unemployment proposal final draft 10.4.10

8/8/2019 Unemployment Proposal Final Draft 10.4.10

1/36

Organizing the Un- and Underemployed:

Unleashing the Mass Potential and Winning

By Tony Romano and Bill Fletcher, Jr.


2/36

2

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

The depression is deepening. More people in the United States than ever before are beingdenied the basic right to work and are suffering greatly. At the same time, only a smallpercentage of the un- and underemployed are organized. Thus, the millions who are

hardest hit by the economic crisis are not collectively advocating for their interests andleading the change we need. In fact, those responsible for the economic crisis are stillcalling the shots, while the conservative movement is gaining in strength and threateningto pull the country further rightward. This proposal goes to the heart of the contradictionand seeks to put the most important people in this crisis in the position they belong in --front and center!

Vision

Our proposal is to initiate a multi-racial national project in 3-5 cities that will organizethousands of un- and underemployed workers to advocate for their rights. This project

will be an important seed that contributes to building a militant and democratic massmovement in the United States to a level of scale and vision necessary to win jobs,training and relief for the millions in need. The vision seeks to create a massive andconstant presence of those directly impacted in the street, in the media, in the halls ofgovernment and in the headquarters of banks and corporations. The ultimate aim is toshift the national debate around work and jobs to the perspective of those hardest hit,and to win short-term local and long-term national victories. We believe these next twoyears must be a time of aggressive experimentation and escalation of un- andunderemployed organizing that includes collaboration and strategizing amongst all thoseengaged in the work. In each of the 3-5 cities of our national project, we will launch newinitiatives and/or build upon existing ones. We will follow a common vision and strategy

and engage in a high level of sharing and coordination. Given the strategic importance ofthe South and the limited organizing there, one site will be Atlanta, Georgia. The otherparticipating cities will be chosen within the next two months. Ultimately, through thisnational project and collaborating with others engaged in this work, including the AFL-CIO, Jobs with Justice, Right to the City, and numerous unaffiliated projects, we seek tobe an integral part of building a national unified movement of un- and underemployedworkers that is vitally needed at this time.

Amongst the un- and underemployed, we will target those hardest hit--lower wageworkers. They have the least cushion and the most insecurity. While this is a multi-racial

project organizing people of color and whites, we will prioritize people of color,particularly Blacks and Latinas/os, who are the last hired, first fired and most exploiteddue to structural racism. It is no surprise that people of color had the highest un- andunderemployment rates going into the crisis and now disproportionately are losing themost jobs and work hours. White workers, favored through race privilege, have beendeeply affected by the economic crisis and are an important part of this effort due to theirsheer numbers and their critical role in challenging racism. Building unity across race


3/36

3

and nationality will be vital to the success of this project. Without it, workers will bedivided and our movement will not reach the level of scale and shared vision necessary.This unity will by no means be automatic and must be deliberately built through robustleadership development and ongoing joint practice in the streets. A clear anti-racistmission and platform will be at the core of all our organizing, and will at times impact the

pace of growth.

Our vision is based on a human rights framework, the idea that each human being hasfundamental rights to which they are entitled and to which all governments and entitiesincluding corporations must recognize and insure. The right to work is one of thesehuman rights. By right to work we do not refer to the anti-worker law in the South, butrather a right to a job that allows one to live with dignity and to meet their needs. Workis an activity through which we fulfill our potential as human beings to be productive,creative and use and develop all our capacities. All work must be fairly remuneratedincluding currently unpaid labor like childcare, workfare and domestic work, all donegenerally by women. The right to work does not exist in isolation, but rather exists

alongside the right of every person to leisure, the right to subsist and farm, and all otherhuman rights that are collectively essential for each of us to live with dignity, security andhappiness. Furthermore, the right to work must be fought for people internationally.The right must be lifted up simultaneously in the US andaround the world, particularlyin the Global South.

