tucci archive report, 4 dung dkarphyi dbang, west tibet

7/24/2019 Tucci Archive Report, 4 Dung DkarPhyi Dbang, West Tibet

1/27

Tucci Archive Report, 4: Dung dkar/Phyi dbang, West Tibet, and the Influence of TangutBuddhist Art

Author(s): Deborah Klimburg-SalterSource: East and West, Vol. 51, No. 3/4 (December 2001), pp. 323-348Published by: Istituto Italiano per l'Africa e l'Oriente (IsIAO)Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/29757516.

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2/27

Tucci

Archive

Report,

4

Dung

dkar/Phyi

dbang,

West

Tibet,

and the Influenceof

Tangut

BuddhistArt

by

Deborah

Klimburg-Salter

On

the

return

journey

from

Tholing

(mTho

gling/mTho

lding)

to

India

via

Gartok, Tucci and Ghersi visitedDung dkar/Phyi bang fromAugust 23-25, 1935

(Tucci

1978:

133-38).

Tucci

describes his fascination

with the decoration of the

temples

and

caves.

In

addition

to

the

extraordinary

quality

of the

murals,

several of

the

temples

were

filled

with

a

profusion

of

manuscripts

and

sculptures

in

wood,

bronze and

stucco

(probably

clay).

In

nessun

altro

gompa

del

Tibet occidentale

ho ammirato

tanta

copia

di

oggetti

d'arte che costituirebbe

pregio

invidiato dei

nostri

musei

meglio

forniti.

Quasi

tutte

queste

statue

non sono

posteriori

al

XII

o

XIII

secolo

e

sono

uscite

dalle

maestranze

del

Bengala,

delllndia

gangetica,

del

Nepal.

Molte

portano

sul dorso

iscrizioni

in

sanscrito.

{Ibid.:

137).

Tucci believed that, together with Tsaparang, this valley had been the most

populated

in

Guge

(ibid.:

136).

Inspired

by

this enthusiastic

description

and the

high quality

of the

paintings

documented

in

Ghersi

s

photographs,

we

decided

to

visit

the

site

after

completing

our

documentation

at

Tholing.

At

that

time,

the

cave

paintings

had

not

been

published by

Tibetan

archaeologists,

and

western

scholars

had

apparently

not

been

motivated

to

follow

in

Tucci

s

footsteps.

Despite

Tucci's

description,

we

had

some

difficulty

in

finding

the

valley. Finally

we

encountered

a

lone

horseman, who,

galloping

at

full

speed

in

front f

our

vehicles

through

dry

ravine,

ed

us

to

the

small

village

of

Dung

dkar.

Although

we

did

not

have

time

to

visit

the

temples

*

The

pictures

of

Dung

dkar

are

for the

most

part

by

Prof.

Jaroslav

Poncar

during

the

September

1993

joint University

of

Vienna-IsMEO

(now IsIAO)-Tibetan

Academy

of

Sciences

expedition

to

western

Tibet,

participating

were

Christian

Luczanits,

Jaroslav

Poncar,

Yeshe

Kalsang

and

myself.

This

research

was

funded

by

the

Austrian Fonds

zur

F?rderung

der

wissenschaftlichen

orschung.

The

photographs by

General

Eugenio

Ghersi

were

taken

during

the

Tucci

expeditions

and

are

housed

in

the IsIAO Tucci

Himalayan

Archives.

I

thank the

Orientstiftung

for their

contribution

to

this

publication

and

Dr

Adele

Schlombs,

Director of theMuseum

f?r

stasiatische

Kunst,

Cologne.

[1]

323

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3/27

mentioned

by

Tucci,

the three

caves we

were

able

to

document

more

than fulfilled

our

expectations.

The

cave

temples

are

identified

by

the

name

of the

village.

Dung

dkar

is

located

in a side-valley f the Sutlej north ofTholing. It belongs to an extended cultural

zone

which

includes,

two

kilometres

to

the

east,

the

village

of

Phyi

dbang;

near

each

small

village

are

found

cave

temples,

extensive

ruins,

and

free-standing

architectural

structures

Tucci

1937

[repr.

1989])

(1).

In

the

village

of

Dung

dkar

are

located

two

extremely

arge

st?pa

(Fig.

1)

with

a

stepped

pyramicfal

hape.

In

Phyi

dbang

the

ruins,

buildings,

st?pa,

are

rather

more

extensive

(Pritzker 1996).

In

Tucci

s

time

these

monasteries

were

dependent

on

Tholing,

which

undoubtedly

reflects

an

older

pattern.

The

group

of

three

aves

lies

to

the

north side of

the

valley

at

the foot

of

a

steep

cliff.

Two

of these

caves

are

closed

and

one

is

open

to

the

valley

(Fig.

2).

Due

to

strict

control

on

the

part

of the Tibetan

Government,

we

were

only

able

to

take

a

very

limited

amount

of

pictures,

and also due

to

very

bad weather

we

only

stayed

there

one

night.

The

central

cave

is

1,

to

the

east

Cave

2

(the

largest

cave),

and

to

the

west

of the central

cave,

number

3

(the smallest).

In

the

three

caves

at

Dung

dkar,

there

are

three different

painted

ceiling

compositions,

centrally

and

symmetrically

organised,

but

only

two

are

true

mandala.

In

each

cave

the

ceiling

dominates,

indeed,

optically

overwhelms the decorative

program

of

each

of

the

cave

temples.

These

dramatic

ceiling paintings

are

the

subject

of this

paper.

The

Dung

dkar

paintings

were

previously

attributed

to

the late

llth-early

12th

century

(Rhie

1999:

48 and

n.

12,

for

other

references).

I

use

here

the

working

hypothesis

that the

three

cave

temples

in

Dung

dkar

may

be

attributed

to

the end of the 12th

century

(Luczanits 1998a: 151). This short study deals with the last phase in the

development

of the

painted

'Dome of

Heaven',

the mandala-like

canopy

and

the

mandala

ceiling

in

West Tibet.

The Problem

In

1947

Alexander

Soper

published

a

major

article

defining

the

development

of

the

'Dome

of

Heaven'

in

Chinese

art.

He

traced the

roots

of this

concept

to

Western

ideas

and

Indo-Iranian architectural

forms,

such

as

the lantern roof.

