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8

EDUCATION IN INDONESIA: POTENTIAL CONFLICT AND ITSPERSISTING DUALISTIC EDUCATIONAL SYSTEMS

Markus Budiraharjo, M.Ed., Ed.D.mbudiraharjo1@gmail.comSanata Dharma University

Abstract

In the face of the looming presidential election, a variety of religious symbols are heavilyexploited as commodities to raise the electability of each presidential candidate. All religious symbolsrepresented in political landscapes have been in fact so vigorously ingrained in the educationalsystems in Indonesia. A closer look on the educational system portrayed from its sociologicalunderpinnings is believed to equip us with a better comprehension about the complexity of historicaland political struggles of our own contemporary era. This paper is set to raise a discussion on ahistoriography of educational systems from its root since its pre-independent era, especially seen fromhow Catholicism played a role in our educational systems in Indonesia.

Keywords: dualism, Indonesia, Catholicism, educational systems, historiography

INTRODUCTION

As a country with the biggest Muslim population in the world, Indonesia is governed usingpresidential democracy, thus it remains a secular country. The biggest archipelago, it has more than17,000 islands spreading over 5,000 kilometers from Sabang in the west and Merauke, Papua in theeast. The 2010 National Census demonstrated that the total number of population is 237.6 million,with 58% of the population inhabiting Java, 21% living in Sumatera (Bureau of Central Statistics,2010). The island of Java itself is only 6.60% of the total inhabited area of Indonesia, making thepopulation is unevenly distributed (Suryadinata, Arifin, & Ananta, 2003). As a multi-ethnic country,Indonesia comprises of 1,072 ethnic/sub-ethnic groups. However, the size of most ethnic or sub-ethnicgroups is small, and only 15 groups have more than one million each (Suryadinata, Arifin, & Ananta,2003). The 2000 Census demonstrated that the first five ethnic groups include Javanese (41.71%),Sundanese (15.41%), Malay (3.45%), Madurese (3.37%), and Batak (3.02%). Muslims are 88.2%,Protestantism 5.8%, Catholics 3%, Hindus (mostly in Bali) 1.8%, and Buddhism, Confucianism, andothers make up the rest.

The underlying spirit of Pancasila Vh i]Z hiViZ ^YZdad\n ^h ^ih bdiid d[ x<]^ccZ`V Njc\\VaC`Vy dg Y^kZgh^in ^c jc^in l^i] i]Z bV^c \dVa d[ jc^[n^c\ ]^\]an Y^kZghZ Zi]c^X^i^Zh+ IcZ d[ i]Z W^\\Zhichallenges facing this country has been to prevent some regions from separating themselves. AcjbWZg d[ ^chjg\ZcX^Zh* ^cXajY^c\ i]Z .615 GVY^jc{h Xdbbjc^hi eVgin gZWZaa^dc* i]Z .62/EVgidhjl^gnd{h ChaVb^X MiViZ egdXaVbVi^dc* i]Z .625{h JZgbZhiV ^c MjbViZgV* VcY i]Z .632 Xdbbjc^hiparty rebellion, had been indicators of the threats to such a unity (Schwarz, 1994). Despite theseemingly calm years under the New Order Regime (1966-1998), bloody conflicts, racial clashes,religion-based atrocities remain a common threat. Following the demise of the New Order in 1998,racial conflicts occurred among Dayak and Madurese in Borneo, Christian vs. Muslim lengthyconflicts in Poso, Sulawesi, and the Mollucas. Most recently, direct clashes between the EvangelicalProtestants and Moslem took place in Bekasi, West Java, mostly due to renewed efforts from bothparties to convert their opposing followers into their own (International Crisis Group, 2010). Thethreat to pluralism and multiculturalism does not only overtly take place as shown by the media.

As Darmaningtyas (2003) notes, the threat very often takes place in a subtle manner throughpolicy making as in a 1999 joint ministerial decree between the Ministry of Religion Affairs and theMinistry of Culture and Education, which eventually led many state schools to oblige Muslim girls towear headscarf as part of a school uniform. This policy and other similar ones have sent a strongmessage of growing intolerance and a decreasing spirit of multiculturalism, making minority groupsunder constant threats (Darmaningtyas, 2003).