The Opportunity

Drawing lessons from history, the two keys to winning are clear: scale and vision. In the1930s, the movement of workers and unemployed reached levels of scale in the hundredsof thousands (at times millions) and were guided by left and progressive organizationsthat had clear long-term visions challenging racism and economic injustice. The resultswere some of the greatest progressive victories in the history of the USincluding theNational Labor Relations Act, Works Progress Administration, unemployment relief, andsocial security.

Despite this rich history and the significant organizing efforts currently underway, theprogressive workers movement today is generally weak while the political Right is visible,vocal and gaining strength. However, the number of un- and underemployed is over 25million and steady growing. The official unemployment rates, which fail to count many,

are 16.6% for Blacks, 12.2% for Hispanics and 8.7% for whites. For each group, this is anincrease of over 60% from just 2 years ago. Furthermore, youth and students have thehighest unemployment rates--44.2% of Blacks between 16 and 19 years old, 35% ofHispanic youth and 23.2% of white youth. Thus, with the economy in crisis and thegrowing numbers being impacted and looking for answers, the opportunity is ripe for aprogressive alternative. We must seize the moment and take the bold move that isnecessaryto launch an aggressive effort to organize the growing masses of un- and


4/36

4

underemployed workers and build the necessary power to win. Our proposal for actionbelow details what this entails.

Proposal for Action

This proposal addresses how to achieve both the scale and vision we need to win.

Scale

To reach scale, our model must be designed for growth and to allow hundreds ofthousands to join, benefit, transform and be active. The structure must allow for a largemembership in each neighborhood formation, but more importantly the ability toinitiate, nurture and grow hundreds if not thousands of smaller branches; this is wherescale will ultimately be achieved. The structure must be simple. Everyone from leader tobasic member must know and understand it.

To reach scale, the ratio of staff to member has to drastically increase from what iscommon today in many community organizations (one staff to 200 members). Beyond acore of paid central staff, the goal should be one full-time paid staff organizer tothousands of members. We must rely heavily on volunteer leadership. We willdeliberately target groups that have a level of skill, discipline, enthusiasm and experienceto facilitate their assuming leadership and membership roles. The primary two groups wewill target are 1) laid off or former union workers and 2) community college/stateuniversity students and recent graduates. We will implement internships for studentsthat will allow them to get course credit and training for future membership roles. Scalealso requires a sophisticated communications strategy that has tight and clear branding,

messaging and framing. In terms of resources, we must seek in-kind donations andvolunteer labor. The main sources of revenue must be individual donations from middleand upper class allies, grassroots fundraising, and membership dues. Foundation moneymust be considered a secondary source of funding due to the shrinking coffers and thelimited will to fund this work.

Vision

Achieving scale, without a clear vision, will not bring success. Scale may yield wins likemore jobs but alone will not yield the long term power necessary to hold on to the winsand to fundamentally transform societys structural inequities.

To win requires scale andvision. By vision, first and foremost, we mean a clear mission,vision and value system that guides the organization in all its strategies and practices.The mission, vision andvalues must address both peoples immediate needs and the rootcauses of the problems they face-- racism, sexism, environmental destruction andeconomic injustice. They must allow us to connect our local work to national andinternational movements.


5/36

5

Vision is only attainable and maintainable with a vibrant and in depth leadershipdevelopment program. Establishing and implementing this program will be one of thegreatest challenges of this project. The small staff to member ratio in organizations todayhas been an important factor in effective leadership development. Given that this ratiomust shift, we will employ the train the trainer model in which staff and veteran leaders

train dedicated new members in each branch to be leaders, organizers and spokespeople,as well as to conduct their own trainings.

The Work

The work of this new national project will be twofold: 1) To provide direct support andservices to un- and underemployed members, and 2) To develop and implementcampaigns to win short- and long-term demands.

Sustainability and Services:

Learning from history, campaigns alone will not build membership and the organization.