Today

we

might

not

see

such

a

clear

linear

development

from

West

to

East

and South

to

North

-

but

that

question

is

only

relevant

to

the

earliest

phase

in

the

development

of

the Dome

of

Heaven

and

is

therefore of

no

interest

to

us

here.

The Mandala

ceilings

[of

two

Ming temples]

are

worthy

of

attention

not

only

for

their

high quality

and

their historic

importance

in

the

long

Chinese

development,

(*)

Tucci

describes

and

illustrates

he

painting

from

Dung

dkar,

however

he

attributes

hem

to

the

15th

century,

hich would

rather

eem

to

refer

o

the

painting

from

hyi dbang.

324

[2]



4/27

Fig.

1

-

Dung

dkar,

stipa.

(Photo

D.

Klimburg-Salter).

Fig.

2

-

Dung

dkar,

caves.

(Photo

D.

Klimburg-Salter).

[31 325



5/27

but also

for

the

light

that

they

shed

on

the

practice

of

ceiling

design

in

Tibet

proper:

a

fieldwhich

for

want

of

information

I

have

had

to

omit

almost

entirely

[...].

(Soper

1947:

247).

We

can

now

provide

these

missing

Tibetan

examples,

but

the conclusion

they

lead

us

to

is

rather different than what

Soper supposed.

With the

exception

of

the

Dung

dkar

caves,

this

concept

of

the mandala

ceiling

is

unknown

in

Tibetan

temples,

as

will

be

seen

from

a

comparison

to

other

painted ceilings

in

West

Tibetan

temples.

I

will

suggest

that the

Dung

dkar

painted

ceiling

compositions

were

influenced

by

the

Central

Asian

cave

temple

ceiling

compositions,

where

a

logical

evolution

can

be traced

from the

painted

canopy

motif

to

the

mandala-likc

canopy,

to

the

mandala

ceiling.

Dung

dkar

Caves

Each

cave

is

excavated

with

a

recessed

ceiling

zone

(#3

is

relatively

shallow),

and

the decorative

program

is

dominated

by

an

elaborate

ceiling,

either

a

mandala-like

canopy

(Cave 1)

or

'mandala

ceiling'

(Caves

2

and

3),

and

it is

this

feature alone

which will

be

discussed here.

Let

us

look

briefly

at

the

three

caves.

Cave

no.

1

(Fig.

3)

in

cross-section

is

in

the

shape

of

a

truncated

pyramid,

at

the

floor level

it

measures

6.5

x

6.7

meters

(Phuntsok

Namgyal

&

Chi

lie

ta

qin,

eds.,

1998:

11).

The

ceiling

of

Cave

1

(Fig.

4),

is

carved

in

imitation

f

a

lantern roof

(in

Chinese

zaojing)

-

carved

beams

are

set

in

alternating

squares

placed

at

right

angles

over

each

other,

each

successive

square

is

excavated

at

a

higher

level, thus,

the

five

squares

are

excavated

in

a

stepped

pyramid-like

recess.

A cross-section

of

the cave excavation would be similar to several examples from Dunhuang, for

example

Cave

no.

380

(compare Figs.

5 and

6).

In

both

the

Dung

dkar

example

and

Cave

no.

380

from

Dunhuang

(The

Dunhuang

Institute

for Cultural

Relics

1984:

pi.

192)

the

main inner

square

is

set

on an

angle

along

the

main axis

of the

cave.

Seven mandala

are

painted

on

the walls. On the

north wall

are

two

different

mandala dedicated

to

Manjusri,

on

the

east

wall the mandala

of Dharmadh?tu

v?glsvara-manjusri,

on

the

west

wall

are

two

different

Vairocana

mandala.

On

the

south

wall

to

either side of the

entrance

are

two

smaller sized mandala each

dedicated

to

Avalokitesvara

(Pritzker

1996:

15).

Below

each

mandala

is

represented

a

standing figure

of

an

eleven-headed

Avalokitesvara,

one

with

six

arms

(Pritzker

1996:

fig.

16)

the

other

multi-armed.

Next

to

the latter

is

a

mandala of the Five

Protectors. The Life of

the

Buddha

is

represented

on

the

west

and north walls. The

visual

narrative

is

accompanied by

text

panels.

A

comprehensive

view

of

an

assembly

attended

by

members of

the

noble families

flanking

an

enthroned

prince

occupies

the

eastern

section

of the

south

wall.

I

have

elsewhere discussed

the

theme

of the

great

assemblies

in

the

kingdom

of

Pu

rang

-

Gu

ge

(Klimburg-Salter

1996b).

326

[4]



6/27

Fig.

3

-

Dung

dkar,

Cave

1.

(Photo

J.

Poncar).

The

centre

motif of

the

ceiling

decoration

is

no

longer

extent.

However,

it

appears

to

have been

a

figure.

base this

suggestion

n

the fact that there

is

still

visible

a

dark blue

ground

behind

a

large

white

circle,

which

I

take

to

be

a

mandorla.

Thus,

I

tentatively

propose

that the

innermost

horizontal surface

(i.e.,

the surface

parallel

to

the floor and

perpendicular

to

the

walls,

=H1,

see

Figs.

7

and

8)

contained

a

seated

Buddha

figure,

for which there

are numerous

precedents

in

the

painted

cave

temples

of Central

Asia.

The vertical surface of the

inner

square

(=V1,

Fig.

8)

is

painted

with

st?pa,

five

to

either side.

In

the four

corners

of the

second

innermost

horizontal surface

(=H2,

Fig.

8)

are a

pair

of

mythical

lion-like beasts

(not

completely symmetrical,

one

pair

has

a

different form.

The vertical surface of the

next square (=V2, Fig. 8) is painted with a modified valance pattern. The next two

horizontal

surfaces,

three and four

(=H3,

H4,

Fig.

8),

of the

ceiling

are

decorated

with

overall textile-like

patterns.

The vertical surface

of the

next

square (=V3,

Fig.

8)

has

a

valance

pattern

(typologically

imilar

to

Tabo)

(Fig.

9).

The

horizontal

surface

of this

outermost

square

(=H5,

Figs.