%)0,5),+#$3.*,.0, '+12/+ )0* 4-+ (13/*

9

Political compromise in a dualistic educational system

The literature on the history of the national educational system suggests that the issue ofsecular vs. religious education remains unresolved until today, making the education in Indonesiapartly managed by the Ministry of Religious Affairs and the Ministry of Culture and Education(Christiano & Cummings, 2007; Sirozi, 2004). This dualistic system was deeply rooted in thetraditional schooling system and the European schooling model brought by the Dutch and thenationalistic struggles to gain its independence in the early 1900s. Like other countries undergoingextended periods of colonization by European countries that struggled to establish a nationaleducational system due to impoverished conditions and underdeveloped infrastructures, Indonesia alsoencountered massive challenges in its efforts to establish a unified, nationaleducation system (Christiano & Cummings, 2007; Postiglione & Tan, 2007; Sirozi,2004).

On the one hand, as Christiano and Cummings (2007) note, upon its independence in 1945, asa fledgling country, Indonesia greatly suffered from a lack of financial resources, limited infrastructureand well-prepared teachers. As a young country, three goals of education during the early years of itsindependence included, first, a huge effort to establish a mechanism for nation-building in order tounify and integrate societal differences of race, ethnicity, and class; second, to develop a system insuch a way as to develop moral, responsible citizens that supported and observed the country'sfounding principles of the Pancasila, and third, to settle a delicate educational issue (i.e., mediating thesecular-religious conflicts that were brewing, and that were jeopardizing the formation of a unifiednational system of education). These three goals were a formidable task, given the fact that the DutchVeea^ZY V XdchZgkVi^kZ eda^Xn l]^X] x`Zei i]Z cjbWZg d[ hX]ddah VcY i]Z cjbWZg d[ hijYZcih VcYgraduates small so as not to disrupt too quickly the colonial system and the traditional structure thathjeedgi ^iy 'EgdZ[* .626* e+ .15( [dg Vc ZmiZcYZY eZg^dY d[ i^bZ Yjg^c\ ^ih gjaZ dkZg CcYdcZh^V+ M^gdo^'/--1( [jgi]Zg cdiZh i]Vi i]Z ZYjXVi^dc hnhiZb jcYZg i]Z Xdadc^Va >jiX] gjaZ lVh hZi id xaZ\^i^bize andempower the hegemonic status of the Dutch people over the indigenous people in the colony bycreating an educational, cultural and religious gap among native Indonesian themselves, as well asWZilZZc i]Zb VcY i]Z >jiX] eZdeaZy 'e+ ./3(+

On the other hand, the challenge to establish a unified, national education system came fromdiverse types of schooling that existed for years for different orientations and distinctive philosophicaland religious backgrounds. In general, there were four types of schooling. First, a European modelwhich was adopted by very few schools established by the Dutch was intended to educate a selectgroup of students from high-end families to fill limited, lower-level bureaucratic occupations. Second,Moslem-based schools, such as madrasahs and pesantrens, were established by religious groups inorder to preserve religious values and maintain Moslem identity. Third, mission-based schoolsintroduced by Christian orders upon the stipulation of Ethical Policy in the Dutch Parliament in 1871(Rosariyanto, 2009) were partly intended as an evangelization tools. Fourth, nationalist groups such asTaman Siswa (firstly established in 1922 by Ki Hadjar Dewantara in Yogyakarta) created schoolsbased on the ideals of maintaining harmonious relationships among people and family values (Kroef,1959).

These four school types represented different orientations and therefore were hardlyreconcilable. When this country gained its independence on August 17, 1945, the founding fathersencountered great difficulties in unifying these different strands into a single institution. The Europeanmodel, characterized by age-\gdje^c\ VcY XaVhh^XVa VggVc\ZbZci* VcY xV^bZY Vi egZeVg^c\ \dkZgcbZciZbeadnZZh* ul]^iZ XdaaVg-dg^ZciZYy 'M^gdo^* /--1* e+ .0/(* VcY KS_S` J[eiSre whose orientation wasmore on familyoriented values, could not be reconciled with Moslem-based schools whose role washZZc Vh xV bZVch d[ ZcXdjgV\^c\ YZkdi^dc id AdY 'taqwa( VcY bVc^[Zhi^c\ AdY{h l^aa dc ?Vgi] VhAdY{h V\Zcih 'Khalifatullah Fi Al Ardhi(y 'e+.0/(+

