un commission on status of kashmir topic guide

UN Commission on the Status of Kashmir 1

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LETTER FROM THE DAIS

Dear Delegates,

Hello everyone! My name is Wendy and I, along with Emily, am your senior staffer YMUN 39’s Commission on the Status of Women. Currently, I’m a sophomore at Yale, majoring in Psychology with a Neuroscience track with plans to go to graduate school.

Outside of the classroom and YMUN, I am also part of Yale’s Mock Trial team, a mentor in WYSE (Women and Youth Supporting Each Other), a mentoring group for local middle school girls, and I am running a non-profit, Codi’s Hats.

With the ever-evolving policies on reproductive health rights and women’s rights, I’m ex-cited to see the different stances and cultural clashes that the topics may bring out. I look forward to seeing how you all respond in the committee. See you soon!

- Wendy Cai, Yale ‘15

Hi guys! I’m Emily, and I will also be working as one of the directors for CSW. A North-ern California native, I’m currently a sophomore at Yale in Branford College, majoring in Economics with a possible double major in East Asian Studies. After graduation, I hope to live and work in China for several years before pursuing a graduate degree, possibly in business or law.

When not going to classes or preparing for YMUN, I also serve as a mentor in ReadySet-Launch, an organization providing college counseling services to low-income students, participate in Danceworks, a dance group at Yale, and I serve on the alumni fundraising board for my high school. I also enjoy cooking, baking, and playing softball.

I can’t wait to hear your thoughts on the topics we have prepared for committee this year. Women’s rights remain a hotly debated topic globally, and I know you all are going to come up with informed, innovative solutions to these pressing problems. Please don’t hes-itate to email either Wendy or me with any questions or concerns.

- Emily Harris, Yale ‘15

All the best, Wendy Cai ([email protected]) Emily Harris ([email protected])

Dear Delegates,

Hello and welcome to the fortieth Yale Model United Nations and the United Nations Commission on the Status of Kashmir - 1947. My name is Abdullah Hanif. I am a sophomore in Morse College majoring in either Economics and Math or Applied Math. I’m from New York City but I was born in Lahore, Pakistan. I travel to Pakistan every summer and I am fluent in Urdu, the national language of Pakistan.

Before coming to Yale, I went to an international school with students from more than one-hundred countries. This experience really piqued my interest in global affairs and inspired me to get involved with YMUN. However, having grown up in the United States, I never learned very much about Pakistani politics or history besides what I heard on television or from my parents. Despite visiting the country very frequently, I did not feel as though I was very knowledgable about it.

When I was presented with the opportunity to chair a committee on the Kashmir Conflict, I was ecstatic. This has been an excellent opportunity for me to learn about the history of Pakistan, and the subcontinent as a whole. I look forward to sharing my new knowledge and understanding of South Asia with all of the delegates and hearing your insights into this turning point in history.

To tell you a little bit more about myself, besides chairing committees for YMUN and SCSY (Security Council Simulation at Yale), I am a member of the Yale Daily News Business Team, I write for a few student publications including the Yale Economic Review and The Politic and I tutor 7th and 8th grade students in math at a local New Haven middle school. In my free time, I enjoy playing soccer and tennis, cycling and travelling.

I look forward to meeting all of you in January. In the meantime, please do not hesitate to email me at [email protected] with any questions you may have. Best of luck! Sincerely, Abdullah

Hello everyone and welcome to United Nations Indo-Pakistan War Committee! I’m Rohan, one of the senior staffers here at YMUN XL and one of the people in charge of this excellent committee. I am currently a junior in Ezra Stiles College, double majoring in Economics and Biology. I was born in raised in Baltimore, Maryland, and have come to enjoy New Haven weather just the same as back home.

Aside from being part of the Model UN Conference through the Yale International Relations Association (YIRA), I am also involved with student government here at Yale, having served on the Yale College Council, and presently serving on the Junior Class Council. I also enjoy spending lots of my time singing in an a capella group and being involved with everything Stiles.

I’m extremely excited to see how our topic plays out this year, and believe that it is going to be an amazing experience for everyone involved. I look forward to getting to know each and every one of you and hearing what will surely be a fantastic debate. If you need anything at all, feel free to contact me at [email protected]. The power to shape on of the defining moments of South Asia rests in your hands. Sincerely, Rohan


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TABLE OF CONTENTS History of the Committee 3 The Political and Social Tensions of the Hindu-Muslim Conflict

Topic History 4 Current Situation 8 Bloc Positions 15 Questions to Consider 16

The Economics of Kashmir Topic History 17 Current Situation 21 Bloc Positions 27 Questions to Consider 28

Role of the Committee 29 Structure of the Committee 30 Suggestions for Further Research 32 Footnotes 33


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The UN Commission on the Status of Kashmir is an ad hoc committee established in early 1948. The committee was convened upon the request of Indian prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru. Nehru raised the topic of Kashmir with the United Nations Security Council at a meeting in Geneva, Switzerland. Upon voting, the members of the Council unanimously agreed that something should be done to address the turmoil in Kashmir.

The individuals chosen to sit on the committee were selected based on deliberations by the Security Council and a consultation with Nehru. It was also agreed that senior cabinet ministers from two of the Security Council’s permanent member states would be present to participate in the committee’s proceedings. The committee is charged with arranging a ceasefire between India and Pakistan. In order to do this, the committee must determine whether or not the Instrument of Accession (signed by Maharaja Hari Singh in 1947) is legitimate. If it is not, the committee must determine Kashmir’s status based on the views expressed by the inhabitants of the

region. The Committee will meet in the Provincial Assembly of the Punjab located in Lahore, Pakistan.

History of the Committee!


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Indian Rebellion of 1857 The Great Rebellion of 1857 was the primary catalyst of changing rule in India from the hands of the East India Tea Company to direct rule under the British Raj. Local Hindu and Muslim soldiers, known as sepoys, who outnumbered British soldiers many times over, were becoming the primary military force in the East India Tea Company’s employment. Frictions were beginning to arise between the Indian populace and the ruling members of the Company, sparked by variety of social and political patterns. Land annexations on the part of the East India Company had many sepoys and ruling aristocrats upset due to loss of land and revenue as property owners.i Beyond interference with certain Hindu religious practices, like sati, the Company began employing tallow-greased cartridges foe new Enfield Rifled Muskets. These cartridges, greased with beef and pork fat, were met by outrage by Hindus and Muslims alike, and though they were eventually switched out with vegetable fat cartridges, the damage had already been done.i

The results of the rebellion were profound, with a rise of many loyal Indian rajahs to high positions in society, in charge of vast tracts of land and people, and acting as buffers between British rulers and the Indian gentry. The Tea Company army was abandoned, and a new permanent British force was raised, picking races

TOPIC I.