7-8),

is

decorated with

a

row

of

panels

placed

end

to

end,

each

with

a

different overall

textile-like

pattern.

The

viewer,

standing

in

the middle of the

cave

and

looking

up,

into

the

'Dome

of

Heaven'

cannot

distinguish

here the

edge

of the

ceiling

ends and

the

top

of thewall

begins (Fig.

4).

[5]

327



7/27

Seen

from

beneath,

the walls

disappear

into

the

'Dome

of

Heaven'.

The

outermost

vertical surface

(=V4,

Fig.

7)

has

a

row

of Buddha

figures

Figs.

3, 7,

8).

Based

on

the valance

patterns

I

would

propose

that there

are

symbolically

two

canopies

inside

each

other.

Cave

no.

2

(Fig.

10),

the

largest,

at

floor

level

measures

7.2

m

sq.,

with the

ceiling

rising

up

to

a

height

of

5.4

m

in

the

centre,

also

in

section

a

truncated

pyramid.

The

back wall

is

slightly

recessed

so as

to

house

a

total of

8

statues

seated

on

a

plinth;

each Buddha

figure

sits

under

a

different

tree set

in

a

rocky

environment. On

the

adjacent side walls

are

niches for

two

additional figures

to

eitherside, including

a

pair

of

protectors.

Only

fragments

remain

today along

with the lotus thrones and

the

aureoles.

In

Tucci

and

Ghersis

time

(1935)

theback wall

statues

(7

Buddhas of

the

past

and

Maitreya)

still

xisted

(Fig.

lla-b).

The

ceiling

of the

cave,

square

at

the lowest

part,

shrinks

as

it rises

to

a

quasi

lantern

roof

(Fig.

12)

which

is

painted

with the

Dharmadh?tu-v?gtsvara-mandala.

At

the

centre

of the

floor

are

the bases of

two

destroyed

structures,

presumably

st?pa,

built

of

unbaked brick

(Pritzker

996:

fig.

17).

328

[6]



8/27

Fig.

6

-

Dunhuang,

Cave

no.

380.

(After

he

Dunhuang

Institute

orCultural Relics

1984).

With

a

floor

area

of

no

more

than 13

square

meters,

Cave

no.

3

is

the smallest

and

the murals there

are

poorly preserved

(Fig.

13).

The

ceiling,

roughly

resembling

a

vault with

a

recessed

centre

zone,

is

decorated

with

a

Buddha mandala

(Fig.

14).

This extensive

group

of

caves,

according

to the

local

authorities more than

1000,

spread

out

through

he

large

valley

are,

to

my

knowledge,

without

parallel

in

Tibet.

Throughout

Tibet,

India,

and

Central

Asia

there

exist

cave

complexes

excavated

to

serve as

living

and/or

religious complexes.

In

Tibet and India the

caves

are

mostly

not

decorated,

with the

exception

of such

unique

complexes

as

Ajant?.

The

use

of

clay

sculptures

at

Dung

dkar

is

characteristic

f the Central

Asian

Buddhist

cave

sites

where

clay

sculptures

were

set

into

an

overall

painted

[7]

329



9/27

Fig.

7

-

Dung

dkar,

Cave

1,

perspective

view of lantern

roof,

M.

Falser.

environment,

thus

creating

a

single iconographic

program

centred around the

main

image/or

images.

The

only

extensive

cave

complex

of this

type

to

the

west

is

B?miy?n

in

Afghanistan

together

ith

the

cave

complexes

in

the

adjacent valleys

Kakrak and Foladi.

In

contrast,

in

India

there

are

a

number of

cave

complexes.

However,

even

at

Ajant?

some

of

the

caves are

not

painted.

The other excavated

complexes

in

India,

even

the

spectacular

Ellora,

have

considerably

less

emphasis

on

painted

decoration

and much

more on

sculptural

decoration.

Unlike the

cave

temples

in

Central

Asia,

Afghanistan

and

West

Tibet,

in

the Indian

caves

the

sculptures

are

carved

out

of

the

rock.

Extensive

painted

cave

complexes

with

clay

sculptures

as

at

Dung

dkar

are

found

only

in

Afghanistan

and Central

Asia. Within the

larger

oases are

extensive

groups

of

cave

temples

which

contain

a

large

variety

of

architectonic

and

330

[8]



10/27

Fig.

8

-

Dung

dkar,

Cave

1,

painted

decor

of the

horizontal

(H)

and vertical

(V)

planes

of

the

antern

oof,

M.

Falser.

decorative schemes.

A

fairly

consistent

phenomenon

is

the

overall

painted

decoration.

This brief

discussion

refers

only

to

these

cave

temple complexes

which

lay

within

the

zone

of

Tibetan influence

specifically,

Dunhuang

and

Yulin.

As

we

shall

see,

a

characteristic

that

later

Buddhist

cave

temples

from

Dunhuang

and

Yulin

share

is

that the

painted

program

covers

the total

inner

surface of

the

cave,

sometimes obscuring the architectonic divisions, specifically wall-ceiling. In Indian

cave

temples,

such

as

Ajant?,

in

every

case

the

ceilings

are

excavated

with features

associated with

ceilings,

and this architectonic

clarity

is

reinforced

by

the

painted

decoration.

Not

only

does the decoration

clearly

maintain

the architectural

integrity

of the

different

zones

-

ceiling

and

walls

-,

but

different

elements

or

motifs

are

used which

are

characteristic for

each

zone.

(I

have elsewhere

summarised the

concept

of

ceiling

decoration

in

Ajant?

and

B?miy?n

[Klimburg

Salter

1996a]).

[9]

331



11/27

Fig. 9

-

Tabo, 'Du khang. (Photo C. Luczanits).

Fig. 10

-

Dung dkar,Cave 2. (PhotoJ.Poncar).

The

Western

Himalayan

and Central

Asian

Ceiling Compositions

The Central

Asian

origin

of the

mandala

ceiling

can

be

clearly

seen

when the

ceilings

of the

Dung

dkar

cave

temples

are

compared

to

the traditional

ceiling

decoration

in

the

geographically

and

chronologically

relatedBuddhist

temples

of

the

western

Himalaya,

in

what

is

today

India. Both

in

eastern

Himachal

Pradesh

and Ladakh the

ceilings

of Buddhist

temples

are

decorated with

painted

textile

patterns organised in parallel panels. The fact that the textile patterns on the

ceilings

are

combined

with

a

painted

valance

(sometimes

bordered

by

a

row

of

birds,

Klimburg-Salter

1997:

pi.