Members will have immediate needs that our campaigns will likely not address in theshort-term. Members will be short of money, have trouble meeting basic needs, and maybe facing eviction. Each branch must provide a level of immediate support and servicesthat tap into the strengths of our collectivity. Sustainability programs will both meetimmediate needs of members and develop their abilities and consciousness including inself-governance. They may include providing food through community gardens and foodbanks, free medical services through volunteer doctors, eviction defense, memberexchanges of skills and services, work cooperatives of members with similar skills, accessto accounts/loans through a community credit union and assistance in accessing publicbenefits.

Campaigns:

Campaign demands will center on full employment, millions of public jobs,unemployment relief, progressive taxation and other priorities determined by thecollective leadership. Given the governments budget crisis, revenue generation will beone our core demands. We will explicitly call for 1) progressive taxation to capture thebillions of corporate profits not benefitting the public as well as a financial transaction taxto recoup some of the enormous profits from the financial sector and 2) shifting resourcesfrom prisons, police, and military to job creation and other more beneficial social uses.The short-term demands may vary based on each local branch but can include expanding

unemployment relief, moratorium on evictions, government land transfers tounemployed for entrepreneurial endeavors, a ban the box campaign to prohibit theexcluding of formerly incarcerated and undocumented persons from jobs, and initiatingpublic jobs/works programs including converting empty condo towers to public housingand empty warehouses to green energy businesses that employ and/or are run by theunemployed.


6/36

6

Each branch must have a strong presence in their communities or sector of work (i.e.college students, former auto worker, etc). They will reach out to thousands and buildtheir membership. The branches will strive to support their members and confrontcampaign targets. Townhall meetings, rallies, marches, and civil disobedience will becommon practices. Leaders and core members will seek to be regulars on TV, radio and

in newspapers. They will directly engage those in power over the changes that musthappen. Each branch will document and promulgate the experience and skills of theirmembers, and at every opportunity put forward members faces, stories and solutions toreplace the currently faceless unemployed. The branches will have common campaignsthey all take on and move utilizing a diversity of militant and creative tactics. They willalso have the autonomy to develop and implement their own local campaigns. In theend, the branches must win. Small victories will lead to bigger ones, ultimately at thenational level.

This initiative allows for experimentation both in our organizing model and campaignwork. Thus, we will have a vibrant process of ongoing coordination and sharing amongst

all the branches to learn from each others successes and failures and build a commonnational model and campaign strategy that is effective.

Conclusion

This proposal seeks to address one of the most pressing issues of our time: mass un- andunderemployment and the denial of the right to work to millions. Our vision offers arationale and concrete program to boldly respond to the opportunity at hand. In citiesacross the country, we will organize thousands of un- and underemployed workers,

unleashing their energy, ideas and collective power to build our movement to a level ofscale and vision that will shift the debate, transform structural inequities and win gains tobenefit the millions in need


7/36

7

THE FULL PROPOSAL: Unleashing the Mass Potential and Winning

The depression is deepening. More people in the United States than ever before are beingdenied the basic right to work and are suffering greatly. At the same time, only a tiny

percentage of the un- and underemployed are organized. Thus, the millions who arehardest hit by the economic crisis are not collectively advocating for their interests andleading the change we need. In fact, those responsible for the economic crisis are stillcalling the shots, while the conservative movement is gaining in strength and threateningto pull the country further rightward. This proposal goes to the heart of the contradictionand seeks to put the most important people in this crisis in the position they belong in --front and center!

Vision

Our proposal is to initiate a multi-racial national project in 3-5 cities that will organizethousands of un- and underemployed workers to advocate for their rights. This projectwill be an important seed that contributes to building a militant and democratic massmovement in the United States to a level of scale and vision necessary to win. The visionseeks to create a massive and constant presence of those directly impacted in the street,in the media, in the halls of government and in the headquarters of banks andcorporations. The ultimate aim is to shift the national debate around work and jobs tothe perspective of those hardest hit, and to win short-term local and long-term nationalvictories yielding training, jobs and relief for the millions in need. We believe these nexttwo years must be a time of aggressive experimentation and escalation of un- and

underemployed organizing that includes collaboration and strategizing amongst all thoseengaged in the work. In each of the 3-5 cities of our national project, we will launch newinitiatives and/or build upon existing ones. We will follow a common vision and strategyand engage in a high level of sharing and coordination. Given the strategic importance ofthe South and the limited organizing there, one site will be Atlanta, Georgia. The otherparticipating cities will be chosen over the next two months through dialogue with thoseengaged in this work. Ultimately, through this national project and collaborating withothers engaged in this work, including the AFL-CIO, Jobs with Justice, Right to the City,and numerous unaffiliated projects, we seek to be an integral part of building a nationalunified movement of un- and underemployed workers that is vitally needed at this time.