The Political and Social Tensions of the Hindu-Muslim Conflict Topic History !


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like Sikhs and Gurkhas, who were thought of as more loyal. The city of Delhi was moved from Muslim to Hindu hands, with the British believing the latter group to be more loyal. Perhaps the most significant aftereffect, though, was the rise of an Indian Nationalist movement, which would eventually spark the struggle for independence.ii The Indian National Congress India was a much divided nation, which a variety of religions, and divisions of castes and sects in religions like Hinduism. This fact, coupled with the large size of the nation and the traditional variety of languages present in the reason made any sort of unification a difficult process. However, much of this began to change with the rule of the British Raj, which brought a shared language, and a more developed communication infrastructure. Better communication fed into a universal disdain for the British Raj and helped foster strong nationalism. British educational systems provided much of the fuel for revolutionary thinking and interestingly enough, Whigs and Liberals in Britain that a revolution by the people would be something to be proud of. TB Macaulay writes in 1833, “'that... by good government we may educate our subjects into a capacity for better government, that, having become instructed in European knowledge, they may, in some future age, demand European institutions. Whether such a day will ever come I know not. ... Whenever it comes, it will be the proudest day in English history” iii Allan Octavian Hume, grandson of an East India Company director, began to sympathize with those that he believed suffered under mistaken policies and he wrote an appeal to graduates of Calcutta University to start an organization for the

“mental, moral, social, and political regeneration of the Indian people” iv His ideas came to fruition and in 1885, the Indian National Congress was established with Hume as the first General Secretary. Finally a forum existed for the educated members of Indian society to sit down and discuss reforms with the ruling British. Partition of Bengal The British found the Bengal region too large and unwieldy for one governor to maintain, and thus in 1905 Curzon, the Viceroy of India proposed for the region to be split into Western Bengal and Eastern Bengal and Assam. The western area had been industrialized and dominated by Hindus, while Eastern Bengal was majority Muslim, the people having been oppressed by Indian landlords for years.v The nationalism movement was very strong Bengal, and Hindus of West Bengal believed that this move was being made in order to strangle the nationalist movement, leading to rural unrest, mass meetings, and a move towards the boycott of British goods.vi

Hindu-Muslim tensions were on the rise as a result, though the Muslims found this partition quite favorable. The new majority Muslim region of East Bengal found themselves in a situation of educational uplift, and in a position from greater freedom from the Hindu landlords who had held them down.vi As Hindu outcry continued, it became increasingly clear to prominent Muslim leaders that they needed an organization of their own to represent their political desires and not be tied down by a Hindu majority. The Partition of Bengal was one of the major catalysts in the decision to form the All India Muslim League.


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Formation of the All India Muslim League Muslim leadership felt threatened by the formation of the Indian National Congress (INC) because of the likelihood that Muslims would be in a permanent minority in the Hindu dominated organization. Muslim leader Syed Ahmed wished to increase Muslim representation and created the Indian Patriotic Association in 1888, which tried to inform the British that the INC did not hold the interest of all Indians in mind.vii Though resentment was built amongst Muslims against the INC, no viable alternative for representation had yet been found.

The early 20th century saw an increase in Hindu-Muslim rioting and controversy, as the political status of Muslims in Indian government was at a decline. Muslims were worried that future increases in the legislative powers of the Indian National Congress would continually place them at a disadvantage in national decision-making. Deliberations amongst Muslim leaders brought about the idea of an organization titled the All India Muslim League, which would be designed to further these objectives:

a. To promote among the Muslims of India,

feelings of loyalty to the British Government, and to remove any misconception that may arise as to intention of the Government with regard to any of its measures.

b. To protect and advance the political rights and interests of the Muslims of India, and to respectfully represent their needs and aspirations to the Government.

c. To prevent the rise among the Muslims of India of any feeling of hostility towards other communities, without prejudice to the other afore mentioned objects of the League” viii


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Indian Councils Act of 1909 Uprisings in Bengal led the British government to believe that the time was right to try and restore confidence in the loyal elites of India. After the partition of Bengal, the nationalist movement grew and the Indian National Congress desired a greater say in the decisions of the ruling British. The Indian Councils Acts of 1909, also known as the Morley-Minto reforms, were geared towards partially satisfying the desires of the nationalist movement and building necessary trust. Legislative membership was increased for Indians and Indians were finally given the right to be nominated to the Council of the Secretary of State and to the Executive Council. There were several issues of contention with the reforms, however, as they created difficulties with unofficial majorities in regions taking up against the official majority, which generally held the legislative capacity in a given region. Also, stipulations for Muslim seats put forward by the Acts angered Hindus, who believed the mandated Muslim seats to be unfair.viii

Annulment of the Bengal Partition Violent protest in response to the partition of Bengal led the British Raj to consider further appeasement measures beyond the Morley-Minto reforms. In 1911, the decision was made to annul the Bengal partition and reunify the region with the hopes of decreasing violence and reducing fuel from the nationalist movement. However, a second decision to move the capital of India from Calcutta to the Delhi, a city of greater Muslim control, was made in order to recompense the Muslims on the loss of East Bengal.ix Thus, the violence was not stopped after the reunification of Bengal, as Hindus were convinced that the British were playing against them in favor of Muslims. An assassination attempt was made on the viceroy and it seemed increasingly clear that Hindus and Muslim tensions ran deep. The ineffectiveness of the reunification of Bengal in quelling violence was one of the first signs suggesting that perhaps two nations were needed for Hindus and Muslims to live in harmony.


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Home Rule Movement The pieces were beginning to fall into

place towards the independence of India and towards the creation of two nations for Hindus and Muslims to live separately. A large step toward independence was embodied in the Home Rule Movement, started by Mrs. Anne Besant in India. She, along with Mohammad Ali Jinnah, Joseph Baptista, and others came together to form the All India Home Rule League, which demanded self-government within the British Empire for all of India.x Besant was later arrested under the Defense of India Act, leading to a large volume of protests and an intervention by Woodrow Wilson for her release.i

In 1918, this movement led to the development of the Montagu-Chelmsford reforms, which were focused on outlining a basis of self-government in India and leading to Government of India Act of 1919, which were legal expressions of the ideas outline in the Montagu-Chelmsford reforms.xi Mahatma Gandhi was elected the President of the All India Home League in 1920, after which point it fused with the Indian National Congress, setting the stage for Gandhi’s nonviolent resistance movements.