199,

fig.

9)

which

runs

around

the

top

of

the four

walls and

connects

directly

to

the

ceiling

composition

caused

me to

suggest

that

these

ceiling

decorations

were

meant to

represent

canopies

(Klimburg-Salter

1996a;

1997:

173-77).

Indeed,

in

the earliest of these

examples

at

Tabo real

white

cloth fixed

to

the

ceiling

is

used,

albeit

then

painted

with textile

patterns.

This

motif,

the 'honorific

loth

covering',

continued

to

be used

in

Nako

and Alchi

and

332

[10]



12/27

Fig.

lltf,

&

-

Dung

dkar,

Cave

2.

(Photo

E.

Ghersi).



13/27

Fig.

12

-

Dung

dkar,

Cave

2,

mandala

ceiling.

(Photo

J.

Poncar).

related

monuments,

such

as

Sumda-chung

and

Mangyu.

But

in

all these

monuments

the textile

patterns

were

painted

on

wood

panels placed

between the

beams.

The

baldachin

or

'honorific cloth

covering'

has

a

long

tradition

in

the

western

Himalayan

region,

where the cloth

canopy

was

depicted

within the

context

of free?

standing temple

architecture. This

type

of

ceiling

decoration

is

documented

in

the

ceiling

painting

from the veranda

of

Cave 'D'

in

B?miy?n

(Klimburg-Salter

1989:

fig.

68).

The

B?miy?n

painting

documents cloth elementsheld between beams.

Here

we see

rectangular panels

each with

a

different

pattern

organised

in

parallel

rows,

as

also

in

the

later

temples

of the

western

Himalaya.

The 'honorific cloth

covering'

in

the western Himalaya was always retained and defined by the architecture. Thus,

there

appear

to

have been

two

distinct traditions of

ceiling

decoration. The

western

Himalayan

'honorific cloth

covering'

can

be

distinguished

from the

eastern

Central

Asian

canopy

tradition

in

that the decorative

patterns

used

in

the former

are never

centrally organised.

The Central

Asian

painted

canopy

composition,

in

contrast to

the

western

Hima?

layan

tradition,

is

centrally

and

symmetrically organised;

reference

to a

cloth

canopy

is

always

clearly

ndicated

through

he

inclusion

f

a

painted

valance

on

all four sides

334

[12]



14/27

SB^^^BIBHIl^^^^vT^

Fig.

13

-

Dung

dkar,

Cave 3.

(Photo

C.

Luczanits).

Fig.

14

-

Dung

dkar,

Cave 3.

(Photo

C.

Luczanits).



15/27

(The

Dunhuang

Institute for

Cultural

Relics

1984,

II:

pis.

44,

78).

This

centrally

organised

motif

gives

priority

to

symbolic

forms associated with the

'Heavenly

Dome'.

Soper

(1947)

described

the

development

of

this

theme

n

the

cave

temples

f

eastern Central Asia

where,

not limited

by

the restraints of

architecture,

the

ceilings

could

expand

at

will. The decoration

of the

ceiling,

which combined

the

canopy

motif

with

a

variety

of other

motifs

symbolising

the

heavens,

came

to

dominate the

decorative

program

of the

cave

temples.

The

ceiling

and

its

extravagant

painted

decoration

achieved,

symbolically,

cosmic

dimensions.

The

cosmic

diagram

par

excellence

is,

of

course,

the mandala.

It

is

sufficient

for

the

purposes

of the

present

discussion

to

summarise

several

general

points

about the

painted

canopy

motif

in

Central

Asia,

that have

already

been established

and

documented

by Soper

and

other

Chinese

art

historians.

An

important

element

in

ceiling

decoration,

the

canopy

motif,

became

progressively

more elaborate. There aremany examples fromDunhuang dating from the period of

the northern

Wei

and

continuing

throughout

the

history

of the

Buddhist

cave

temples.

This theme

was

always organised

around

a

central

point,

at

first

a

lotus.

The

symmetrical

pattern

became

progressively

more

complex,

sometimes

combining

with

a

decorated

lantern

roof

pattern.

The

name

'zaojing'

(caisson)

is

derived

from the combination

of

crossbeams

forming

a

jing

(well-like

pattern)

and the

zao

(colourful)

designs

painted

on

the

wooden

beams.

{Dunhuang

Art,

1994:

116).

The

amount

of

space

allotted for the

ceiling

in

the

cave

excavations

increased

dramatically

over

time.

The decoration

of the

ceiling,

which

appears

in

cross-section

as a truncated

pyramid,

became

progressively

more elaborate

(see

for

example

The

Dunhuang

Institute

or ultural

Relics

1982,1:

pi.

142

and

p.

225).

The decorated

caisson of

Early

Tang

is

inevitably

shaped

like

a

canopy

resembling

the

heaven,

hanging

high

on

top,

imparting

a

magnificent

and

solemn

aura.

[...]

This

also

characterizes

the

sinicization of the

cave

temple

in

China.

(Dunhuang

Art,

1994:

148).

From

the

ang

period,

a

Buddhist

figure

ould

be

found

occupying

the

centre

of

the

canopy.

The historical

development

of the

canopy

motif

may

be

seen

if

one con?

trasts

the elaborate

Five

Dynasties example

(The

Dunhuang

Institute for Cultural

Relics 1987: pi. 53) with the earlierSui period 'Dome ofHeaven' (TheDunhuang

Institute

orCultural

Relics

1984,

II:

pi.

22),

which combined

a

painted

lantern

roof

design

with the

canopy

motif.

In

later

examples,

as

also

in

Dung

dkar

Cave

1,

the

painted

canopy,

which

is

centrally

organised

and

symmetrical

in

four

directions,

now

also includes

Buddhist

deities. This

complex

pattern

essentially

overwhelms

the

canopy

motif.

