Transnational Activism of Extreme Right Youth in East Central Europe

Miroslav Mareš1

Paper (first draft) for the International Conference “Far right networks in Northern and Eastern Europe”

25-27 March, 2010

Uppsala University

1. Introduction

Youth is traditionally a very important segment of the extreme right membership base in East

Central Europe, mostly in its militant part and also in the organizational structure of political

parties at regional and local level. Trends in the development of the youth extreme right scene

can be indicators of the future development of the extreme right as a whole. In contemporary

East Central Europe a new generation of extreme rightists is intensively active at transnational

level. The aim of this paper is to describe and to analyze in which forms contemporary

transnational relations of extreme right are realized and to explain, how important these

relations are for the mobilization of extreme right oriented young people in East Central

European area.

2. Traditions of transnational cooperation of extreme right youth in East Central Europe

The relations among young right-wing extremist organizations have long traditions in East

Central Europe. However, in the Versailles system they were determined by nationalist 1 Dr. Miroslav Mareš, PhD.

Faculty of Social Studies, Masaryk University, Joštova 10, 602 00 Brno, Czech Republic

mmares@fss.muni.cz

+420 549 495 143

tensions and territorial claims and revisionism in this area in 1920´s and 1930´s and they only

had temporarily limited and bilateral character (and, mostly in the case of cross-border

contacts of German Nazi youth organizations from Germany and German minorities in East

Central European countries, de facto unilateral character).

The first stabile multilateral fascist organization – European Union of Youth- was established

in 1942 as an instrument of the German concept of the New European Order and Italian

fascist imperialism. The most important member organizations were German Hitlerjugend

(HJ) and Italian Gioventu Italiana Littorio (GIL), but also several youth organizations from

East Central European countries were members (a. o. Slovak Hlinkas youth, Bulgarian

Branik, Hungarian Levente (Milla 2008: 120, 262). The member organizations were not only

from East Central Europe, but also from Italy and other countries.

After the end of World War II the possibilities for the building of transnational structures of

the extreme right in East Central Europe were disrupted. Under the communist rule only small

groups and cells of right wing extremist organizations were established, without potential to

transnational cooperation. Some small groups of right-wing extremists were active in the

political exile in Western countries. They were involved in various transnational extreme right

structures, a. o. the Hungarian fascist emigrants participated in 1951 in Malmö during the

establishing of the European social movement (Árkus 1982: 9-10), but without relevant youth

factions.

The real roots of contemporary cooperation can be found in the second half of the 1980´.

Small groups of racist skinheads and nazi-punkers were inspired mostly from Western

Europe. However, due to the limited possibility of free travel they had problems to cooperate

with partners in Western European countries, but they were able to visit peer groups within

the communist block. Such travels of Polish or East German skinheads to Prague in the late

1980´s had only a very informal and instabile dimension.

A revolutionary change came after the fall of communism and the iron curtain. The massive

rise of racist skinhead subculture in various countries led to the strengthening of transnational

contacts within them. In the European context the concept of the European Skinhead Army

was popular, inspired by the song of the English music group No remorse. The establishing

of transnational structures was not limited to the East Central European area. The main

organizations were created as parts of transnational networks of American (Hammerskins) or

British (Blood & Honour) origin (Mareš 2003: 181).

The most important space for contacts of East Central European racist skinheads were white

power music gigs in this area. Because of geographical determination the right wing extremist

youngsters visited such actions in neighbouring countries. Also the participation of hate music

groups from these countries was typical. But the historical tension between various East

Central European nations caused also several violent clashes among participants of these

concerts. For example, in 1994 during the concert in the Czech campsite Majdalena the Polish

skinheads attacked German skinheads and Slovak skinheads attacked Hungarian skinheads, in

the same year the anti-Czech lyric of the Slovak group memorandum caused clashes between

Czech and Slovak skinheads in Slovak town of Senica (Mazel 1998: 252-253).

In fact, these transnational forms of cooperation were unimportant for the political strategy of

the strong extreme right parties at this time. They were partially interconnected with skinhead

subculture at the national level, but their transnational dimension did not played any role. The

European and pan-Aryan dimension was an important part of skinhead propaganda at this

time, but the skinheads were security threat on one hand, but without internal capability of

real political influence.