Framework

Our vision is based on a human rights framework, the idea that each human being hasfundamental rights to which they are entitled and to which all governments and entitiesincluding corporations must recognize and insure. The right to work is one of these


8/36

8

human rights. This right entails not only the right to a job, but the right to work thatallows one to live with dignity and to meet their needs. Work is an activity throughwhich we fulfill our potential as human beings to be productive, creative and use anddevelop all our capacities. All work must be fairly remunerated including currentlyunpaid labor like childcare, workfare and domestic work, all done generally by women.

The right to work goes hand in hand with the right to organize that allows workers tobuild and act collectively to protect their interests, including through forming unions.Furthermore, the right to work and the right to organize are both encompassed within abroader human right, the right of people and their communities to a fair economy thatserves their interests and meets their needs. From this point forward in this proposalwhen we refer to the right to work, we will also be referring to the right to organize andto a fair economy.

Within our human rights framework, all human rights are seen in relation to one another.Thus, the right to work exists alongside the right of every person to leisure, to subsist andfarm, to healthcare, to housing, to education, to transportation and to all other

fundamental human rights that are collectively essential for each of us to live withdignity, security and happiness. They are all interconnected. For example, without workhow does one cover medical costs, pay rent, or visit a museum? Without access totransportation one will be severely hindered in finding work/getting to work, attending aconcert, or getting their child to daycare.

The scope of the human rights framework is international. Thus, as we fight for the rightto work and other human rights in the US we must insure that our orientation anddemands uplift people everywhere, particularly, people of color within the US and aroundthe world.

Who

In deciding who to target, we operate by a simple premise that those most directlyimpacted by the problem must be organized and lead the change. Those most directlyimpacted by this economic crisis are un- and underemployed workers in general andmore specifically lower wage workers. They have the least cushion and the mostinsecurity. When employed, they live pay check to pay check unable to meet all theirbasic needs. They generally have no savings to fall back on. Furthermore, unemploymentcompensation is generally paltry and short-term. Thus, unemployment or even

underemployment creates an immediate crisis for the worker and their family.

First, in targeting the un- and underemployed, we want to understand what role they playin the economy. Historically, as today, they serve a critical role for corporations in theirdrive to maximize profits. The pool of unemployed creates competition in the labormarket driving down wages. Generally, the larger the unemployed pool the greater thedownward pressure on wages. Unemployed and underemployed workers (both


9/36

9

disproportionately people of color) have been used to break strikes and as scapegoats andtargets of racism in efforts to divide workers and distract people from the deeperstructural problems in society. With shifts in our economy away from manufacturing andthe decline in jobs exacerbated by the current depression, the role of unemployedworkers in the economy has been changing. In fact, a growing number of unemployed

workers are not needed or desired as workers at all. They are viewed as expendable andgenerally either discarded by government and corporations as is evidenced by thesignificant disinvestment in public education and social benefits (which historically werecritical in preparing people to be workers), or they are incarcerated and/or deportedleading to the growth of prison system and industry. Every prisoner draws upwards of$129 per day or $47,085 per year. (Pamela Gardapee 09.09, eHow)

Furthermore, given the shifts in the economy, a growing number of those working areunderemployed, meaning they do not have sufficient hours and/or remuneration to meettheir needs. The rise of underemployment and subcontracting also coincides withcorporations pursuit for higher profits through eliminating benefits like heath insurance

and retirement. More and more underemployed workers hold more than one job at atime, while the time they remain in any given job continues to shorten. The age of onejob for life is all but over. Many who are underemployed are losing hours and one ormore of their multiple jobs. They are sliding closer and closer to unemployment; manyare already there. The level of insecurity in the lives of workers is at an all time high.

