trade unionism: to-day and to-morrow

Irish Jesuit Province

Trade Unionism: To-day and To-morrowAuthor(s): James KavanaghSource: The Irish Monthly, Vol. 76, No. 897 (Mar., 1948), pp. 103-110Published by: Irish Jesuit ProvinceStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20515777 .

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TRADE UNIONISM: TO-DAY AND TO-MORROW

By JAMES KAVANAGH, C.C.

TRADE unions occupy a very prominent place in the economic

system of most countries, especiaUy now in the post-war era. In

the industrial drama they are counted among the principal actors;

years ago they might have been termed "

alarms off stage ". Now that

every country is agreed upon the necessity of some over-aU planning

0f the national economy by the central government?even the United

States, the home par excellence of free enterprise, has its Council of

Economic Advisers to the President?trade unions are caUed upon

(0 play a most important part. The co-operation or non-co-operation

Of trade unionism with any particular industrial poUcy can ensure its

guccess or failure. It would seem that many trade unions and most

employers are not sufficiently appreciative of the impUcations of this

new situation. Trade unions have for so long been scaling the heights

that the focus of their vision has, perhaps, not yet been adjusted to the

vast scene that Ues before them; and most employers are still distrust

ful of trade unionism and refuse to take trade union leaders into their

confidence in the planning of industry?at least in this country. Ulis article will deal with the problem from the point of view of

trade unionism. And firstly, to help us in our thinking, a brief sketch

of the origin and development of trade unions is desirable.

I

MANY

see in trade unions the lineal descendants of the old

journeymen's gilds?these gilds were a breakaway from the old

craft gilds which included masters, journeymen and apprentices. When

the old craft gilds flourished the apprentice could become a journey man and later a master, but gradually it had come about that in many crafts the masters opposed the journeymen in their efforts to become

masters. So journeymen grouped themselves together to ensure that if they could not become masters they at least would get fair

wages. These journeymen unions continued down to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries in some areas. We read, for example, that

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IRISH MONTHLY

the master tailors of London and Westminster in 1720 complained to Parliament that

" the Journeymen Tailors in and about the cities of

London and Westminster to the number of 7,000 and upwards have

lately entered into a combination to raise their wages and leave off

working an hour sooner than they used to do ". The hatters, wool

staplers, shipwrights, brushmakers, carpenters and others all had their unions in England and Ireland well before the factory system. It is

important to note that these early unions were associations of skilled workers. Those in the ill-paid and ill-treated occupations were too

weak to combine together. The factory system which developed with the Industrial Revolution

gave an added incentive to the formation of trade unions. The workers realised that their only hope of betterment lay in combination. Cotton

spinning was the first big industry to be brought under the factory system and it was from the spinners that trade unionism of a modern

type begins. But these unions were weak and ineffectual. The laws were severe against combinations, and the methods used?violent

strikes?only served to have the law enforced in all its rigour. Even

with the repeal of the Combination Acts in 1825 the workers began to realise that their little unions were not strong enough to stand up to the masters. The idea of a single union embracing all trades was

born and so in 1834 was founded the Grand National Consolidated

Trades Union under the inspiration of the Irishman, John Doherty. This union fared badly; its organisation was weak and in a few short

years the union died. This effort then at what might be called Revolu

tionary Trade Unionism?that is, a general movement as opposed to

the isolated unions of the skilled workers and with a "

worker-versus

capitalist "

philosophy?failed, and it is not until the closing years of

the nineteenth century that the idea was again revived.

After 1834 there was a lull in trade unionism for many years, but

in 1851 a revival began. In that year the Amalgamated Society of

Engineers was founded in England. This was to be the "

new model ".

It differed widely from its predecessors of the twenties and thirties. It

had no interest in social revolution; it simply wanted a better standard

of living for its members. Large subscriptions were paid and benefits

were also big. Strikes were not favoured. Trade unionism had become "

respectable ".