Lucknow Pact An important milestone in Hindu-Muslim relations came in the form of the Lucknow Pact of 1916. Mohammed Ali Jinaah, the president of the Bombay branch of the Home Rule League met with a prominent member of the Indian National Congress, Gopal Krishna Gokhale in order to pass an agreement to more fairly structure national representation. AN increased number of representatives were set, especially for Muslim s, who now received a separate electorate in provincial council elections.xii The Muslim community was naturally pleased with these new measures, though the ruling British saw this as further attempt on the part of the Indians to get rid of them. Rowlatt Act In 1919, the Imperial Legislature passed the Rowlatt Act, which allowed for the trial of political cases without a trial and the allowed of imprisonment of suspects in political cases without a trial. This act was seen as outrageous by the Indian populace and led to Mahatma’s Gandhi satyagraha movement. This movement, meaning “insistence on the truth” was a protest against the unfair political policies of the ruling British.xiii Gandhi’s protests against the British were

Current Situation


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subsequently met with strong backlash on the part of the Raj. Massacre of Amristar Martial law had been implemented on the city of Amristar in response to British concerns of protest and the area had been given to the control British Brigadier General Reginald Dyer. Dyer had implemented a ban for all public meetings on the city, but on April 13, a Sikh holiday, many residents descended upon the city to participate in the local fairs. Many of these individuals had no idea that a ban on gatherings had been placed on the area, and in Jallianwala Bagh, the site of a nationalist demonstration, Dyer’s troops opened fire and killed hundreds and wounding more than a thousand.xiv These atrocities stirred nationalist feelings throughout the nation and even brought pause to many in England. Gandhi now believed that nothing less than full independence should be accepted for India and he began organizing mass civil disobedience campaigns against British rule.v

Khilafat Movement After World War I, the dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire seemed inevitable. As one of the largest Islamic populations, Muslims in India

began to sympathize with the Empire, which was at odds with many of the Ally powers. The Muslims in India wanted England to protect the Ottoman Empire, and Gandhi linked his idea of swaraj, or self-government to the issues in the Ottoman Empire. In this way, Hindus and Muslims both spoke up together against England, even though this was essentially a Muslim issue.xv Because of this, Muslims joined with what would soon become the non-cooperation movement of Mahatma Gandhi and showed that Hindus and Muslims were united in their distaste for British rule. Non-Cooperation Movement Mahatma Gandhi launched his non-cooperation movement as an attempt to show India’s frustration with British rule. He renounced all titles he held under the British and insisted many other leaders and influential title-holders to do the same. When the Prince of Wales visited in 1921, mass demonstrations were held against him, eventually leading to mass repression by the British. In February of 1922, however, passions began running high, and an angry mob set fire to the Churi Chaura police station, killing 22 police men.xvi Gandhi was shocked at this act of violence, and immediately called off his movement, not being a proponent of violent action in any form. In March of 1922, Gandhi was arrested and sentenced to six years in prison. Shudhi Movement After Gandhi left the scene, Swami Shraddhanda launched the Shudhi movement, which was rooted in spreading Hinduism throughout India and uniting the populace under the Hindu religion. There was naturally a large


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degree of backlash from Muslims in India, who started their own movements against Shraddhanda. Tensions escalated when a Shraddhanda was murdered by a Muslim fanatic and Hindu-Muslim relations plummeted.xvii It appeared unlikely that Hindus and Muslims could leave peacefully, even in an independent India. Civil Disobedience Movement In 1928, the Indian Statutory Commision (also known as the Simon Commission after its Chairman) was sent to study potential constitutional reforms in India. The Simon Commission contained no Indian delegates whatsoever, leading to boycott by the Indian National Congress and a piece of the Muslim League under Mohammed Ali Jinnah.xviii The uniform condemnation of the report helped spark the civil disobedience movement in India, and eventually led to a series of talks known as the Round Table Conferences.

In 1929, President Jawaharal Nehru and the Indian National Congress officially announced that their goal would be complete independence from England. Soon after, in 1930, Gandhi launched a civil disobedience movement, starting with the historic salt walk, marching from Ashram to Dandi on the shores of the Arabian Sea. This was done in protest of the large salt taxes levied by

the British, and upon reaching the shores of Dandi, Gandhi and his followers proceeded to illegally make their own salt against British law.xix This event brought nationalism to a fever pitch throughout India, with Indians throughout the nation violating British laws and refusing to pay taxes. In an effort to quell the movement, the British arrested both Gandhi and Nehru, but the movement had already been set in motion.

Round Table Conferences The First Round Table Conference in 1930 was unattended by Gandhi and the Indian National, since Gandhi and the leaders of Congress were in jail at the time. There was attendance by some number of Indian Princes, but


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overall the outcomes of the talks were not particularly substantial. India was developed into a federation and some defense and finance power was given to the Indian government, but in general this was not sufficient to quell the ongoing disobedience movement.xx It seemed very clear that to reach any sort of lasting agreement, the participation of the National Congress was necessary. In September 1931, the Second Round Table Conference began, this time with attendance by Gandhi and Indian National Congress members. Gandhi claimed to represent the people of India as a whole, but many delegates of India did not believe that this was true, and due to such divisions, there was little lasting reform produced at this round of talks.xi Because the civil unrest had not stopped, Gandhi and various leaders of Congress were arrested upon their return to India. One final round of conference was held without the National Congress and Gandhi, again achieving very little on the whole in terms of reform. The recommendations made by the committee were published into a document known as the White Paper in 1933, and subsequently debated throughout Parliament.xi After talks of creating a new Act for India, a draft Bill was passed, soon enforced as the Government of India Act of 1935. Government of India Act In 1935, the slightly ambiguous Government of India Act came into effect. Under this act, the British set about some increased autonomy measures for the Indian population, giving them some control over provinces in the region. The central government in the federal system was kept very powerful, and overall it was

not possible for members of the Indian National Congress to attain any sort of majority. xxi Though there were provisions made for Muslims to specifically hold provinces of their own, they feared that the majority held by the Hindus under the act would still keep them from acquiring power. Thus, little progress was made in appeasing the Indian quest for independence. World War II and India With Great Britain actively involved in World War II, it was declared that India was also at war, even though there was resistance from Congress at this fact. Jinnah’s Muslim League, however, agreed to support the British war efforts for increased power in return. The British saw that continuing to widen the divide between Hindus and Muslims could divert the groups away from anti-British sentiment, and thus Jinnah was clearly supported by the British. Jinnah himself likely saw this conflict as a stepping stone towards consolidated power for Muslims and for the development of a new nation overall.xxii