The cooperation of youth party organizations from East Central Europe was realized mostly

within the Euronat of he youth (it was a satellite organization of Euronat initiated by Jean

Marie Le Pen). Member of Euronat Youth (Euronat Jeunesse) from East central Europe was

a. o. Republican youth (Republikánská mládež) from the Czech Republic (in the 2002 this

organization was banned)(Mareš 2003: 215-218). But this pan-European youth organization

had only several meetings. It was used in the extreme right propaganda, but without any

significant effect.

For some organization also bilateral contacts were important. For example, the Youth of the

Slovak National Party started relations with the Czech National Party (it was an important

step in the cooperation of the Czech and Slovak extreme right after the break-up of

Czechoslovakia). Generally can be said that transnational contacts played to the middle of the

first decade of the new century only a limited role in the mobilization of young people for

extreme right policy.

3. Free Nationalism and Autonomous Resistance: From subculture to the transnational

political concept?

As new trends can be seen the rise of the so called “free nationalism” (“Freier

Nationalismus”) and later also “autonomous Nationalism” (“Autonomer Nationalismus”)

from the end of the 1990´s in East Central European area. This concept was created in

Germany in the middle of 1990´s as a reaction to the state repression against registered

political organization, mostly with territorially limited range of their activities. The aim of the

concept was to establish a new organization structure of right wing extremist movement – free

cells in the whole country without central leadership.

The German idea of free “friendly associations” (Kamaradschaften) as a part of the concept of

free nationalism stayed without successors in East Central European under this name.

However, in 1998 the cooperation between Czech and German Neonazis caused that the

Czech scene started to be also re-structuralized under the name of a new organization –

National Resistance (Národní odpor – NO)(Mareš 2003: 490). It was the Czech equivalent of

free nationalism. At this time, the term National resistance (Nationaler Widerstand - NW) in

Germany was used more as a common term for cooperation of various right-wing extremist

organizations.

The new strategic concept of free nationalism was interconnected also with Anti-Antifa

campaign (Mareš 2005: 155-156), also with monitoring and elimination of enemies of the

extreme right. In the Czech Republic the NO replaced in the first half of the last decade

former traditional skinhead organization as Blood & Honour or Bohemia Hammerskins.

However, despite the proclaimed “leaderless resistance” concept, various “Führer-

tendencies” had influence on the development of the Czech NO (it means attempts of various

activists to win a leading position within the movement). The elites of the NO rejected also

the old skinhead image and they supported “de-subculturalization” of the Neonazi movement

(as outlook were supported new fashion marks as a German Thor Steinar or domestic Czech

marks Nibelungen, Grassel or Slovak Eighty Eight).

In the rest of the countries in East Central Europe the traditional right-wing extremist

organisations and structures were active, mostly Blood& Honour network or the traditionalist

organizations with connections to the skinhead scene (probably the All Polish Youth – MW

won the strongest influence during the electoral rise and governmental participation of the

League of Polish Families (LRP), because it was a youth organization (with violent

tendencies) of this ultraconservative party (Kupka, Laryš Smolík, 2009: 81-83).

However, due to contacts between Czech and German neo-Nazis on the one hand and East

and Central European right wing extremists on the other hand, the concepts of “free

Nationalism”, respectively Czech modified “National Resistance” or “Free Resistance”

spread also to other countries. In Slovakia the first cell of the Národný odpor (NO) was

established in 2007. A new strong organization of the National Resistance was established in

Russia. The Russian name is Nationalnoje Soprortivlenije and it uses as its symbol the

emblem of the Russian SS division from World War Two. The Russian National Resistance

has close links with the Czech NO. It is also interesting that the famous Russian White Power

Band “Kolovrat” has a song “Czech Knights” about the Czech National Resistance (Thiazi

2005). Groups of national resistance were established not only in Germany and East and

Central Europe, but also in Skandinavia or in England (English National Resistance 2010).