Because of the inclusion

of

Buddhist

deities,

and

particularly

the

presumed

Buddha

figure

n

the

centre

of

the

composition,

have

tentatively

efined

this

type

of

ceiling

design

as a

mandala-likc

canopy.

336

[14]



16/27

The

progressively

more

complex

paintings

of

canopies

with

figurative

elements,

eventually

ecome

a

true

mandala

(Cave

10

Yulin) (The

Dunhuang Academy

1990:

pis.

106-107).

Thus,

the

ceiling

becomes

a

surface for

independent

iconographic

themes. The most dramatic example is at Yulin, attributed to the Xixia period,

Cave 3

(The

Dunhuang

Academy

1990:

pis.

141,

171),

decorated

prior

to

1193

(Linrothe

1996:

9)

(2).

In

the

Xixia

period

the

mandala

now

dominates

the

ceiling

decoration

and the

canopy

motif

is

reduced

to

a

border

design.

The

canopy

motif

is

only

recognisable

from

the

four-part

symmetry

of the border

motifs

including

the

valance

design

at

the

edge

of the

ceiling,

not

the

top

of thewall

as

in

Tibetan

temples.

In

Dung

dkar,

as

in

the Yulin and

Dunhuang

caves

just

mentioned,

the clear

distinction between the

ceiling

and the wall

is

lost,

and there

is

a

tendency

to run

the

pattern

from the

ceiling

onto

the

wall,

or

the wall

onto

the

ceiling,

without

any

clear

distinction of

the

architectonic

forms.

Fig.

12

shows

the

mandala

ceiling

as

seen

from the

centre

of the

cave.

The

Dharmadh?tu-v?gisvara-mandala

in

Cave

2

is

drawn

right

through

the

corners,

and

thus,

the

mandala

encompasses

the wall and the

ceiling.

his

is

clearly

een

in

the

double

spread

photo

(Pritzker

996:

fig.

17)

of

the

back,

north

wall. Note

that

the

corners

-

where the wall and

ceiling

intersect

-

coincide neitherwith the

upper

edge

of

the

painted

program

of

the

walls,

nor

with

the

outer

edge

of the

mandala

square

(Figs.

15-16).

In

Cave

1

the

canopy

motif

is

almost lost.

All

that

remains

are

two

different

val?

ance

motifs

painted

on

two

vertical

surfaces

(V2,

V3)

of the

lantern

roof

ceiling.

The

vertical

surface

of the

outer

square

is

painted

with Buddhas

(V4).

In

the mandala

ceiling

in

Cave

2

the

deities

are

also

painted

on

the vertical surfaces.

But

in

Cave

1

the edge of the lantern roof design is painted on the outside horizontal surface of the

ceiling

(H5)

and forms

optically

speaking

at

the

same

time

theborder of the

top

of the

wall

(Fig.

4)

and

the

outer

edge

of the lanternroof.

A

good

example

of this

optical

illusion

s

fig.

in

Pritzker

1996.The

picture

is

identified

s

'Figure

depicted

supporting

weight

of the

ceiling

Cave

1'.

Actually,

this

figure

occurs on

the

sloping

horizontal

surface

(i.e.,

the

under

side,

parallel

to

the floor:

H5)

on

the

outer

pseudo

beam of the lantern

roof

(Figs.

5

and

7),

and

thus,

the

figure

does

not

connect

between the wall and the

ceiling,

but

is

rather

semi-perpendicular

to

the wall.

Compare

a

detail of this theme

taken

by

Ghersi

(Fig.

16)

with the

Poncar

photo

(Fig.

4)

of

Cave

1.

Cave

3

has

a

vault,

raised

at

the

centre,

which

is

decorated

by

a

mandala. The

edge

of the

composition

is

not

defined

by

the

wall-ceiling

division

or

the

corners.

Rather,

the

mandala

itself ends

well

before the

edges

of

the

vault,

and

the total

composition

flows down

over

the

top

of the

walls,

ignoring

this architectonic

(2)

In

Cave

3,

the

relationship

of the

clay sculpture

and

mandala

on

the walls

may

also be

compared

to

Dung

dkar,

but

this

cannot

be

discussed here.

[15]

337



17/27

Fig.

15

-

Dung

dkar,

Cave

2,

wall/ceiling,

seen

from

elow.

(Photo

E.

Ghersi).

division;

what

appears

to be the corners

(where

walls and vault

meet)

or the

edge

of

the

wall

are

actuallypainted

lines

(Fig.

13).

The

concept

of the

ceiling

decoration

in

Dung

dkar follows

the

aesthetic

already

established

in

the decoration

of

Central

Asian

Buddhist

cave

temples.

As

we

have

seen

in

the

Tangut

Xixia Caves 3 and

10

at

Yulin

and

also

in

the

Xixia

period

caves at

Dunhuang,

ceiling

decoration

was

not

limited

to

the architectonic

pace

as

ceiling,

but

it

merged

with the

total

painted

environment

of

the

cave

hall

to

form

a

single

decorated

unit.

To summarise:

as we

have

seen,

the

man

da la

ceiling

occurs

in

the

last

phase

in

the

evolution

of the

decoration

of Chinese

Buddhist

cave

temples,

when the

ceiling

and

its

painted

heavens

came to

dominate,

by

virtue

of

size

and

iconographic

themes,

the

main

halls.

There

are

no

ceilings,

other

than those

in

Dung

dkar,

in

West Tibetan

or

Tibetan

temples

which

are

transformed

into mandala

or

decorated with

mandala-\ikc

patterns.

All

surviving

temples,

chronologically

and

geographically

related

to

Dung

dkar,

have

their

eilings

decorated

as

in

the

Tabo

Assembly

Hall. These

temples

re

decorated

with

a

symbolic

canopy

depicted

by parallel

panels

of

painted

textile

patterns

on

the

ceiling

plus painted

valance

at

the

top

of

the

wall,

usually

between

the

two

is

a

line of

birds

as a

border.

Thus,

only

the

Dung

dkar

ceilings

are

338

[16]



18/27

Fig.

16

-

Dung

dkar,

Cave

2,

painted

corner

with atlas

figure.

Photo

E.

Ghersi).

decorated with the

centrally

organised

patterns,

defined

by

Soper

as

the

'Dome

of

Heaven'.