Sirozi (2004) notes that such a dilemma resulted in one of the best and most pragmaticcompromise made during the earliest time of the independence, not only to allow the existing schoolsto remain operational but also as a means to acknowledge their contributions in nurturing nationalisticand patriotic spirits prior the independence. It followed that the private, religious schools weremanaged by the Ministry of Religious Affairs, and the state schools, nationalist and secular schools,and mission-based schools were managed by the Ministry of Culture and Education. The high level ofacceptability among mission-based schools into Indonesian education system could not be detached

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from their political roles in the past (i.e., nurturing nationalistic and patriotic spirits throughout pre-independence years).

Catholic schools: Finding a niche

Up to this day, as a religious group, Indonesian Catholics remain to be small (i.e., threepercent of 237.6 millions). However, Catholic educational institutions have largely played importantgdaZh ^c ]Zae^c\ igVch[dgb CcYdcZh^V ^cid bdYZgc ZgV+ LdhVg^nVcid{h '/--6( ]^hidg^d\gVe]n dc i]Z a^[Zof Rev. van Lith v the most influential figure establishing Catholic education in the 19th century vhighlights the major transformations brought by a reformed Evangelization in the Central Java thatserved as a basis of Catholic education. From its early inception in the late 1860s, Catholic educationwas established on well-developed, socio-culturally appropriate principles with a purpose of creating anew generation with a strong Catholicity character and moral standing (Rosariyanto, 2009). As shownby the approaches taken by Rev. van Lith, a Jesuit Dutch priest working in Indonesia between 1896and 1926, the conversion to Catholicity among Javanese people was not merely done through massive,traditional evangelization but through a gradual transformation of educational experiences offered byCatholic schools. As Rosariyanto (2009) notes, Rev. van Lith underwent a lengthy conflict withanother Dutch priest, i.e., Rev. Hoovenars, who stuck to traditional evangelization indicators, i.e.,measured by the number of newly-baptized converts. Rev. van Lith would spend time talking with theJavanese people of different strata and encourage them to send their children to existing primaryschools, either to public or the one initiated by him. Rev. van Lith strongly held a belief that socio-cultural transformation would never come easily, requiring the change agents to fully understand thesocio-cultural characteristics of the society in order to make use of existing good practices as steppingstones to introduce Catholic values while in the same time reducing traditional practices that were notin line with Catholic values. By conducting intensive study on the language, Javanese traditions andbehaviors, such as inter-family contract-based marriage, superstitions, and a series of commemorativeceremonies of the deceased, he became fully cognizant of what cultural practices to keep enhancingthe assimilation of Catholicism, and what to drop, and get replaced with Christian values. He becameknowledgeable about good and bad things embedded in the Javanese culture.

Bringing some parts of the existing socio-cultural values as an entry point warranted theacceptability of Catholicism among Javanese people. Fifty-eight people from the northern MenorehMountain (about 25 km from his residence) who only had heard about him and had no contact withhim before, applied for a voluntary conversion and agreed to receive baptism from him. It was uponthis conversion that his approach to evangelization started to draw attention. His reformed approach toevangelization was maintained through education, i.e., by firstly engaging its young generation withbetter values through education so as to equip them with critical skills to live a better life. It was worthnoting that Catholicism was never imposed upon the young generation in the newly establishedschool. Children would only be taught Catholicism as far as their parents gave the school consent to doso. This brief historical overview highlights the very beginning of socio-cultural transformations thattook place in Indonesian society viewed from the history of early Catholic education in the early1900s. Viewed from a broader historical context, the introduction of Catholicism to the Javanese wasnot separable from the political landscape of the late 1800s. The Dutch Parliament was filled withthose concerned with the ethical issues regarding the colonization and how the government dealt withi]Z Xdadc^oZY eZdeaZ ^c CcYdcZh^V+ >jWWZY Vh x?i]^XVa Jda^i^Xhy Wn V eVga^VbZciVg^Vc kVc YZ PZciZg ^c1871, this ideology served as a basis for any policy to acknowledge the huge contributions made byIndonesia for the Netherlands and later to allow mission-based activities to develop and grow inIndonesia. Thus, it was not just coincidental that the introduction of Catholicism to the Javanese inparticular shortly preceded the founding of the first modern socio-cultural organization called BoediOetomo (May 8, 1908). This organization, despite its being apolitical, was seen as the threshold ofmassive, political awakening of Indonesian indigenous peoples. The forthcoming years witnessedvarious organizations with different religious affiliations and socio-cultural and political ends.