Though the majority of Indians were against participating in the war, the Indian National Army played a large role in fighting for the British. Hundreds of thousands of soldiers


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fought from India and thousands were killed fighting for the British Raj.xxiii Many decisive battles were won through Indian participation, and in 1942, the All-India Congress Committee (AICC) decided that steps needed to be taken for India to be given independence in exchange for its war efforts. The Quit India Movement Launched in 1942, the movement was centered on the British voluntary withdrawing from India and leaving India to govern itself. The movement helped spark a mass nonviolent protest led by Gandhi against British rule. Gandhi and leaders of the AICC were arrested, leading to public outrage and violent protests, leaving thousands of civilians killed by British hands and over a hundred thousand Indians detained.xxiv Though the movement was suppressed by 1944, the populace stood united in its fight against the British, and when Gandhi was again released from prison, he resumed his place as the head of the resistance movement. Weakened by World War II, it seemed increasingly likely that the British may have to give up their positions as rulers of India. Pakistan Movement Jinnah, possibly the most prominent Muslim leader in India at the time, decided to

make in address in 1940 to discuss the idea of two separate nations. He believed that nations of multiple types of peoples like Hindus and Muslims need two different nations for their different religions and social ideas. This idea was adopted by the Muslim League formally, which brought tension throughout the Indian National Congress which was now worried that India as a whole could become fragmented. xxv With Muslims now striving towards the Pakistan Resolution, leaders like Gandhi to become resistant to the idea of separating India. Gandhi and Jinnah In 1944, Gandhi asked Jinnah to discuss the idea of a separate Muslim nation and wished to convince him that such a plan was not a logical action to take. Gandhi proposed that Hindus and Muslims should live together, as they have for years and years, and that if certain areas of India wish to be autonomous Muslim regions, then they should be so, but under an Indian Federation. Gandhi believed that this provided for the separation asked for by the Pakistan Resolution without destroying the nation of India. Jinnah did not agree to this idea, and believed that a separate nation was the only answer to the problem.xxvi It seemed clear that India would not be receiving any sort of independence without the creation of some


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sort of area where Muslims could hold their own state. Simla Conference In the summer of 1945, Viceroy Lord Wavell met with Gandhi and members of the National Congress to discuss reconfiguring the Executive Council in accord with the demands of Indian leaders. Unfortunately, talks broke down after Jinnah insisted that his party should have exclusive rights to place Muslim members on the Executive Council, which would inherently diminish the power of the National Congress as a national organization.xxvii In this manner, the talks were derailed and at the time no formal agreement was met on the issue. The opportunity for a unified and independent India was seemingly lost, and by this time a partition was all but inevitable. Cabinet Mission Plan The year after the Simla Conference, the Cabinet mission arrived in Delhi in order to come to an agreement on a new constitution for an independent India and the outline of an Executive Council which would hold power in the interim. The largest issue was again that of a Hindu-Muslim partition, with Congress in favor of a unified India and the Muslim League for a separate Pakistan. An agreement for a Pakistan under the federation of India was seemingly reached, and all that remained was to allocate representation for the Executive Council. The Muslim League wished to have exclusive powers over the Muslim members of the Council, to which Congress reluctantly agreed.xxviii It seemed that the measure would go through, until Gandhi intervened, stating that he wished for at least one

Muslim member to be from the Indian National Congress. The discussions broke down, leaving a temporary caretaker government and uncertainty about the future of India. Direct Action Day Jinnah felt that he and Muslims in general were being manipulated by the majority Hindu populace and decided to try and take matters into his own hands. On the 16th of August, 1946, Jinnah proclaimed “Direct Action Day” and called upon Muslims to show support for the nation of Pakistan and show that they would not be easily pushed over. What was likely intended to cause nonviolent protest, erupted into violent mobs and rioting in the streets of Calcutta. The resulting violence killed thousands as Muslims and Hindus fought each other throughout the streets.xxix Mountbatten’s Partition Plan Lord Mountbatten was sent to India as the new viceroy in order to enact the transfer of power from British to Indian hands, no later than June 1948, as decided by British Prime minister Atlee. To the eyes of the Indian National Congress, it seemed necessary at this point to create a separate Pakistan, and Lord Mountbatten was able to devise a plan agreed upon by the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League.xxx The main points of the plan were:

• The partition of the country into India and Pakistan would come into effect from 15 August 1947.

• The British Government would transfer all powers to these two Dominions.

• A Boundary Commission would demarcate the boundaries of the provinces of the Punjab and Bengal.


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• The Act provided for the transfer of power to the Constituent Assemblies of the two Dominions, which will have full authority to frame their respective Constitutions.xxi

The Radcliff Boundary Commission drew up the boundary line between the two nations and on August 15th, India and Pakistan were independent nations.

Kashmir Only weeks after independence, Pakistan decided that it would try and take Kashmir from Indian hands by sending in a militia from Waziristan. Tensions run high as the claim of Kashmir could likely precipitate into an all out war. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

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!Maharaja Hari Singh (Kashmir)

As the ruler of Kashmir, Hari Singh holds his share of hostilities to both the Indian National Congress and its socialist activists, and the Muslim League. Hari Singh maneuvered towards independence during the partition of India, but is no ruling a majority muslim region with threats of invasion from the newly established Pakistan. He is inclined to side with India and receive help from them in repelling any sort of Pakistan invasion/Muslim takeover. India

India is not willing to accept Kashmir as an independent territory and is especially not keen to allow it to fall under the control of Pakistan. India requires that the state formally accede to India in exchange for its help in stopping the impending Muslim threat. Though the region is Muslim in majority, India does not wish to allow any more land to enter Pakistan’s control. Inaction would surely lead to an eventual Muslim takeover, so India is keen to stop such an event from happening. Politically, it would be an assertion of dominance by India if it could take back Kashmir. Pakistan

Pakistan wants complete control of Kashmir and cites its majority Muslim population as its primary motivation. Because of the high Muslim population, most residents of Kashmir would be in favor of becoming part of Pakistan, but this is not a view that the rulers of Kashmir share. As a new nation, Pakistan needs to assert its legitimacy over the region and thus needs the capture of Kashmir to show itself as a power in the region.

Britain

Having been ejected from power in the region, Britain enjoys the tension between India and Pakistan and doesn’t take any sort of strong preference for either body as a government. There are differences in viewpoints amongst different individuals in England, and so different British figures may take different stances on the issue during the course of debate. It is important to take a look at the history of the individual you are portraying if assigned someone from this region. UN Security Council (as represented by France and the USSR)

France is generally taking a more neutral viewpoint on the conflict, trying to establish accord in the region and build up presence in the United Nations. The USSR on the other hand has been a strong ally to India and really wishes to see it succeed in its endeavors. They are further motivated by the alignment of the US with Pakistan and thus are actively trying to support India in any way that they can. !