Amongst lower wage un- and underemployed, people of color are the most severelyimpacted. They had the highest unemployment rates going into the crisis and theirnumbers continue to soar. In the US, the official Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS)unemployment rate in 2008 for Blacks was 10.1%, Hispanics 7.6% and whites 5.2%. As ofJune 2010, the rates have increased to 16.6% for Blacks, 12.2% for Hispanics and 8.7% forwhites. This is an increase of over 60% across the board. Furthermore, Blacks between 16and 19 years old have an official unemployment rate of 44.2%, Hispanics 35% and whites23.2%.

The total number of un- and underemployed according to BLS is 16.5% of the total laborforce. In real numbers, this is 25,521,870 people. Official government statistics nevercapture the full extent of the un- and underemployment. A more accurate assessment ismade by looking at how many people are employed full-time and subtracting this numberfrom the total number of working age adults who are eligible and capable to work. Thesenumbers are hard to come by but reveal a far higher number of people impacted. For

example, as of July 2010, 51.9% of Blacks were employed, leaving 48.1% unemployed(National Employment Law Project report, July 2010).

It is not a coincidence that proportionately the largest percentages of un- andunderemployed workers are people of color, with the highest percentage being amongstAfrican Americans; the same holds true for incarceration rates. Race is a significant factorbarring people of color from jobs, limiting their pay and hours, placing them first on the


10/36

10

chopping block for layoffs and firings, and determining who is incarcerated or deported.These statistics and the pervasive structural racism that underlie them are the reason wewill prioritize Blacks, Latinas/os and communities of color in this organizing effort.

White workers, while favored by race privilege, are deeply affected by the economic crisis

and are critical to the success of this project. While their percentages of un- andunderemployed are lower proportionately than Blacks and Latinas/os, their overallnumbers are still high. And the economic crisis in which they find themselves hascontributed to a level of disorientation with which they are unfamiliar, making many ofthem susceptible to right-wing populist appeals that look for racial, religious or otherscapegoats. Furthermore, racism amongst white workers has historically kept workersdivided by pitting white workers against workers of color. While the system of racism hasyielded some privileges for whites, over the long-term they and all workers are hurt by it.To challenge racism and unite workers across race, we will need a strong core of anti-racist white workers that will unite with Black and Latinas/os in building a common massmovement. Without this unity, our movement will not reach the level of scale and

unified vision necessary to win.

Unity across race and nationality will by no means be automatic and must be deliberatelybuilt. Both through robust leadership development and ongoing joint practice in thestreets, we will seek to raise consciousness of members around race, as well as deepenworkers understanding of their shared economic interests and their appreciation of eachothers histories and differences. A clear organizational mission and platform thatchallenges racism will be at the core of all our organizing. We will prioritize maintainingclarity and unity around an anti-racist program over the pressing need for expansion.

Scope

The scope of our vision is national. This project is an important seed in what mustultimately become a full scale national movement. This seed will be planted and grownin several cities across the country. This will allow for experimentation and practice thatwill enable us to draw lessons and develop strategy that will apply nationally, and not justto one region or city.

Atlanta, Georgia will be one of the sites for this project, the others will be determinedsoon. We ascribe to Dubois prophetic statement, As the South goes, so goes the nation.

Today, the following realities in the South make it a strategic part of the country: 1) theSouths political and economic influence is growing, 2) the South, with its anti-workerlaws, low wage rates and high levels of incarceration, sets the tone and standard for therest of the country, and 3) the South is home to some of the highest un- andunderemployment and incarceration rates in the country, particularly for people of color.