In short, there are at least two major things to draw regarding the role of Catholic schools inIndonesia. First, it should be acknowledged that together with other schools, such as Moslem-basedschools (pesantrens), and secular-based schools by Ki Hadjar Dewantara (Taman Siswa inYogyakarta), Catholic schools played a major role in creating critical mass who were socio-politicallyaware of living poorly under the Dutch colonization. These schools induced alternative ways of

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thinking into the minds of their students, i.e., not necessarily accepting the reality of being colonizedas an unchangeable fact. They were thus prepared to embrace the thought of being an independentcVi^dc+ MZXdcY* YZhe^iZ i]Z aVWZa x=Vi]da^Xy dg bdgZ egZX^hZan xbdgZ XadhZan V[[^a^ViZYy id i]Z >jiX]* ^idid not mean that Catholic schools endorsed the maintenance of the Dutch colonization in Indonesia.Catholic schools were independent, and the education in these schools was geared to nurture thinkingskills among the young generation - and thus not merely subservient to the needs of the Dutchgovernment. Rosariyanto (2009) notes that Rev. van Lith remained to play a controversial role in theeyes of the Dutch rule. After two decades initiating Catholic schools in Central Java, and seeing theprogress among the youth, as well as given the context of the WWI, Rev. van Lith saw that the Dutchcolonization in Indonesia would inevitably end sometime in the future. It was his belief that the key ofCatholic schools to flourish was to adapt to any political change that might take later. His view sent astrong message of endorsing independence of this huge archipelago.

It could be concluded that the ideas of transforming Javanese people did not end in creating anew generation holding Catholic values, but were further geared to equip them to participate in thechanging society with a purpose of taking more transformative roles in shaping better society thatserved greater good for public. Being a Catholic meant being a fully functional Indonesian citizen whowas ready to serve the needs of the country. Such an ideological belief was strongly held and widelypromoted by Mgr. Soegijapranata (1896-1963), the first Indonesian archbishop, and a national hero.Given such an endorsement, it was not surprising that the Catholics as a minority were politicallyactive and accepted as a meaningful constituent in this highly pluralistic country. Thus, despite thepolitical change from the Dutch governance to the independent Indonesian governance, the existingCatholic schools remained to be an active player in the Indonesian educational system. After theIndonesian independence in 1945, Catholic schools remained to serve various kinds of studentscoming from different religious backgrounds, without necessarily sanctioning them to convert theminto Catholicism. In other words, even before the Vatican Council II was conducted (1962-1965),Catholic education in Indonesia had been outward-looking and had served non-Christian population.

Further movements upon the independence

Upon their freedom from colonization, East Asian countries were deemed to have successfullyZhiVWa^h]ZY i]Z^g cVi^dcVa ZYjXVi^dcVa hnhiZbh* l]^X] lZgZ Xdbbdcan X]VgVXiZg^oZY Wn xV [dgb d[state run schooling anchored in traditional social-cultural values, and emphasizing basic skills anddgYZgan WZ]Vk^dgy 'Jdhi^\a^dcZ* /--4* e+ m^i). The general belief within those countries was aconviction that their early success in establishing the educational system was a shared view whichZbe]Vh^oZY ZYjXVi^dc xVh V [jcXi^dc d[ Xdbbdc i]ZbZh i]Vi Zbe]Vh^oZ ]Vgbdcn* bdgVa Xjai^kVi^dc*social neildg`h* eViZgcVa aZVYZgh]^e* VcY eda^i^XVa Vji]dg^iVg^Vc^hby 'Jdhi^\a^dcZ* /--4* e+ m^(+