Bloc Positions


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Questions to Consider! With the uncertainty of what this new partition will bring, there are a variety of questions that the committee must seek to explore. 1 What new challenges have been brought up through the creation of this new partition? Specifically,

what are the major political/social divides between India and Pakistan?

2 What are the motivations for each region’s desire to control the Princely State of Kashmir and Jammu?

3 Will these tensions likely manifest themselves in Hindu/Muslim violence? Is there a way to resolve the

issue and bring religious harmony?

4 What should be done with the inevitable minority left after the migration? Will there be extra rights set

aside for their representation?

5 What will be the relationship between India and the new Pakistan? How will they reconcile their

differences?

6 What sorts of international alliances will both new countries form? Will these foreign actors be involved

in the Kashmir conflict?

These are by no means an all-encompassing set of questions for the debate, and do not all need to be answered. They are merely meant to steer ideas towards some of the big problems facing India and the new Pakistan as they establish their new setting in the world.


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In 1846, after their victory in the First Anglo-Sikh War, the British East India Company annexed the Kashmir valley. The valley was a thriving agricultural center. While rice was the staple crop, the region’s temperate climate allowed locals to grow an assortment of other produce such as asparagus, cauliflower and cabbage. Indian corn and wheat were also grown in the Valley and the local orchards yielded pears, apples, peaches and cherries. Cashmere wool was a coveted item and was exported to other regions and countries. The valley also served as a gateway to the province of Jammu and the rest of the Indian subcontinent.

Given the Kashmir Valley’s strategic significance, the East India Company felt it was in its best interest to forge alliances with local leaders. The Company sold the territory to Gulab Singh, the Raja of Jammu for 7.5 million rupees as part of the Treaty of Amritsar.

With this transaction, Gulab Singh became the founder and first Maharaja of the Princely State of Jammu and Kashmir. The Royal House of , Jammu and Kashmir, also known as the Dogra Dynasty, remained loyal to the British Empire in subsequent decades.The Dogras proved to be a very valuable ally to the British especially during the Indian Rebellion of 1857.

Though there are several causes attributed to the Rebellion, the flashpoint undoubtedly came in August 1856.

The Pattern 1853 Enfield Rifle that was used by the sepoys, local soldiers who had been recruited into the British East India Company’s army, used paper cartridges that were pre-greased. In order to load the rifle, the sepoys had to bite the cartridges open to release the gun powder. In the summer of 1856 the sepoys were informed that the

cartridges contained tallow derived from beef, which deeply offended the Hindu sepoys, and pork,which offended the Muslim sepoys.

The already disenfranchised sepoys

perceived this as a direct violation of their religious freedom and mutinied against the Company. The conflict persisted till the summer of 1858. It was only with the help of the armed forces of Jammu and Kashmir, and a few other princely states, that the Company finally suppressed the rebellion.

In response to these events, Britain dissolved the East India Company and transferred power to the British Crown. Queen Victoria was declared the Empress of India and the British Indian Empire, also known as the British Raj was formed.

While the rest of the Indian subcontinent grew increasingly disenchanted with British rule, the Maharajas of Jammu and Kashmir maintained a close relationship with foreigners. This alliance enabled the Maharajas to rule their dominion without being perturbed by hostile neighbors,

TOPIC II.

The Economics of Kashmir Topic History !


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such as the Sikh Empire, and support the heavy traffic passing through the region.

Despite shrewd political leadership and abundant natural resources, one problem still plagued the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir. The region lacked a coherent sense of unity and identity.

In the central Kashmir valley there was an overwhelming Sunni Muslim majority. Meanwhile, Tibetan Buddhists inhabited the eastern parts of the state and a miscellany of Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs resided in the south. These disparate groups never fully coalesced, laying the foundations for the princely state’s dissolution.

In 1925, the last Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir, Maharaja Hari Singh ascended to the throne. Singh was extremely hostile towards the Indian National Congress, a political party established in 1825 to obtain a greater share in government for educated Indians and promote dialogue between the Indian people and the British Raj. The Maharaja’s angst was in part due to the close relationship that a Kashmiri socialist named Sheikh Abdullah had with Jawaharlal Nehru, a leading figure in the Indian Independence Movement.

Hari Singh was also at odds with the All-

India Muslim League, a political party established in 1906 to facilitate the creation of a separate, predominantly Muslim state in the subcontinent. He disagreed with the League’s two-nation theory. The two-nation theory argued that the primary identity of Muslims in the subcontinent was their


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religion rather than language or ethnicity and therefore Muslims and Hindus in the subcontinent represented two different nationalities.

To Hari Singh’s dismay both the Indian National Congress’s and the All India Muslim League’s campaigns gained traction over the next two decades. After constant opposition from the government, the Indian National Congress became increasingly radical. Their initial effort to increase Indian participation in government developed into an independence movement.

Meanwhile, across the subcontinent, there was a growing perception that Hindus and Muslims were too different to live in harmony. Their divergent religious ideologies meant that Hindus and Muslims had different social customs, rarely intermarried and possessed different outlooks on life. The All-India Muslim League felt that Muslims would not be treated fairly in a Hindu-dominated India. They demanded that predominantly Muslim communities in India be allowed to decide whether or not they wanted to remain in India or join the proposed Muslim state.

While tensions between the British and Indian members of government, and between Hindus and Muslims at large, continued to escalate, it wasn’t until the end of World War II (1945) that plans for independence and partition began to materialize.

In Calcutta, over the course of a three-day period, beginning on August 16th, 1946, 4,000 Hindus and Muslims were killed. Muslims gangs incited the violence at a peaceful demonstration demanding a Muslim homeland in British India. Hindus were attacked and they responded by retaliating against the Muslims the following day. These were the first outbreaks of religious violence and ethnic cleansing and they weren’t confined to

public spaces. People’s homes were destroyed and women and children were also victims in the carnage. The communal violence eventually spread to other parts of India including Bengal and Agra.

In early 1947, the British announced their intentions to transfer power over to a new Indian government. While they’d initially planned to complete this process by June 1948, the viceroy, Louis Mountbatten, unprepared for the increased violence, advanced the date. This left less than six months to reach a mutually acceptable plan for independence.

The nationalist leaders in India including Nehru reached an agreement with representatives from the All-India Muslim League that they would divide the country along religious lines. The Hindu and Sikh areas of the subcontinent would join the new India and Muslim areas would join the newly formed, Pakistan. The haste and indifference with which the line of partition, commonly known as the Radcliffe Line, was determined led to even more bloodshed amongst Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs.