Already with one third of the nations population, the South is the fastest growing region


11/36

11

of the country, largely due to a growing immigrant population. After the 2010 census,southern states are expected to gain 7 to 9 congressional seats. Over 40% of all AfricanAmericans live in the South. Nine out of 10 of the states with the fastest growingimmigrant populations are in the South. Economically, the South is now themanufacturing center of the US. In fact, Alabama has surpassed Detroit as the auto

capital of the country. More Fortune 500 companies are in the South than ever before,and the South is now a hub for banking and finance, with Charlotte, North Carolina beingthe second largest banking center in the country. (Institute for Southern Studies,Southern Scan)

Atlanta, in particular, is politically and economically significant. Its tremendous growthand shifting demographics have elevated its political importance. Within the US, it is oneof the twelve largest metropolitan statistical areas and has one of the highestconcentrations of Blacks and Latinas/os. The greater metropolitan Atlanta area alreadyhas one county, Gwinnett, which is majority people of color, and another, Cobb County,

which is almost there. The entire state of Georgia will soon become majority people ofcolor, following in Texas footsteps. In addition, Atlanta is an economic engine for theSouth and entire country ranking 5th nationally as home to Fortune 500 headquarters(Institute for Southern Studies, Southern Scan). In terms of unemployment, Atlanta hasa job loss rate that exceeds the national average. From May 2009 to May 2010, the citylost 36,500 jobs. (US Bureau of Labor Statistics)

In sum, our vision seeks to address the glaring contradiction before us--millions beingdenied the right to work while having little say over what is happening. In the followingsections, we will expound on the historical context for this proposal and the importantorganizing that is already underway. With our vision and this context, we will then lay

out the details of our proposal for action that serves as a template for building thisnational organizing project.

Historical Context

Looking at the historical context is critical for us to draw lessons from the rich history ofstruggle by workers, both unemployed and employed. We will particularly look at theunemployment organizing in the 1930s in the United States. More in depth details andanalysis is available in the Appendix.

First, the idea that the right to work is a human right is not new. In fact, it is included inthe Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) adopted in 1948 by the UnitedNations General Assembly.

Article 23.1-4 of the UDHR states:


12/36

12

"(1) Everyone has the right to work, to free choice of employment, to just andfavourable conditions of work and to protection against unemployment.

(2) Everyone, without any discrimination, has the right to equal pay for equal work.

(3) Everyone who works has the right to just and favourable remuneration ensuring forhimself [herself] and his [her] family an existence worthy of human dignity, andsupplemented, if necessary, by other means of social protection.

(4) Everyone has the right to form and join trade unions for the protection of his [her]interests.

While the United States government voted in favor of the UDHR, it has failed to insurethe right to work for all its inhabitants. However, at different points in US history, thegovernment has passed laws that benefitted workers and moved us closer to realizing theright to work. Organized workers both employed and unemployed played the centralrole in bringing about these progressive changes. One of the most prominent examplesis the winning of the Works Progress Administration (WPA). The WPA was the largestNew Deal agency. Between 1935 and 1943, the WPA directly created almost eight millionjobs, employing people to carry out public works projects, including the construction ofpublic buildings and roads. The WPA operated large arts, drama, media, and literacyprojects. It distributed food, clothing, and housing to families and individuals in need.Almost every community in the United States had a park, bridge or school constructed bythe agency. Until it was ended by Congress in 1943, the WPA was the largest employer inthe country.

The New Deal benefits, including through the WPA, were extended to Blacks and womenwhich translated into unprecedented access to thousands of jobs. However, despite itscreation of anti-discrimination legislation, the federal government failed to aggressivelyenforce these laws which led to white men generally being privileged over Blacks,immigrants and women with regard to who got a job, and the position and rate of pay.The FDR administration allowed the privileging of whites in order to appease theDixiecrats and pass the New Deal as a whole. This ultimately meant that, while Blackswere granted access to some jobs at the bottom of the ladder, the federal governmentwould not seriously challenge the institutions of Jim Crow segregation in the South andthroughout the country.