Again it is necessary to point out that these "

new model "

unions

were of skilled men in large industries; along with them continued the

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TRADE UNIONISM

?ld-fashioned small craft unions. But the great mass of workers was

still outside the movement. Unskilled workers, navvies and general labourers were not considered. Just as in the Middle Ages when the

craft gilds had no interest in the unskilled worker?who even then

comprised the big majority of the population?so now nineteenth

century trade unionism was no exception. In the eighteen eighties the movement spread to the unskilled

workers. In 1886 Ben Tillet began what was to become the Transport and General Workers' Union, which won the great dock strike of 1889

with the assistance of the great Cardinal Manning, the convert son of a

Bank of England governor. The other unions looked rather askance

at this new development. These new unions were opposed to the safe

friendly-society tactics of the other unions; they were more militant in

their outlook. Gradually, however, they, too, took on the appearance of the

" model unions

" as they became more organised. But the spirit

of these new unions reminds one of 1834?one hears more of the "

worker-versus-capitalist "

outlook. Industrialism has tended to be

divided into two opposing camps?the masters on the one side and

the workers on the other. The English movement was the inspiration behind the formation of the Transport and General Workers' Union of

Ireland by Jim Larkin and James Connolly in 1908. The great strike

of 1913 was the effort by the masters to smash this union. The spirit of mutual suspicion and hostility then engendered has never been

wholly eradicated from Irish industrial life.

n

THIS

very summary treatment of the historical background of

trade unionism will help us to see why it is that many trade

unions are not sufficiently appreciative of their capabilities in refashion

ing social relations. Too many union members look to their union for

the betterment of their working conditions and the remedying of

grievances?all very good, no doubt, and of great importance especially in the past. But now I believe a more positive approach to economic

and social problems is called for. While saying this I am well aware

that the workers can say : "

Let the employers give the lead in these

things." Many employers, it is true, are living in the past; they forget that the workers are their partners in the running of industry; a sense

of interdependence is often lacking. However, that should not deter

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IRISH MONTHLY

trade unionists from doing what will make for more efficient trade unionism. I shall indicate a few points for consideration.

Our unions here are in the British secular non-denominational tradition. As a consequence one's reUgion is not allowed to obtrude itself on trade union affairs. The result is that here in Ireland with over ninety-five per cent, of our trade unionists CathoUcs, the Church's

viewpoint on many questions is not given the weight it should, very often because that viewpoint has never been studied by the workers.

When the guidance of the Church is neglected, the materiahstic short term view prevails. The social encyclicals put forward the CathoUc

trade union as the ideal for Catholic workers, and that wherever such

unions are not possible then Catholics should have their own associa

tion to safeguard their moral and religious welfare. In England, CathoUcs in many dioceses have their Association of CathoUc Trade

Unionists. In Hexham and Newcastle diocese I noted a very active

branch which organises lectures on social principles, and in general tries to see to it that Catholics use their influence as CathoUcs in their

trade unions. It keeps them aUve to their responsibiUties, as, for

example, when a very effective protest was staged in Newcastle against some of the proposals in the Education Bill.

On the Continent the International Federation of Christian Trade

Unions is a force to be reckoned with. There is a clear-cut distinction, of course, between the CathoUc and Socialist trade unions in conti

nental trade unionism. The non-Christian trade unions are dominated

by the followers of Marxian sociaUsm. The recent attempt in France

of the Conf?d?ration G?n?rale du Travail (which is Communist-domi

nated) to disrupt France's economic Ufe by a general nation-wide

strike has caused many to turn to Christian trade unionism. In Ireland

our non-denominational unions are, of course, considered quite safe

for Catholics, and it would not be feasible to organise CathoUc trade

unions. But CathoUcs should let their CathoUcism influence their trade

union activity in every possible way. The Church speaks with the

voice of Christ; She has the heaUng salve for the wounds of humanity. Our Irish trade unions should encourage lectures to their members on