Finally, on August 14th, 1947 and August 15th, 1947 respectively, as outlined in the Mountbatten Plan, the Dominion of Pakistan and


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the Union of India were formed with Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Jawaharlal Nehru as their respective heads of state. Though the partition and independence movements were complete, they had left countless refugees and a sense of hostility amongst these two newly founded countries.

Amidst all of this, Jammu and Kashmir had to decide to join either India or Pakistan or to remain independent. The Raj’s original strategy was to play off both nations to preserve his state’s independence. However, there was a widespread belief that the rulers of princely states should the populace before joining acceding to either India or Pakistan. Jammu and Kashmir was still a Muslim majority state. Following a Muslim revolution in the province, backed by Pashtun tribesmen, for fear that Hari Singh would accede to India, the Raj sought help from India.

However, India refused to assist him unless he acceded to the Union of India. Thus, on October 26, 1947, Hari Singh signed the Instrument of Accession making Jammu and Kashmir a part of India.

With this gesture, Hari Singh incited the international conflict we are faced with today, the First Indo-Pakistani War. Both nations lay claim to the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir.

Pakistan, because it feels that a majority Muslim province should invariably join the majority Muslim state in the subcontinent and India because the region has cultural significance for Hindus and the Raj decided to accede to India. As the various belligerents prepare for war, the UN Commission on the Status of Kashmir 1947 must help India and Pakistan avoid violent confrontation and find an equitable solution to the enigma that is Kashmir.


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The disputed territory of Jammu and

Kashmir represents a political, social and economic controversy. On an international level, the debate over Kashmir is a highly polarizing issue. The United States, which supported the formation of a predominantly Muslim state in the subcontinent, has forged an alliance with Pakistan. This has led India to seek closer ties with the Soviet Union. Though it is unlikely that the United States and the Soviet Union will offer Pakistan or India military support, these relationships will add to Indo-Pak hostility and regional instability. The most important dynamic of this crisis is its implications for long-term Indo-Pak relations. Before the conflict began, Pakistan and India had signed a non-intervention agreement in Jammu and Kashmir. By going to war with one another, the two nations are blatantly disregarding this agreement.

Violating such a pact mere months after

independence and partition will create an environment in which neither country expects the other to uphold its commitments. This will in turn discourage the Pakistani and Indian governments from working together for the betterment of their respective nations.

More broadly, the conflict will negatively impact the way that Pakistan and India are perceived by the international community. As newly formed sovereign nations, they will need to establish working relationships with other countries. If India and Pakistan are perceived to be in a state of perpetual disagreement, this will have negative consequences. Other nations wills be reluctant to participate in negotiations with the two countries or help Pakistan and India tackle domestic challenges.

Another grave concern is the potential for this conflict to escalate. In a region that has just seen so much bloodshed, another confrontation could prove very destructive. Though, the conflict is centered around the disputed territory of Kashmir, it could easily spark violent reactions in other parts of the subcontinent. Muslim communities in India, and Hindu and Sikh communities in Pakistan, continue to be persecuted. Killing people on the basis of their national and religious allegiances is a violation of human rights and it cannot be allowed to go on any longer.

Finally, regardless of whether Kashmir remains a part of India, or joins Pakistan, the dispute will add to the enormous number of refugees that have been displaced since the Partition. Under the present circumstances, the people of Kashmir who believe that the region should be a part of Pakistan would be forced to either live in India, which is hardly a feasible

Current Situation


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option since they would likely be mistreated, or leave their homeland.

These are some of the major risks that the UN Commission on the Status of Kashmir must take into consideration as it works towards resolving this issue. 1) The Province of Kashmir

Kashmir is located in the northwestern region of the Indian subcontinent. In a census by the British Indian Empire, it was found that the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir had 2,905,578 inhabitants of whom 74 percent were Muslim, 24 percent were Hindu and approximately 2 were either Sikhs or Buddhists.The Hindus lived predominantly in Jammu while Muslims resided in the Kashmir Valley. Amongst the Hindus and Muslims who resided in Kashmir, there were a number of subdivisions. The Muslims that resided in Kashmir included Saiyids, Mughals and Pathans while the Hindus were divided into Brahmans, Rajputs, Khattris and Thakkars. While these groups belong to the same faiths, there were slight differences in the way that they each practiced the religion. There was also some variety in the languages that they spoke. While Pathans generally spoke Pashto, Mughals, for example, spoke Persian or Urdu. Similarly, Rajputs spoke

Punjabi while Brahmans were Hindi speakers. Because the inhabitants of Kashmir prioritized their ethnic groups and clans over other parts of their identity, this makes it very difficult to classify them on the basis of international borders.

In 1349, the Swati Dynasty, led by Shah Mir became the first ruling clan to assert its control over Kashmir. Prior to this, the areas was governed primarily by Buddhist and Hindu spiritual leaders. For the next five centuries Muslim monarchs continued to control the region with the Mughals ruling Kashmir from 1526 to 1751 and the Afghan Durrani Empire from 1526 until 1820. At this point in time, the Sikhs annexed


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Kashmir. It became a part of the British Crown’s tutelage shortly afterwards, in 1846.

Part of what makes Kashmir so covetable is its natural beauty. The province is a transition zone from the Indian planes into the Himalayas. Pristine lakes and snow-capped mountains are abound. They are part of an unparalleled alpine landscape that also includes dense forests, expansive steppe and cascading valleys . Given, its natural beauty Kashmir is a very popular route for caravans.

Despite its beauty, the terrain and the climate in Kashmir can also be very harsh. At such high elevations, the temperature falls extremely low making the area inhospitable during the winter. During the warmer months, glacier melts can limit access to certain parts of the province.

In an armed conflict these are some of the difficulties that Pakistani and Indian military forces would have to grapple with. 2) Pakistani and Indian Military Situations

Though the Pakistani and Indian Armed Forces may be newly established, this does not mean they lacked skill and experience.

In June of 1947, the British Indian Army was divided between the two nations. Pakistan received six armored, eight artillery and eight infantry regiments while India received forty armored, forty artillery and twenty-one infantry regiment. The All-India Muslim League and the Indian National Congress agreed that Pakistan would receive 36% of the the British Indian Army’s 11,800 officers and 500,000 enlisted personnel while India would receive the remaining 64%. Pakistan was forced to accept this smaller

share of the armed forces because most of the British Indian Army’s military assets were located within the Union of India.