The structures of National resistance were involved in various countries also in violent

activities (including vigilantism). The strategic goal of the supporters of the idea of free

Nationalism and national Resistance is to establish free cells structures on the territory of

“Aryan countries” and be prepared for a change to hierarchic organizational “battle structure”

in the future.

The Europeanizaion of national Resistance is supported by NS-activists, respectively the idea

of European National Resistance. In this context also the agreement between the Czech

National Resistance and the National Resistance from contemporary Germany and Austria

about the restoring of the Sudetenland to Germany is interesting and this agreement also

includes the idea of building the future European order on the base of the German empire. But

the real functional pan-European structure does not exist, it is only a common feeling of some

activists.

Despite the intensive spread of the National resistance and free nationalism it is impossible to

say that (with the exception of the Czech Republic and partially Germany) they have replaced

the other youth militant or party political structures. In Russia, for example, the wide range

spectrum of various NS organizations and gangs still exists. In Slovakia some traditionalist

organizations started to consider themselves as parts of structures of “free nationalism”.

However, in several countries the impact of national resistance or free nationalism up to now

has been minimal or none (Hungary, Balkan countries, Baltic countries).

4. Autonomous nationalism: new militant mobilization

With the spread of national resistance in 2002/2003 the new stream emerged from free

nationalists. The new generation of activists called themselves autonomous nationalists. They

rejected the previous skinhead or paramilitary outlook of the extreme right and they started to

copy the black block style of outfit and symbols of left-wing radicals. Significant was the

change of political propaganda –graffiti, modern style of visual presentation (leaflets, web-

pages etc.), direct actions etc. The goal of such propaganda is rather to win impact in broader

youth spectrum than only in traditional racist skinhead and paramilitary scene. German

autonomous nationalists were ideologically inspired by “leftist wing” of nazi movement from

the 1920´s and 1930´s around brothers Straßer. A high level of militancy is connected with

the activities of autonomous nationalists (Menhorn 2008). The AN are a strategic concept,

organization and subculture – all three terms are possible for the designation of this

phenomenon.

However, this new trend of autonomous nationalism (not the generally accepted concept of

free nationalism) caused disputes within the German right-wing extremist scene. A part of the

old style activists criticized the character of autonomous nationalists. This problem was

discussed also within the National Democratic Party of Germany (Nationaldemokratische

Partei Deutschlands – NPD). Autonomous nationalists support the NPD in several regions

(Thein 2008: 231), in other regions the relation between both the subjects is more

complicated. The NPD was afraid that militant autonomous nationalists could damage the

image of the party as a “law and order” guarantee. Also the old free nationalist rejected the

“left wing image” of the autonomous nationalists as a discredit for the “national scene”. This

tension is present up to now in the German political spectrum.

The description of the German situation is interesting because of the partially similar

processes in the Czech Republic. The autonomous Nationalists in East and Central Europe

have generally a specific character. In comparison with Germany they are not so deeply

inspired by obscure political ideologies as brother´s Strasser “leftist Nazism”, but they use the

traditions of the extreme right movements from the first half of the twentieth century. The

connections between graffiti propaganda and ultraconservative authoritarian politicians is

paradoxical, sometimes. In the emerged autonomous nationalist spectrum in Scandinavia,

Western Europe or Australia these ideological paradoxes and tensions do not play such an

important role.

The first visual elements of autonomous nationalism in East Central Europe were visible in

the propaganda of the Czech National Resistance in 2004, and, in the same year, in the local

group Nationalists Kladno (Nacionalisté Kladno). Within the NO and the Czech right wing

extremist scene the term autonomous nationalism was used synonymously with the term free

nationalism. Real cells of Autonomous Nationalists with created organization of the same

name were established in 2006 in the Czech Republic (Vejvodová 2008).

Around the year 2008 the spread of the AN to other East Central European countries started

from Germany, sometimes the Czech AN scene played the role of an intermediary in this

concept, organization or subculture (at least in the case of Slovakia and Poland). Local cells of

the autonomous Nationalists were established in Romania, Ukraine or Russia. But its impact

on the whole right-wing extremist scene is still limited. In Poland the AN are connected with

the server autonom.pl. The main forces of the right-wing extremist scene in Poland, however,

is not inspired by the AN. But the black block style is more and more popular in this area,

with the exception of Hungary and the Balkan countries.