The

western

Himalayan

variants

are

rather

'honorific cloth

coverings'.

There

are,

however,

a

group

of

st?pa

(T.

mchod

rten)

in

Ladakh where the

beams of

the

lantern roofs

are

painted

with

mandala

or

mandala-like

designs.

The earliest

examples

are

found

at

Alchi,

but

compare

Fig.

17

to

Kyzil (Soper

1947:

fig.

10).

The

mandala-ceiling

in

Ladakh

The so-called 'Great

St?pa

at

Alchi,

c.

13th

century,

has

an

inner

st?pa

with

a

canopy

ceiling

(Fig.

17).

The

outer

shrine has

a

mandala

painted

on

the lantern

roof,

as alreadynoted byGoepper (1993: 136) (Fig. 18).More dramatic is the smaller

st?pa

pair,

which

Luzcanits

(1998)

considers

slightly

ater than

the

Great

St?pa

(3).

Here

a

Vajradh?tu-mandala

is

painted

on

the

vertical

face of the beams

inside of the

lantern

oof

f the

outer

st?pa

(Fig.

19)

and

a

canopy

is

painted

on

the

ceiling

of the

(3)

I

thank

Christian

Luczanits for

drawing

my

attention

to

these

mandala and

allowing

me

to

publish

his

photographs,

as

well

as

for

his critical

omments.

[17]

339



19/27

Fig.

17

-

Alchi,

'Great

St?pa',

inner shrine.

(Photo

J.

Poncar).

Fig.

18

-

Alchi,

'Great

Stupa',

outer

shrine.

(Photo

J.

Poncar).



20/27

Fig.

19

-

Alchi,

smaller

stupa,

outer

shrine.

(Photo

C.

Luczanits).

inner

st?pa

(Fig.

20).

Unlike the

Dung

dkar

mandala,

however,

these tend

to

be

rather

visually

confused because the

architecture

remains

the

dominant

principal.

For

example,

the

outer

circle and

square

of

the mandala

are

interrupted

by

the

square

formed

y

the

upper

part

of the

wall which

is

emphasised

by

the

traditional

wall-border motif

-

birds

and valance

(Fig.

21).

The

artists

confusion

is

expressed

by

the fact that

the

valance and birds

are

placed

not

only

at

the

top

of

thewall

in

their usual

position,

but also

on

the

beams

of the

lantern roof.

As

in

Dung

dkar,

the

principal

deities

are

painted

on

the

vertical surface of the

beams,

but

in

Alchi these

beams

are

hidden. The mandala

can

only

be

seen

when

standing

on

top

of the

inner

st?pa.

But

Buddha

figures

are

also found

on

the horizontal

surfaces

in

the

corners

which

are

visible from elow.

In

Dung

dkar the

iconography

s

coherent and

easily

read because the clear depiction of themandala is the dominant concern, thus, the

mandala

is

simply

rawn

through

hewalls

as

if

the latter id

not

exist.

In

Ladakh,

the

iconography

is

subordinate

to

the

integrity

of the

architecture.

Even

today

gateway

st?pa

in

Ladakh and

Himachal

Pradesh

often have

very

simple

lantern roofs with

mandala

painted

in

the central

part

of the

ceiling,

but

they

never

have

the

complexity

of

the

Dung

dkar

mandala

ceilings

or

their

prototypes

in

Central

Asia.

An

examination

of the

reasons

why

the mandala

ceiling

was

only

continued

in

relationship

with

st?pa

and

not

chapels

would

take

[19]

341



21/27

Fig.

20

-

Alchi,

smaller

t?pa,

inner

hrine.

(Photo

J.

Poncar).

us

beyond

the boundaries of this discussion. The

answer

may

lie

in

the

cosmic

nature

of the

sl?pa,

for the

association

between

a

st?pa

and

a

painted

mandala

as

ceiling

decoration

is

not

unique

to

Ladakh.

In

Lori,

Mustang,

a

mandala

is

painted

on

the

cave

ceiling

over

the

st?pa

(Neumann

1994).

The mandala

ceiling

of

Cave

1

in

Dung

dkar,

painted

on

a

modified lanternroof

and

spreading,

like

an

umbrella,

over

the

two

st?pa

below,

is

an

earlier

example

of this

phenomenon.

The

next

examples chronologically

are

the

two

pairs

of

st?pa

from

Alchi,

13th

century.

According

to

Luczanits

(1998b),

the

two

pair

of

st?pa

at

Alchi

can

be related

to

the

'Bri

gung

bKa'

brgyud

pa

phase

at

Alchi. The

'Bri

gung

was

one

of the

eight

sub

schools of the

Phag

gru

bKa'

brgyud

pa

founded

by

Phag

mo

gru

rDo

rje

rgyal

o,

a

student f sGam po pa. The 'Brugpa and the sTag lung schools also belong to this

group

of

eight.

All

these sub-schools had their home

monasteries

in

Central

Tibet,

but from the late 12th

century

the influence

f

the

'Brug

pa

spread

to

West

Tibet

and Central Asia.

Thanks

to

the fortuitous urvival f

a

large

number of

thang

ka

from

Central

Tibet,

particularly ineage thang

ka of the

sTag

lung

pa,

the

early

art

history

f

this chool

is

relatively

ell known.

On

thebasis of the

sTag

lung thang

ka

paintings

from entral

Tibet,

the charac?

teristic

Ka'

brgyud

pa

iconography

ould be identified. he hieratic

representation

342

[20]



22/27

Fig.

21

-

Alchi,

smaller

st?pa,

outer

shrine.

(Photo

C.

Luczanits).

of

a

bla

ma

with

a

pair

of

Bodhisattva

attendants

and

the

importance

of

the

Mah?siddhas with a particularemphasis on Padmasambhava is found first n the

small mchod

rten

in

Alchi,

c.

early

13th

century,

which

is

also the last

monument

to

be

painted

in

this

style

Luczanits

1998b:

156).

This

st?pa

is

dedicated

to

Vairocana,

and

the

iconography

derives

from the

Yoga

Tantras.