The British Indian Army’s 11,800 officers included the current Commanders in Chief of the Pakistani and Indian Armed forces. The Chief of Army Staff of the Indian Army is Field Marshal Kodandera Madappa Cariappa. Before his appointment, Cariappa served in Syria, Iraq and Burma as an Officer of the Order of the British Empire. He continued to rise through the ranks and underwent training at the Imperial Defence College in the United Kingdom before his appointment. Cariappa’s counterpart is General Sir Douglas Gracey, a British Officer who fought in both World Wars and in French Indochina. General Gracey succeeded Frank Messervy as the Commander-in-Chief of the Pakistan Army.

At the time of partition the Pakistani Armed Forces numbered approximately 150,000 men and 4,000 officers. The Pakistani government has raised four more military divisions in West Pakistan and one more in East Pakistan to serve under General Gracey. This effort has added ten infantry brigades and one armored brigade. Meanwhile, more and more military personnel are being recruited from India, North Africa, South East Asia and the Middle East. The Viceroy has informed the Pakistani government that in the event of a war with India, no other members of the Commonwealth will come to Pakistan’s help so the country is taking the necessary measures to prepare for such an event.

The Governor-General of Pakistan, Muhammad Ali Jinnah has ordered the Pakistan Army to move into Kashmir in the event that Indian troops enter the region first. However, General Gracey says that he will not send troops to


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the Kashmir front because he is not willing to move into what he views as the territory of another country unless he receives instructions from a higher authority i.e. the British Crown. 3) The Catalyst for the Conflict

The Maharaja dreamt of making his princely-state the “Switzerland of the east”. He wanted Jammu and Kashmir to be a neutral state which people would be able to travel to and from with ease. He also wanted tourism to be the leading industry. Despite the Maharaja’s idyllic vision, his subjects are highly disenfranchised with him. They are outraged by his disregard of popular opinion.

In response to the Maharaja’s poor governance, tribal forces in the Kashmiri cities of Muzaffarabad and Domel confronted the Maharaja’s soldiers. They defeated the Maharaja’s men with relative ease and they were soon joined by Muslims soldiers in the Maharaja’s army who had mutinied. In an effort to help their fellow Muslims, soldiers from the Pakistan army disguised themselves as tribal combatants. They also provided the tribal forces with logistical assistance. As they made their way across Kashmir

the tribesmen looted and destroyed the towns they passed through.

The Maharaja, alarmed by the rebels resilience and the possibility of having to accede to Pakistan, approached the Indian government for help. Nehru, now the Prime Minister of India, was prepared to send troops. However, Lord Mountbatten, the Governor-General of India decided that Maharaja would have to accede to India before any troops would be deployed. In his desperation, the Maharaja agreed to sign an Instrument of Accession which formally incorporated Jammu and Kashmir into the Union of India. Following the signing of the treaty, Lord Mountbatten called for law and order to be restored to Jammu and Kashmir and for all invaders to be expunged.


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As per Lord Mountbatten’s instructions Indian troops have been airlifted into Srinagar, a lakeside town in the Kashmir Valley that serves as the state capital. The Indian troops will reinforce the Maharaja’s forces and establish a secure perimeter at the outskirts of the city.

There is a great deal of controversy surrounding the legality of the accession of Jammu and Kashmir to India. India claims that the accession was unconditional while Pakistan maintains that the accession deprived Kashmiri citizens of their right to self-determination. 4) Economic Activity in Kashmir

The province of Jammu and Kashmir represents a valuable economic asset. The region provides direct access to China. The country that controls Kashmir will have access to a number of trade routes which will be conducive to greater bilateral economic activity with China. This will be extremely valuable especially for Pakistan which is looking to build its nascent economy.

Furthermore, Kashmir continues to be a leading exporter of luxury goods. Kashmiri shawls, rugs, silk carpets and pottery are shipped across the subcontinent and even as far as western Asia and Europe. As Maharaja Hari Singh pointed out in his vision for Jammu and Kashmir, it can also support a thriving tourism industry. The most important geostrategic benefit of controlling Kashmir is that it is the source of many of the rivers that support life in Indian and Pakistani towns and cities. Right now, India and Pakistan face a series of problems related to their water supplies. These include flooding or drought in various regions, inadequate irrigation systems, inadequate supplies of clean water in rural and

urban areas, ground water contamination and lack of pollution control. In the years to come, as both countries’ populations continue to grow, these issues will inevitably need to be addressed. The watersheds in Kashmir represent a source of freshwater that can be used to tackle some of these problems.

The main river in question, the Indus River, has most of its headwaters in India and its lower basin in Pakistan. This has created a competition for resources since there is no agreed formula on how to share the river system. It also means that in the event of a military conflict, India could use dams and other means to reroute the headwaters of the Indus thereby economically starving Pakistan. Alternatively, they could use their control of the upper riparian to flood Pakistani towns and cities as a military technique.

Such a maneuver would cripple Pakistan’s agricultural industry and inhibit the country from generating hydroelectric power. It would also harm the inhabitants of Kashmir, whose economy is also highly agriculture based, depending on farming and livestock.


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Whoever controls Kashmir will control the water supply to much of Pakistan and Western India. As the conflict wears on, this will continue to be a very important consideration for both countries.


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Maharaja Hari Singh Maharaja Hari Singh still hopes to govern

Kashmir as an independent state. However, being a Hindu ruler, he is willing to accede to India, provided he is able to maintain his royal prerogative. India

Having lost significant territory as a result of partition, the Indian government is not willing to compromise on this issue. The Maharaja voluntarily decided that his province should accede to India. Therefore, the Instrument of Accession is legitimate and must be upheld. India is not willing to accept Kashmir’s attempts to remain independent. Establishing control of Kashmir would allow India to benefit from the region’s wealth of resources. It would also provide the Indian government a potential bargaining tool to leverage in Pakistan in future negotiations and disputes. Pakistan

Pakistan would strongly prefer to gain complete control of Kashmir. Given the regions predominantly Muslim demographic, Pakistan believes that given the right to determine their national allegiance, the inhabitants of Kashmir would choose to accede to Pakistan or remain independent. The members of the committee from Pakistan would be amenable to both of these possibilities. However, with control of Kashmir, Pakistan would be able to secure the Indus River watersheds and redirect its attentions to building domestic infrastructure.

Britain

Though Britain continues to oversee South Asian political affairs, it no longer has the colonial influence it enjoyed for over a century. While Britain is interested in maintaining a degree of stability in the region, British leaders also do not want to see either of their former colonies rise to prominence in the international community. For this reason, Britain will continue to pit Pakistan and India against one another. UN Security Council (as represented by France and the USSR)

France is actively encouraging a peaceful resolution to the conflict. The French believe that Pakistan and India should put their differences aside so that they may help one another thrive and establish a presence in multinational organizations such as the United Nations. While, the USSR makes similar claims, in reality, the USSR would prefer that India retain Kashmir. The reason being that the United States has backed Pakistan in the dispute.