5. Youth and party politics

The new forms of transnational trends and organizational forms have determined also the new

forms of relations between right-wing extremist political parties and youth militant scene in

East Central Europe, but only in several countries - mostly in the Czech Republic and in

Slovakia. In the Czech Republic similar discussions can be found about the relations of the

Workers´ Party of Social Justice – Dělnická strana sociální spravedlnosti – DSSS (the most

important right wing extremist party, currently) and autonomous nationalists, as in Germany

between the AN and the NPD. In March 2010, the Czech AN rejected the further cooperation

with the DSSS because the party was alleged unable to win sympathizers after the actions

organized by the AN (Autonomní nacionalisté 2010).

But the strongest parties in the region – as the Movement for better Hungary (Jobbik),

Bulgarian Ataka, Serbian Radical Party, Greater Romanian Party or Liberal Democratic Party

in Russia – have their own young membership and electoral bases which are not influenced by

these new trends.

It does not mean that the youth is not important for these parties – in contradiction. Jobbik can

be considered as a party of young people, for example. Its chairman, Gábor Vóna, is only 32

years old. But the mobilization of young members and supporters is realized mostly at the

national level (the anti-Roma propaganda in Hungary or the Kosovo question in Serbia,

typically), without transnational elements. The cooperation of the youth organizations of the

parties follows the transnational contacts of the main parties at European level.

But also the youth scene can drive parties to transnational contacts. The most important

example is the cooperation between the Czech Workers´ Party (Dělnická strana - DS) and the

German NPD, which was organized by the structures of autonomous and free nationalism

from both the countries. An interesting issue is the cooperation between the Slovak

Community (Slovenská pospolitosť - SP) and the NPD, which partially caused the spread of

free nationalism ideas in Slovakia (outside the influence of the Czech AN to Slovak scene). It

is possible that a similar role can be played by the cooperation between the Russian

Movement against illegal immigration (DPNI) with organizations interconnected with the AN

in Central Europe. The traditional forms of cooperation of neo-Fascist organizations – as the

European National Front – can be also enlarged with such new forms (with the background in

structures of free and autonomous nationalism).

6. Marches and gigs – a new use of the old chance

The concerts or gigs have been most important places for the establishing of transnational

contacts of the skinhead spectrum in East and Central Europe (or between the Western and

post-communist Europe) since the end of 1980´s. Because of the chaotic law application and

sometimes also due to the lack of repressive anti-racist and anti-extremist law the Western

European scene used East and Central Europe sometimes as a rare land in this context (big

gigs, production of CDs etc.). But this is mostly the past. Eastern concerts are no more so

popular for the scene as before. The new trend of white power music is to sing lyrics without

illegal elements, so there is a possibility to organize concerts everywhere. Probably the most

important pan-European gig is every year Veneto Summer Fest in Italy, which is organized by

Veneto front of Skinheads. Participants are from Western as well as from Eastern Europe.

Various marches and meetings with primarily political goals have a deep impact on political

mobilization of young people, the white power music concerts are only a subsidiary part of

their program. The building of European identity is the aim of the Fest of Nations (Fest der

Völker), which is organized every year in Thüringen, Germany. Participants are politicians

from various parties and organizations from the whole Europe.

Marches in Germany play a very important role for transnational extreme right cooperation.

Representatives of various groupings understand the admission to speak here as a form of

recognition at international level. For a long time the main action with international

participation was the Rudolf Hess march in August in Wunsiedel in Bavaria. The state

repression and maybe also the death of Jürgen Rieger (the main organizer) in 2009

complicated the situation of this march.

As the most prestigious march currently can be mentioned the memorial march in Dresden in

February. Not only participation in this march is interesting from the transnational point of

view, however. The Czech or Slovak for-German right-wing extremists tried in last years to

organize similar marches on places which were bombed during World War II and where the

Allied bombs caused civilian victims. In the Czech Republic the first march like this was in

Ústí nad Labem in April 2009 (in 2010 a new march is planned). In 2009 in Slovakia right-

wing extremists marched in memory of the victims of the Allied bombing in Nové Zámky in

1944.