These

features

{bla

ma

with

Bodhisattva

attendants)

are

found

slightly

later

in

the

context

of

an

iconography

associated with the Annuttara

Tantra

in

two

much

ruined

st?pa

(gateway

mchod

rten),

ttributed

o

the

late

13th

century

nd

dedicated

to

Aksobhya

-

Alchi

Shang

rong,

which has

a

lantern roof

ceiling

in

six

levels,

and

the

larger

st?pa

of

Lamayuru,

which has

a

ruined lantern

oof

ceiling

(Luczanits

1998b:

156-58).

The

former

t?pa

has

a

mandala

painted

on

the lantern oof

ceiling

which

is

today

not

possible

to

read

but,

in

any case,

was

clearly

delineated within

the architectural

structure.

In

summation

the

only painted

ceilings

in

the

western

Himalaya

that

may

be

compared

to

the

ceiling

compositions

in

the

Dung

dkar

caves are

found

in

a

small

group

of

st?pa

in

Ladakh.

The

lantern

roofs of these

st?pa

are

painted

with

mandala. The

st?pa

may

be

dated

on

the

basis of the

style

and

iconography

of their

painted

decoration

to

the mid-

to

late

13th

century,

and associated

with

'Bri

gung

bKa'

brgyud

pa

patronage.

[21]

343



23/27

The Historical

Context

The

Dung

dkar

caves,

attributed

o

the

end of

the

12th

century,

ay

be dated

to

a

period followingthe transfer f thecapitalofGu ge from holing

to

Dung

dkar

and

to

the

brief

period

of bKa'

brgyud

pa

ascendancy

in

the

region.

I

have

attempted

to

demonstrate

that the

ceiling

paintings

may

be derived

from

a

Central

Asian tradition

where the decoration

of

the

ceilings

of

the

cave

demonstrate

an

evolution

from

the

mandala-canopy

to

the

true

mandala

ceiling

in

the

Xixia

period.

The

Dung

dkar

paintings

are

slightly

ater than

ulin

Cave

3,

painted

prior

to

1193,

and earlier

than

a

small

group

of

mid-

to

late

13

h

century

t?pa

in

Ladakh

whose

lantern roofs

are

decorated with

painted

mandala.

The

problem

is

to

understand

the

historical

conditions

which

encouraged

the

Central

Asian

influence

on

the

cave

temples

at

Dung

dkar.

We have

very

little

recise

historical

information

or

the

period

between

the end

of thekingdomofPu rang Gu ge (c. 1100) and the 14thcentury nwesternTibet.

According

to

the

chronicle,

the

mNga'

ris

rgyal

rabs,

the

capital

was

briefly

moved

from

Tholing

to

Dung

dkar after

rTse

lde's

assassination.

According

to

Petech

(1997:

238),

rTse lde died

in

c.

1080

and

was

succeeded

by dBang

lde,

c.

1040-1100.

The

last three

members

of this

dynasty,

escendants

of

dBang

lde,

were

killed

by

the

so

called

Gar

log

{ibid.:

239).

Tholing

appears,

however,

to

have remained

the

spiritual

centre

of

the

region

throughout

he

period.

The

kingdoms

to

the

north

of the

Sutlej

(where

Dung

dkar

is

located)

and

to

the south

(where

Tholing

is

located)

were

separated

in

themid

12th

century

nd

reunited

y

Grags

pa

lde

(1230-1277) (Vitali

1999:

34).

There

was a

brief

period

of

bKa'

brgyudpa ascendancy (late

12th

to

late

13 h

century)

n

Tholing;

it is

unclearwhich of

the sub-schools.

For

this

period

we

only

have information

concerning

the

'Bri

gung

pa,

who

were

pre-eminent

in

the

western

dominions

(sTod

mNga'

ris)

from

c.

1191-1275

(Vitali

1999:

34)

and

the

'Brug

pa

(e.g.

Vitali 1996:

368-416)

who also established

a

few

small

communities

4).

Late

in

the

12th

century,

he

'Bri

gung

bKa'

brgyud

pa

began

to

expand

from

their ase

'Bri

gung

monastery,

seat

of

'Bri

gung

Rin

po

che

(1143-1217),

in

Central

Tibet.

They

came

to

the

Gangs

Ti

se

area

(Mt. Kail?sa)

in

c.

1191.

They

had

close

associations

with

the

ruling

ynasties

f

Pu

rang

Gu

ge

and

Ladakh

(Petech

1997:

240-42;

Vitali

1996:

372-90, 408-25, 437-42;

1999:

34).

This

school

was

particularly

mportant

n

mNga'

ris

skor

gsum

and

many

shrines

and

hermitages

were

associated

with them

in

Pu rang, Gro shod and Kinnaur (Petech 1978: 319). Their activities extended into

Ladakh

where

they

patronised

Alchi

and

Lamayuru

among

other

monuments.

Other

bKa'

brgyud

pa

schools

may

also have

been

active

in

these

regions;

due

to

the

different

biases of

the

written

sources

and their

extremely

limited

nature,

the

omission

of evidence

identifying

other

bKa'

brgyud

pa

sub-schools

is

not

decisive.

(4)

I

thank

hristian

Jahoda

for

information

oncerning

the

'Brug

pa.

344

[22]



24/27

During

the

Tangut

Xixia

period

bKa'

brgyud

pa

schools

were

also

active

in

Cent?

ral

Asia,

both

the

'Bri

gung

and

the

Karma

bKa'

brgyud

pa

are

mentioned

in

the

sources.

Recent

research

(Sperling

1987;

Ruegg

1995)

has

demonstrated

thatthe

yon

mchod/mchod on relationship etween theking and the amaofficiant riginatedin

the

Tangut

(not

the

Mongol)

realm.

[...]

late

in

the twelfth

century

that sacral

role

[sacral

empowerment]

devolved

upon

Tibetan

clerics,

specifically

monks

belonging

to

Bka'-brgyud-pa

subsects.

(Sperling

1987:

39).

There

are

several

instances

recorded of

monks

travelling

between

Tibet,

West

Tibet

and the

angut empire

(see

for

example Sperling

1987).

Considering

the

large

corpus

of

art

which

can

be

attributed

o

the

Tangut

Xixia

period,

relatively

little research

has

been

conducted

on

the

question

of sectarian

patronage.