A case in point, in its few years of its reign, the New Order Era, Indonesia successfully built61,000 elementary schools (Christiano & Cummings, 2007). However, such a success was limited toeradicating illiteracy (Christiano & Cummings, 2007). Although the 32 year of the New Order Regimeunder President Suharto (1966-1998) brought stability and prosperity among Indonesian people, thedemocracy was largely fake and freedom of expression was just an empty slogan Schwarz, 1994).Political rights of religious and/or social and cultural origins were reshaped into tripartite politicalsystems for three decades, making each group lose its skills, cultural networks, and vitality (Sularto,Wiyono, & Parera, 1999). At the turn of political, social, cultural and financial crises in the 1998, theseries of discussions held by the Indonesian Catholic Society Forum (ICSF) brought a new level ofawareness among Indonesian Catholic people. The Catholic interests to struggle for, as a leadingCatholic politician argued, refer to the efforts of "contributing value systems as guiding principles torun the country" (Seda, 1999, p. 97). This emphasis signified a movement from a neotraditionalisticapproach commonly found in "self-centered political communities [set to] gather all resourcesavailable in order to establish their own power over other groups (Sularto, Wiyono, & Parera, 1999, p.38). It follows, as Mulder (2002, 2005) observes, the greater challenge for a country as diverse asIndonesia is to facilitate the growth of a civil society. Such a society needs to acquire power,^ciZaaZXijVa XVeVX^in* VcY eda^i^XVa VXXZhh ^c dgYZg id xgZ\jaViZ i]Z ZmZgX^hZ d[ hiViZ VcY bVg`Zi edlZgu T^c order] to influence the decisions made in the political and thrives best in an open, democraticZck^gdcbZci i]Vi \jVgVciZZh d[ [gZZYdbh d[ ZmegZhh^dch VcY VhhdX^Vi^dcy 'GjaYZg* /--2* e+ 0(+

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Postiglione (2007) further notes that in order to keep up with tdYVn{h \adWVa ZXdcdb^Zh*CcYdcZh^V ]Vh V [dgb^YVWaZ iVh` xWZXVjhZ ^i ^ckdakZh bV_dg gZ[dgbh ^c ZYjXVi^dc i]Vi i]gZViZctraditional learning patterns v patterns that are viewed as having been the driving force of success inthe earlier phases of developmenty 'e m^^(+ N]Z \gZViZhi X]VaaZc\Z [dg YZkZade^c\ Xdjcig^Zh a^`ZIndonesia seems to be how to provide equal access to their citizens to obtain education. As Postiglioneand Tan (2007) notes, among East Asian countries, Indonesia and the Philippines are currently rankedi]^gY ^c i]Z^g Z[[dgih id bZZi OH?M=I{h i]Z /-.2 Education for All programs. Singapore and SouthKorea are deemed to be the front runners for these efforts. Even the countries with better educationalsystems like Malaysia and Thailand are also considered to be far from reaching the goal.

Heading towards future: Roles of private schools

The discussion on the socio-historical backgrounds of modern Indonesian educational systemallows us to grasp the complexity of the past in order to project what the current and future will looklike. Four broad conclusions can be drawn from this brief overview of socio-historical discussion.First, the national education system of Indonesia was established upon unique contributions of fourtypes of schooling in the formation of nationalistic spirits prior to her independence. In a system wherefree education offered through public schools is non-existent, private schools play a major role, by]Vk^c\ egdk^YZY xZYjXVi^dcVa VaiZgcVi^kZh [dg i]Z eddg VcY i]dhZ a^k^cg in more remote areas, andhdbZi^bZh i]Z dcan dei^dch [dg i]ZhZ hijYZcihy '=]g^hi^Vcd % =jbb^c\h* /--4* e+ ./6(+ Cc VYY^i^dc*the private schools also maintain the diversity to thrive.

MZXdcY* idYVn{h YjVa^hi^X cVi^dcVa ZYjXVi^dc hnhiZb lVh egZk^djhan V ientativesolution to bridge the gaps between Moslem-based schools and secular, nationalist schools in the earlydays of Indonesian independence (Sirozi, 2004). Such a policy has made it difficult to differentiatewhat state-owned schools from private ones (Duncan, as cited in Christiano & Cummings, 2007).Private schools receive a variety of subsidies from the tax money. Meanwhile, public schools alsocharge parents to pay educational fees to operate the schools. This dualistic system has been in placefor more than six decades. Thus, it is relatively difficult to undergo a major overhaul to change theexisting system. Private schools are very likely to remain an indispensable part of the Indonesiannational education system.