National parades are also important for transnational cooperation. Activists from many

countries visit mostly the demonstration in Budapest in February (in memory of defenders of

Budapest against the Red Army in 1945). A problem of this action is the same date (13

Febuary) as the above mentioned march in Dresden. Every year a specific national meeting

outside the borders of the national state is the Croatian demonstration in Bleiburg, Austria,

where in 1945 the fascist Ustasha prisoners were massacred by communist partisans.

Participants are Croatian neo-Ustasha groupings as well as German and Austrian right-wing

extremists).

7. Violence and vigilantism: from inspiration to common actions

The violent actions of right-wing extremist are traditionally propagated at international level.

The cult of the American right-wing terrorist group The Order or the Anti-Antifa concept of

German origin are examples. In East Central Europe is right-wing extremist violence very

strong (Mudde 2005: 275). Various violent activities from other countries have inspired

foreign activists in contemporary East and Central Europe, and even transnational

participation in them can be seen.

Specific brutal forms of violence, mostly against people from Caucasus and Central Asia and

against anti-Fascists, is typical of contemporary Russia, including video shots of executions or

activities of racist gangs causing tens of victims. The “Russian Way” is a new popular term in

the right-wing scene for the designation of violent struggle with terrorist means. The training

by the Russian military veterans of post-Soviet conflicts is also propagated in several East

Central European countries (of course not among the nationalists with strong anti-Russian

prejudices, as in Ukraine).

A popular concept is also vigilantism by paramilitary groups, which is inspired by the

Hungarian guard (MG). The main aim of the MG and similar groups in other countries

(National Guard – NG and Protection corps of the Worker´s Party – OS DS) is not the direct

use of violence (they are unarmed formations), but the public demonstration of force. The real

goal is intimidating ethnic minorities (mostly Roma people), who are connected with crime in

public discourse (it is influenced by racist prejudices strongly).

A new form of violent activity – mass riot in the problem localities – was presented in the

Czech town Litvínov in quarter Janov in Autumn 2008. More than thousand activists (mostly

autonomous nationalists and right-wing extremist football hooligans) attacked the police and

tried to attack the Roma settlement (Albert 2009). Participants of this riot were not only

Czechs, but also Slovaks and Germans. One year later the north Bohemian NS-activists

supported the raid of the Slovak community in the Roma settlement in Šarišské Michalany in

Slovakia (Nejvyšší správní soud 2010: 6).

8. Revisionism: we can change the history together

The rise of historical revisionism in East and Central Europe is aimed to win the struggle for

the minds of young people. The national self-confidence is in several countries interconnected

with the re-conceptualization of the historical role of the collaborators and anti-Soviet

movements from World War II. The well known examples are the recognition of the SS

veterans in the Baltic countries as national freedom fighters in public discourse or the official

glorification of Stephan Bandera in the Ukraine. The right-wing extremist scene tries to take

great impact on the historical discussions and to use them for the contemporary propaganda,

including anti-Semitism.

In other countries, where the collaborators are not glorified, the revisionist historical view is a

form of anti-established protest. For example, in the Czech Republic, the young neo-Nazi

generation has no problem with the acceptance of German revisionist view on the

Czechoslovakian pre-war politics, on the alleged negative role of the Czech antifascist

resistance during World War II and on the restoring of German rule in the Sudetenland.

Common new neo-Nazi identity leads to anti-chauvinist demonstration of friendship, a. o.

between the Hungarian and Slovak neo-Nazis. But it is an issue for only several tens of

activists, the main right-wing extremists in Slovakia and Hungary see the others as enemies.

The historical revisionism, with the exception of holocaust denial and several bilateral

statements, is not organized on transnational level. But the information about various national

revisionist events are discussed in cyberspace (including specialized chat rooms). The

knowledge about the development in other countries can strengthen the common feeling of

falsified history among young right-wing extremist activists.

