwicky (eds.). The Handbook of Morphology.Oxford: Blackwell, 101-‐122.

§  Himmelmann, Nikolaus. 1996. Person marking and gramma8cal rela8ons in Sulawesi. In H. Steinhauer (ed) Papers in Pacific Lingusi)cs (3). Canberra: Pacific Linguis8cs, 115-‐136.

§  Kaufman, Daniel. 2010. The grammar of cli8cs in Maranao. In Loren Billings & Nelleke Goudswaard, (eds). Piakandatu ami Dr. Howard P. McKaughan. Manila: Linguis8c Society of the Philippines and SIL. 179-‐204.

References:

§  Kroeger, P 1998. Cli8cs and clause structure in Tagalog. In Bau8sta (ed.). Pagtanaw: Essays on language in honor of Teodoro A. Llamzon. Manila: Linguis8c Society of the Philippines, 53–72.

§  Kroeger, Paul. 2005. Analysing grammar: An Introduc)on. Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press.

§  Lee, Celeste, & Loren Billings. 2005. Wackernagel and verb-‐adjacent clisis in Central Philippines. In Jeffrey Heinz & Dimitris Ntelitheos, (eds.). Proceedings of the 12th mee)ng of the Austronesian Formal Linguis)cs Associa)on (UCLA Working Papers in Linguis)cs 12). Los Angeles: Department of Linguis8cs, University of California. 241-‐254.

§  Mead, David. 2002. Proto Celebic focus revisited. In Fay Wouk and Malcolm Ross (eds.) The history and typology of western Austronesian voice systems. Canberra: Pacific Linguis8cs, 143 -‐ 177.

§  Ross, Malcolm. 2002. The history and transi8vity of western Austronesian

voice and voice marking. In Fay Wouk and Malcolm Ross (eds.) The history and typology of western Austronesian voice systems. Canberra: Pacific Linguis8cs, 17 -‐ 62.

References:

§  Van den Berg, Renè. 1996. The demise of focus and spread of conjugated

verbs in Sulawesi. In H. Steinhauer (ed) Papers in Pacific Lingusi)cs (3). Canberra: Pacific Linguis8cs, 89-‐114.

§  Wolff, John. 1996. The Development of the Passive Verb with Pronominal Prefix in Western Austronesian Languages. In Bernd Nothofer (ed.), Reconstruc)on, classifica)on, descrip)on: FestschriW in honor of Isidore Dyen. Hamberg: Abera, 15-‐ 40.

§  Zobel, Eric. 2002. The posi8on of Chamorro and Palauan in the Austronesian family tree:evidence from verb morphosyntax. In Fay Wouk and Malcolm Ross (eds.) The history and typology of western Austronesian voice systems. Canberra: Pacific Linguis8cs, 405 -‐ 434.

References:

tondano pronominal clitics: philippine …...tondano pronominals:! (31) wia natas rumping [*=na]...

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