Robust unemployment organizing was the main factor in bringing about the WPA. Thefirst nationwide protest against unemployment was called by the Trade Union UnityLeague (TUUL) and the Communist Party on March 6, 1930. Across the country, over onemillion unemployed participated in demonstrations and meetings. (Boyer/Morais,Labors Untold Story, 260-61)


13/36

13

The National Unemployed Council was founded at a convention in Chicago on July 4,1930 attended by 1,320 delegates. It had councils and branches in 46 states and almostevery city and town in the nation (Boyer/Morais, 260). In Chicago alone there were 45branches in 1932 with a total membership of 22,000 (Zinn,A Peoples History of theUnited States, 385). For the first time in history, there was no scabbing during the

Depression. The unemployed instead appeared on picket lines in support of strikers.The Unemployment Councils goal and main function was to increase relief allotmentsand unemployment insurance to millions, campaign for jobs through public works, fightracism, and stop evictions. In New York in 1932 some 185,794 were served with evictionnotices. But 77,000 of these families were moved back into their premises by members ofUnemployment Councils. Blacks, hardest hit by the Depression, were among the mostactive in the Councils. (Boyer/Morais 261)

Unemployment organizing also occurred in the South. In Atlanta, in March 1930,unemployment activism kicked off with a gathering in the Black Business District inobservation of Unemployment Day, however, it was shut down as Atlanta Police raided

the event and arrested two organizers. Though redbaiting and state repression werefierce, the movement in Atlanta and the South continued to grow as exemplified by theformation of the Atlanta Negro Labor Council and the defense campaign for the AtlantaSix, which including the initial two arrested in March 1930. (Lorence, 30-32, TheUnemployed Peoples Movement in Georgia 1929-1941)

Finally, since business and government were not meeting the needs of the unemployed,people developed ways to help one another in their unemployment councils and throughother formations. Fishermen in Seattle exchanged fish they caught for fruit and veggiesfrom pickers, and barbers, seamstresses, doctors and others exchanged services with eachother. By 1932, there were 330 self help organizations in 37 states with over 300,000members. (Zinn 385)

Current Context

Unemployment organizing is currently happening in the United States. The PhiladelphiaUnemployment Project has been organizing poor people and unemployed workers since1975 and continues today fighting for unemployment relief, minimum wages andforeclosure protection. Jobs with Justice has been organizing the unemployed through itsbranches in several states. The AFL-CIO, through Working America, has signed up

millions of unemployed and employed workers without access to unions in a nationalnetwork to win reforms. The Machinists initiated an online centered Union of theUnemployed which serves to connect and inform unemployed workers across thecountry. Right to the City (an alliance of 40 organizations from across the USAcommitted to advancing a progressive urban agenda focused on the needs of workingpeople) is initiating some unemployment organizing in some of its memberorganizations. In addition to these examples spawned and/or supported by established


14/36

14

organizations and networks, there are countless autonomous groupings taking actionacross the country unaffiliated with any existing organization. Some notable effortsinclude the Unemployed 99ers who have a strong Internet presence and an onlinecommunity in Florida called Unemployed Florida who have successfully agitated forchange.

Despite these significant efforts, the progressive movement in general is weak, while thepolitical Right is highly visible and gaining strength. The country has 144 nativistextremist groups and 300 anti-immigrant groups (ISS, Southern Scan). The popularity ofFox news and conservative talk show hosts is high. Overall, the conservative movement,particularly its Tea Party sector, is gaining ground and presents a very real threat.

What remains glaringly missing is a large scale visible and vocal national base ofhundreds of thousands of un- and underemployed members that share a common visionand strategy and are actively engaging in direct action to put forward and ultimately win

a clear platform.

The Opportunity

Drawing lessons from history, the two keys to winning are clear: scale and vision. In the1930s, the movement of workers and unemployed reached levels of scale in the hundredsof thousands (at times millions) and were guided by left and progressive organizationsthat had clear long-term visions challenging racism and economic injustice. The resultswere some of the greatest progressive victories in the history of the USincluding theNational Labor Relations Act, Works Progress Administration, unemployment relief,

public housing and social security.