the Social Encyclicals?these are acceptable to all Christians, Catholic

and non-Catho?c. The Holy Father has expressly called upon aU 44 men of good wiU

" to hearken to his voice. E?ebating societies should

be fostered by every union so that the members may by discussion be

kept aUve to their responsibiUties. There are too many sleeping

106



TRADE UNIONISM

partners in trade unions to-day with the result that a few officials, sometimes remote from the conditions and circumstances of the

members of the union, dictate the policy of the union. Democracy as

a way of life will cease to have any meaning if the smaller associations, such as trade unions, within the State are not pulsating with Ufe; other

wise the way lies open to State authoritarianism.

in

SOME

may, perhaps, think that there is a greater danger that trade

unionism will dominate the life of society. They point to recent

troubles in France and Italy and to the recent history of England. France and Italy have suffered much from the intransigence of Com

munist-dominated trade unions. The remedy there is to deal with

Communism. Countries by this ought to know through sad experience the folly of attempting to take into their national Ufe this virus from

Moscow. But in Great Britain the unions are by no means dominated

by Communism and yet many think they have too preponderant a

place in the life of the nation. This is due to the fact that the Labour

Party is in power and the vast majority of that party are trade

unionists. The result, of course, is the rather anomalous position of

the Government?it has been elected for the good of the whole com

munity, but each year it must justify and defend itself before the Trade

Union Congress. The Congress is often referred to as the Government

behind the Government.

Clearly, this situation is fraught with danger for democracy and

makes the question of what should be a trade union's attitude to

poHtics pertinent. Should trade unions attach themselves to any par ticular party? It seems to me that they should not. Trade unions

have in their membership men and women of diverse po?tical opinions, and it is unreasonable to yoke them to any particular po?tical band

wagon because they happen to be trade unionists. In England the

Labour Government has reversed the legislation of the Conservatives,

who, after the great strike of 1926, decreed in 1927 that trade unionists

must contract expUcitly to pay a po?tical levy before such can be

taken from them. That step, of course, has aided the Labour Party's finances considerably, but whether it is good as a long-term po?cy is

extremely doubtful. For three reasons I consider that trade unionism

should not ally itself to any po?tical party?firstly, such a course seems

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IRISH MONTHLY

to go against the objects of trade unionism; secondly, trade unionists wiU normally have different political opinions, and thirdly, trade union funds which might be better employed, will be dissipated in election

eering. Another thing which may prevent trade unions from playing the

r?le they should in society is a spirit of sectionaUsm. Each trade union tends to look at any problem solely from the point of view of its own members and so the general good of the community may be

forgotten. Let us consider, for instance, the question of increases in

wages, a question which is agitating every country at the present time. If each union pushes its claim for increases there wiU be an ever

ascending spiral with the strong unions necessarily gaining at the ex

pense of the weaker ones and at the expense of those who are depen dent on a fixed income. There is a danger that a general economic col

lapse might result. Here at home at the moment discussions are said to

be proceeding between the Minister for Industry and Commerce and

the Congress of Irish Unions and the Irish Trade Union Congress, with a view to regularising increases in wages upon variations in the cost

of-Uving index. I be?eve that trade unions should, as well, consider

the introduction of a points system for different types of workers, so

that their pay wiU be in some accord with the amount of skill, appren

ticeship, hardship, etc., involved?at present it is a well-known fact

that certain trades are receiving wage rates out of all proportion to

the incomes of other trades who do not happen to enjoy an excep tional post-war position. For we must not forget that not merely

employers but workers themselves can be ruthless towards their

feUow-workers, as many actuaUy are at the present time?when one

section is receiving pay far in excess of their worth the cost of living

necessarily goes up for other workers. The system of closed

apprenticeships in trades on substantial overtime rates is but another

instance. In England recently the Trade Union Congress has turned

down proposals by the Labour Government to bring about some

system of r?gularisation of wage increases. The T.U.C. has declared

that it leaves individual unions free to make wage bargains. At the

end of 1947 the average wage rates in Britain were 73 per cent, above

those of September 1939. The process must stop somewhere if ?nly to safeguard the workers themselves from the horrors of inflation.