The Karma

bKa'

brgyud

pa

can

be

associated with

some

of

the

paintings

from hara Khoto (Samossiuk1998).A bKa' brgyudpa connectionisalso suggested

by

the

iconographic

preferences

depicted

in

the

paintings

-

Vajrayogini

and

Cakrasamvara

are

important

deities for

bKa'

brgyud

pa

ritual

practices

and

Bhaisajyaguru,

the

Medicine

Buddha,

is

usually

found

in

Ladakhi

temples

ssociated

with

this

school.

Tucci mentions

two

caves

with

images

of the

Medicine

Buddha

at

Dung

dkar.

Perhaps

within the

nexus

of bKa'

brgyud

pa

activity

n

Central Asia and

western

Tibet,

and

the

relationship

f

these

schools

with

the

ruling

lite,

lies

the clue

to

the

association between

the

art

of

Dung

dkar

and the

art

of

the

Tangut

Xixia

on

the

one

hand,

and

Ladakh

on

the

other.

Future Tasks

This

study

represents

nly

the

first

tep

in

an

exploration

of the

genesis

and

context

of

the

artistic

decoration of the

Dung

dkar

caves.

The

two

related

hypotheses presented

here

need

to

be

examined

in

more

detail: the

Central

Asian

influence

n

the

art

of

Dung

dkar

and the

possible

association

with bKa'

brgyud

pa

patronage.

It

is

now

necessary

to

examine

other

aspects

of

the

decorative

programs.

To take

just

two

examples:

textile

motifs

and

sculptural style.

A

number of the

textile

patterns

also

can

be identified

in

the

paintings

of

Central Asian

cave

temples,

but

none

of

the

textile

motifs

can

be

identified

n

the

extensive

repertoire

f

the

gSum

brtsegs

in

Alchi

(Papa-Kalantari

2000:

102).

Surprisingly,

ome

motifs

can

be

compared

to

motifs found

in

the

abo

'Du

khang (compare

Wandl 1999:

fig.

9).

Another

example,

the

figure

style

of the few

remaining

sculptures

also

indicates

stylistic

connections

to

Central

Asia.

In

Ghersi's

photographs

of

Cave

2

(Fig.

11)

taken

1935

one sees

the

almost

life-size

sculptures

of

clay figures

seated

on

a

plinth

along

the north

wall. What

is

to

be noticed here

is

the

figure

style:

the

long

thin

body,

the

lightly

ounded

stomach

and,

most

particularly,

he

shape

of

thehead with

[23]

345



25/27

the

broad

brow,

thick

cheeks,

narrow

almost slit-like

eyes,

the

rather

small

pointed

chin,

and the low rounded

usnisa.

These

stylistic

features relate these

images

to

the

sculptural

style

associated

with the

Xixia

art

of

the

Tangut

period.

An

interesting

comparison

is to the Buddha head from Khara Khoto in the

Fogg

Museum

(Klimburg-Salter

982:

fig.

7).

The

analysis

of the

ceiling

decoration has demonstrated that the

artistic

heritage

of the

Dung

dkar

caves

is

more

complex

than

previously

supposed.

The

paintings

from

ung

dkar have been classified

s

'Kashmiri'

Pritzker

996:

27-28;

Rhie 1999:

48).

This attribution

has

not

been

supported

by

a

comparative

analysis

to

securely

attributed

'Kashmiri'

art.

Rather than

a

Kashmiri

style,

I

would

propose

that these

three

caves

represent

a

distinctive local

style,

the result of

a

long

dialectic between

Indian,

Central

Asian,

and

West Tibetan

art

in

the

service

of Buddhism.

As

we

have

seen,

one

of the

common

threads

in

the

period

and

region

where

the

mandala ceiling became popular was the presence of the bKa' brgyud pa, but the

evidence for

institutional affiliation

is

not

available

for

Dung

dkar,

nor

is

the

evidence for

patronage

clear.

In

Cave

2,

both the

Assembly

scene

and the

representations

of

the

Life

of

the Buddha

are

accompanied by

extensive

inscriptions.

These

are

quite destroyed

and

as

yet

no

reading

has been

possible.

A

careful

examination

in situ

might provide

more

information,

until

then

only

a

comparative

study

of the

iconography

may

assist

us

in

clarifying

the

patronage

of

the

caves.

An

analysis

of

theGreat

Assembly

scene

(Klimburg-Salter

996b)

established that

this

motif

at

Dung

dkar

belonged

to

the

general

typology

established

by

the

royal

patrons

of the

Pu

rang

-

Gu

ge

dynasty

from the

11th

century.

However,

at

Dung

dkar

as

at

Nako,

the central enthroned

figure

of the

assembly

is

not

a

royal

lama

as

at

Tabo,

but rather a

layman.

In

the

Buddhist

art

of the

western

Himalayas

from

the 11th

to

the

early

13th

century,

significant

iconographic

variations

exist

which

must

indicate

different

patronage

groups.

A

distinctive feature

at

Dung

dkar

is

the

variety

and

preferences

of the

iconographic

themes.

As

also

in

the

earliest

temples

at

the other

comparable

sites

-

Tabo,

Nako and Alchi

-

the mandala

belong

to

the

Yoga

Tantra

class.

But

in

contrast to

the other

sites

here

Manjusr

is

emphasised

rather than

Vairocana,

and

there

are

a

larger

number of different mandala

represented.

Also,

in

contrast to

Tabo,

but

as

at

Nako and Alchi the

complete mandala-palace

type

is

represented.

I

have

mentioned here

only

a

few of

the

problems

waiting

to

be

explored

at

this

complex and once extensive site.

In

closing

I

should

like

to return to

Tucci's

observations

regarding

the

extraordinary

quality

of the

paintings,

which

Tucci

considered

the finest he had

seen,

and the

large

size

of the settlements

t

Dung

dkar and

Phyi dbang.

It

is

evident that

these

temples

represent

only

a

small

part

of

a

once

affluent and

cosmopolitan

centre.

Thus,

a

more

extensive

study

of the

decoration,

functions

and cultural

context

of the

Dung

dkar

caves

is

undoubtedly

important

for

an

understanding

of

the

history

of

the

Gu

ge

kingdom.

346

[24]



26/27

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tucci archive report, 4 dung dkarphyi dbang, west tibet

Documents