Bloc Positions


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Questions to Consider!!!1 What principles do we use to define a nation? Is it a shared language, culture, or religion? Is it something e else? 2 Is the decision to form a nation on the basis of religion to blame for Islamic fundamentalism in Pakistan? Could this be a reason to discourage Kashmir from acceding to Pakistan? 3 Was the British Colonial rule in the subcontinent justified? Should the British be involved in regional politics now that India and Pakistan are independent nations? 4 What are some of the potential consequences for India, Pakistan, and the rest of the international community, if the dispute over Kashmir is not resolved? 5 China does not accept the boundaries of the province of Jammu and Kashmir, arguing that they encroach upon Chinese territory. How will China’s position on the issue impact any resolutions the committee may pass? 6 What are some current international disputes that are comparable to the Kashmir conflict?


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Role of the Committee! First and foremost, the committee is responsible for coordinating a ceasefire between India and Pakistan.

The committee will determine whether or not it was in the scope of the Maharaja’s power to sign the Instrument of Accession. Based on the conclusions the committee reaches, it can then decide whether to let Kashmir remain a part of India, grant control of all of Kashmir to Pakistan, divide the territory between India and Pakistan along a line of control or allow Kashmir to become an independent state. In making these decisions, the committee must consider whether or not the inhabitants of Kashmir are entitled to right of self-determination. It should also examine the principles we use to define a nation, whether those be shared language, religion, ethnicity or some other criteria. Finally, the committee must determine what consequences their decision will have for long-term Indo-Pak relations. Any resolutions that the committee passes should be admissible to Indians, Pakistanis and Kashmiris. The resolution should strive to prevent future conflicts between India and Pakistan and promote greater cooperation between the two countries.

Irrespective of the decision that the committee reaches on how to partition Kashmir, it must also formulate a plan to ensure that the people of India, Kashmir and Pakistan all have sufficient access to Kashmir’s resources especially the water supply. The plan should include provisions to rebuke any party that tries to monopolize or exploit the region’s resources. The plan must be designed in such a way that the Pakistani and Indian governments can realistically implement it and all of the parties involved, including representatives of the British Crown, must be amenable to it.


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Structure of the Committee The Committee will loosely mimic the structure of a crisis committee. The point at which the committee

session begins will be November 1947, just after Indian troops have been airlifted into Kashmir. Each of the delegates will represent one of twenty individuals appointed to sit on the United Nations Commission on the Status of Kashmir (see list below, in no particular order).

1) Lord Mountbatten – British Viceroy 2) Clement Attlee – Prime Minister of England 3) Ernest Bevin – British Foreign Secretary 4) Hari Singh - Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir 5) Jawaharlal Nehru – Indian Prime Minister 6) Muhammad Ali Jinnah – Governor General of Pakistan 7) Douglas Gracey – Army Chief of Pakistan 8) V.K. Krishna Menon - Indian High Commissioner to the United Kingdom 9) Indian Field Marshall. K. M. Cariappa 10) Indian Lieutenant General. S. M. Shrinagesh 11) Indian Major General. K. S. Thimayya 12) Pakistani Major General. Akbar Khan

13) Pakistani Brigadier General Ayub Khan 14) Pakistani Air Commodore Mukhtar Ahmad Dogar 15) General Messervy in Pakistan (British officer in Chief) 16) General Lockhart in India (British officer in Chief) 17) Field Marshal Auchinleck (British commander to whom above officers reported) 18) Liaquat Ali Khan (Prime Minister of Pakistan) 19) Robert Schuman (French Prime Minister) 20) Mikhail Rodionov (Russian Premier)


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We will begin the discussion by hearing the initial positions of each delegation in the committee. The

deliberations will open with a speech from the Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir (Hari Singh). Following the Maharaja’s speech the remaining delegations will present their stance on the issues to the rest of the committee in a round robin. First we will hear from the members Indian Delegation (consisting of Nehru, Menon, Cariappa, Shrinagesh, Thimayya). Then the delegation from Pakistan (Ali Khan, Dogar, Akbar Khan, Jinnah, Ayub Khan). After this, the British officers and members of cabinet (Messervy, Lockhart, Auchinleck, Attlee, Bevin, Mountbatten, Gracey) and the heads of state representing the Security Council (Rodionov and Schuman) will speak . Each of the speeches in the round robin will have a 1 minute 30 second speaking time.

During their speech each delegate, even those who belong to the same delegations, is expected to provide a unique analysis of the conflict. Delegates should aim to present the conflict from the perspective of the person whose role they’ve assumed. In other words, this will be an opportunity for delegates to briefly summarize their position papers.

Following the round robin, the committee proceedings will resume parliamentary procedures. The committee will be run as an extended moderated caucus. The speaking time will be determined by the delegates. Delegates are permitted to communicate with the Chair and with one another. This should be done in the form of handwritten notes.

To encourage free-flowing debate delegates can also motion for an unmoderated caucus. The Committee can approve any action with a simple majority.

Delegates are encouraged to email their position papers to the Dais. If they do so by January 10th, delegates can expect feedback. All delegates are required to submit their position papers by the first commission session in order to be eligible for awards. Position papers should be 1-2 pages per topic and should outline the delegate’s position on the topics.


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Suggestions for Further Research!!

India’s history is both extensive and detailed, reaching back thousands of years. There were many intricate events leading up to the eventual partition of India and Pakistan, only some of which was actually covered here in this topic guide. Beyond the information and references hear in the topic guide, there are a variety of great sources of information on the history of India and the region that would eventually be Pakistan. Some interesting information on religious conflict can be found in Hossainur Rahman’s Hindi-Muslim relations in Bengal, 1905-1947. Another option for the events leading up to the partition is The Great Partition: The Making of India and Pakistan by Yasmin Khan.

The above resources are mainly about the time period covered in this guide, but it may be worthwhile to also read up into the history beyond the time period of our committee to understand what sorts of actions and strategies were implemented to resolve disputes in the real world. Remember that the resources mentioned are completely optional, and that there is a wealth of easily accessible resources on the internet that will give you an excellent background on the issues discussed.

Please also make sure you are registered on the delegate forum, your advisors should provide you with a sign up ink. For the latest information, updates, topic guides and more, visit Yale Model United Nations online at: http://ymun.yira.org

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NOTES

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un commission on status of kashmir topic guide

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