9. Other forms of right-wing transnational activism

Transnational activism of the extreme right is realized also in various other forms. As a first

of them could be mentioned the support of the imprisoned right-wig extremists, so called

Prisoner´s of war. Such support is nothing new, it was realized at propaganda level in the

1990´s. The new elements are common symbolism of these activities and organization of

demonstrations outside embassies (as in Hungary for the support of the Czechs P.O.W. in

2010, generally the campaign against the Czech police action Power and following actions

was very intensive in Slovakia, Hungary, Serbia, Russia, Poland an Germany)(Nacionalnoje

soprativlenije 2010). Also the victims of struggle against anti-Fascist are glorified at

transnational level.

The transnational level is used also by women right wing extremist organizations. The

German Circle of National Women (Ring der Nationaler Frauen - RNF) started the

cooperation with the Czech Resistance Women Unity – RWU (organization closely connected

with the Czech National resistance) (Resistance Women Unity 2008). The traditional

differences of the male and female role is recognized in the right-wing extremist spectrum and

feminism is rejected. The right-wing extremist Czech women were trained by their German

colleagues as health care support groups during the massive riots.

Transnational activism is typical also of various marginal streams and scenes within the right

wing extremist spectrum of East Central European countries. The neopaganism is

interconnected with NS pagan metal and national socialist black metal scene. It is relatively

strong mostly in West Slavic countries and East Slavic countries and the Baltic countries. The

most important activities of this scene are international gigs and internet discussions. Similar

situation is valid also for the NS industrial scene, which is on the rise mostly in Russia

(Russian groups have contacts also with the German speaking area). But the political

influence of such marginal sub-cultural groupings is very limited.

12. Conclusion and future perspectives

In contemporary East and Central Europe various new forms of transnational activism are

growing. Several forms (mostly free and autonomous nationalism) are in comparison with the

spread of skinhead subculture in the 1980´s and 1990´s more sophisticated in the sense of

strategic planning. The contemporary processes at transnational level are generally of a

“higher quality” than similar processes in the previous decades. The spread of new ideas,

concepts and organizational forms shows that the right-wing extremist scene is able to be

active on transnational level.

However, some of the new trends are really significant only in several countries (Germany,

Czech Republic, Hungary). In other countries the main part of the right-wing extremist

spectrum has kept its traditional structure and ideology. Also in the countries where the spread

of free and autonomous nationalism is successful, some parts of militants have skinhead

image (they are called “agroskins” from the new generation). And the main right-wing

extremist parties in the region are oriented to domestic or bilateral problems. It is also

important to mention that the main transnational events are realized in neo-Nazi militant

spectrum, which is not the most important representative of contemporary extreme right in the

region. For a more sophisticated scientific research also collecting empirical data is important.

But the creation of common organizational structure and common acceptance of the legacy of

the New European Order from WW II can play an important role in the future, if

contemporary youth militants win positions in the structures of strong political parties. The

modern right wing populism of Western European way has not been successful in East and

Central Europe up to now and the dogmatic or obscure parties have political chances also in

the future.

Contemporary militant scene can also be considered as a security threat. It has caused many

victims and it has direct impact on the interethnic coexistence in East Central European

countries and sometimes also on the inter-state relations (Slovak – Hungarian disputes, for

example). From this point of view an analysis of these new trends in violence research is more

important than in the electoral party research. However, as the cases of anti-Roma vigilantism

and the creation of party paramilitary units shows, the party and violence research can be

interconnected in several fields (party paramilitary units and their role for mobilization of

voters, for example).

Transnational activism of extreme right youth will probably be stronger and stronger in the

future. The development of modern communication technologies as well the growing

economic possibilities to travel are positive factors for this development. The “experiences

tourism” to various marches and riots is growing. It has a more political dimension than

traditional visits of white power music concerts. New generations of right-wing activists are

and will be politically socialized in more transnational environment than before and it can

influent their future political behaviour.

This paper has been written as a part of the project „Contemporary Paramilitarism in the

Czech Republic in Context of Transnational Development Trends of Political Violence in

Europe“ (code GA407/09/0100).

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