The Economist of 10 January 1948 remarks : *4 Each individual rise

can be justified prima facie, but the total effect is a competitive 108



TRADE UNIONISM

scramble, when other groups of organised labour join in to restore

the old margin between their rates and those of groups which have

secured increases. . . . The attitude of non-intervention by the T.U.C. . . . wiU almost certainly be exploited by unscrupulous leaders; in

particular, Communist elements, who have already announced their

intention of pressing for higher wages, may weU be ready to back up this poUcy by creating industrial trouble."

Barbara Wootton in her book, Freedom Under Planning, says: " It is in fact the business of a union to be anti-social; the members

would have a just grievance if their officials and committees ceased to

put sectional interests first." (It may be no harm to point out that

she also says : " What is true of unions is, of course, no less true of

employers.") Her judgment of trade unions is rather harsh, but yet her words do point a certain lesson for the ordinary trade unionist, and that is, that he must give his leaders and officials a fair chance.

As Michael Fogarty, CathoUc and FeUow of Nuffield CoUege, Oxford, remarks in his brochure on Full Employment and Freedom: "No one who has worked with permanent trade union officials can fail to

respect the breadth of their outlook. . . . Can anyone deny a certain narrowness and prejudice among many of the keener members of the

rank and file? "

We may continue this question a Uttle further.

The author of Freedom Under Planning, already quoted, says: " Blame for the consequences of the anti-social po?cies of sectional

organisations Uke trade unions lies, not upon the societies themselves, but upon our practice of aUowing issues by which many parties are

affected to be settled by one or two of these parties alone." We all

need to think more of the common good. In this connection the

example of trade unionism in Denmark is worth consideration. I

quote from Social Denmark?A Survey of the Danish Social Legis lation pubUshed by the Danes in 1946.

" At its general meeting on

9 and 10 February 1939 the Amalgamated Trade Unions after long deUberation adopted new rules for collaboration between the trades."

Regarding the question of wage agreements "

it is laid down that a

collective meeting should be held of representatives of the organisa tions concerned to discuss the wage situation as a whole... It presents an opportunity of getting the entire situation at the given moment

judged with regard not merely to the special conditions of the indivi

dual trade (which the organisations of that trade will first and fore

most consider to be of importance), but also to the economic condi

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IRISH MONTHLY

tions of aU society at the particular time, the country's chances of

trading with other countries, and the possibilities, depending on that trade, of procuring raw and auxi?ary materials and of selling Danish

products." We may, finally, touch on another problem which trade unions

will have to consider, namely, the problem of management in industry. The

" master-and-servant

" attitude which dominated so much of the

past history of industrialism is going. At the present day the majority of industrial disputes are due not so much to questions of wages as to

questions of management. "

Good management is the key to most

industrial problems just as bad management is the cause of most

industrial evils." (The Conservative Design for Freedom.) The sense of co-partnership in industry is growing. Experiments in this

line are much more common in England than here at home. In

England some firms have added workers' representatives to the Board

of Directors; others have Works' Committees where joint consultation

takes place as to the better functioning of the industry. These

developments are all to the good in the extension of the democratic

principle to industry. If trade unions are to play their rightful part in these and other developments, they must press for the better

education of their members and leaders. University extension

courses should be sought : in this country we are very far behind Eng land in this respect. In this education there must be included a

thorough grounding in the elements of Christian philosophy which

will make for reasoned thinking and balanced judgment concerning the many problems that will confront trade unions and society in

general in the near future.

Dvickett 140, STRAND, W.C.2

FACING ALDWYCH

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