Third, the provision of equal access to education to all citizens remains to be a central issue.Private schools have played vital roles in providing education to many children, especially those livingin remote areas where public schools are non-existent. This also demonstrates a substantial weaknessof Indonesian national education system. In its constitution, it is stated that the state is in charge ofproviding education for its citizens. Such a failure of the state to provide public education isXdch^YZgZY id xeZgeZijViZ V ineZ d[ hnstem-aZkZa Y^hXg^b^cVi^dc i]Vi ^h hi^aa ^cZfj^iVWaZy '>jcXVc* Vhcited in Christiano & Cummings, 2007, p. 129). In conclusion, Christiano and Cummings note thatxWZXVjhZ i]Z eddg ]VkZ kZgn [Zl ZYjXVi^dcVa dei^dch Vi i]Zsecondary level and those that are available are of very poor quality, a rather segregated system hasgZhjaiZYy 'e+ ./6(+

Fourth, as any other countries in the world encounter, the current major drivers leading toigVch[dgbVi^dch ^cXajYZ x\adWVa XVe^iVa^hb* cZd-liberalism, and corporate investment, which continueid YZ[^cZ ]jbVc gZhdjgXZ iVaZciy 'Jdhi^\a^dcZ* /--4* e+ m^^(+ N]Z cZl \adWVa ZXdcdb^Zh gZfj^gZknowledge, skills, and positive attitude towards lifelong learning among citizens, which in turndemand more robust pedagogical skills on the part of the teachers, well-equipped schools, visionaryschool leaders, and appropriate policies. It is very likely that the neo-liberalistic principles v such asthe shrinking amount of public funding for education and business model of functional rationality asshown in standardized, high-stakes testing v appear to prevent the expansion of educational enterprisei]Vi [^ih i]Z hijYZcih{ cZZYh+

CONCLUSION AND SUGGESTION

In summary, in the foreseeable future, private schools in Indonesia remain to play a major rolein educating children. Private schools will still receive some amount of public fund to help run theiroperations. Unfortunately, private schools are very often neglected in terms of the professional teacherdevelopment and school leadership programs. The leadership trainings run by the Ministry of Culture

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and Education only target state-owned, public schools. Empirical findings obtained from privateschools (i.e. Catholic and Muhammadiyah lower grade schools) demonstrate a massive unfairtreatment from the Education Department (Budiraharjo, et. al, 2014). The biggest concern is thus how=Vi]da^X hX]ddah XdjaY bV^ciV^c i]Z^g igVch[dgbVi^kZ gdaZh ^c idYVn{h ZgV+ Cc VYY^i^dc* hX]ddah VgZ Vfertile ground to grow the right attitude towards diversity and multiculturalism. As noted inCciZgcVi^dcVa =g^h^h Agdje{h '/-.-( VcVanh^h dc i]Z \gdl^c\ ^cidaZgVcXZ ^c <Z`Vh^* QZhi DVkV* hX]ddahhZZb id ]VkZ eaVnZY V k^iVa gdaZ ^c V[[ZXi^c\ ]dl X]^aYgZc k^Zl di]Zgh+ xN]Z egVc` d[ Vc jci]^c`^c\schoolboy suggests, however, that anti-Muslim feelings may be inculcated at an early age and run ashigh in some Christian communities as anti-=]g^hi^Vc hZci^bZci YdZh ^c hdbZ Gjha^b dcZhy 'C=A*2010, p. 8).

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Rosariyanto, F.L. (2009). Romo Van Lith. Yogyakarta: Kanisius Publishing House.Schwarz, A. (1994). Nation in waiting: Indonesia in the 1990s. Boulder & San Francisco: Westview

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Suryadinata, L., Arifin, E.N., & Ananta, A. (2003). @`Va`We[Sre babg^Sf[a`5 <fZ`[U[fk S`V dW^[Y[a` [` S

changing political landscape. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies.Van der Kroef, J.M. (1957). Education in Indonesia. The Phi Delta Kappan, 39(3), 147- 151.