While our movement today lacks the scale and vision we need, we do have a rich historyto draw upon and significant organizing underway. Importantly, with the economy incrisis and more and more people being impacted and looking for answers, theopportunity is ripe. We must seize the moment and take the bold move that isnecessaryto launch an aggressive effort to organize the growing masses of un- andunderemployed workers, collaborate with existing projects and build the necessary powerto win. Our proposal for action below details what this entails.

Proposal for Action

The How

To build a movement of un- and underemployed, we believe The How is as critical as TheWhat. How we do the work, how we talk to one another, how we facilitate a meeting,


15/36

15

how we handle conflict, all must be an end in themselves. We must build the society wewant for our children and grandchildren now in our relationships, in our meetings, in ourcommittees, and in our organizations. We do this not to sound good but because webelieve this is critical to our ultimate goal of WINNING. We will strive to transformourselves and build our organization and movement based on our values and vision, and

actively work not to replicate oppressive, discriminatory and violent practices within ourown relationships and organization. We understand that The How will not happenautomatically and will often be counter to how we have been socialized individually andcollectively to act and orient ourselves. Thus, we must be deliberate in connecting theprocess of personal transformation and political transformation in all our leadershipdevelopment programs (see below). This entails building a relationship with and seekingguidance from practitioners and institutions like the Social Justice Leadership Institutewhich are currently playing an important role in this arena.

An important part ofthe How includes being explicit about what values we believe in andoperating by them in our practice. As a starting point, we put forward the following four

values which will be further developed through dialogue with members and leaders as theorganization develops.

Guiding Values

We will strive to weave our values into every practice from each direct action to eachstrategic retreat to each trip to the water fountain.

1. Be Bold: To win, we must be bold, act boldly, and go for what we know. We mustbe confident and trust in ourselves. We must think big, out of the box, beinnovative and creative. Learn lessons from the past and adapt to the present. Beproud. Be thorough in investigation and analysis then act boldly.

2. Be Nimble: To win, we must be nimble and flexible. Keep it simple. We must belike water--able to freeze into a hard ball, flow like a river or become a mist thatpermeates everything. We must stay rooted deep into the ground and never loseour connection to our history and experience, but sway with the wind and growand reach our limbs far into the sky. We must take our hits from the targets, haveour internal quarrels, struggle over strategy, face betrayal but never becomeparalyzed, never become stuck. Reflect, regroup, then act. Never be predictable.

Think but dont over-think. Analyze, but dont convolute. Distill.

3. Be Collective: To win, everything we do must have the collective in mind. Theindividual cannot rule. Get in touch with what we have in common. Build trust ineach other and not just a few. Challenge our individualistic and selfish ways.Think collectively, act collectively. Understand our individual desires and needs in


16/36

16

relation to others in our family, in our organization, in our community, in ourworld.

4. Laugh: To win, we must laugh now. We cannot wait until after we win. We musthave fun now. Find the joy in the moment, in each other, in the struggle. Laugh

at yourself. Laugh with one another. Feel good. Sadness and laughter can gotogether. Laugh, but not to hide your true feeling. Dont run from pain. Embracethe pain. Support each other in our suffering. But never lose sight of the joy. Ifthe suffering consumes us, we can no longer laugh and experience joy; we will losetouch with the world we want to build. Laugh to touch what is beautiful aboutlife. Dont let those in power define everything. Take agency wherever we can,and let go where you cannot.

The Transformative Model

To win not only short-term reforms but long-term structural changes, we believe in andascribe to a transformative model of organizing. Organizations across the country, somefor decades, have been using it and developing the model to organize in working classcommunities, build power and win victories. They include the Labor/CommunityStrategy Center and members of the Right to the City Alliance.

At its core and what distinguishes this model from other organizing models (i.e. theAlinsky model) is that it seeks to build the power of those directly impacted by thestructural problems of society in order to not only improve their lives in the short-term,but also to address and transform the root causes of the problems they face--racism,

sexism, environmental destruction and economic injustice. Thus, with this model, thegoal is not simply the reform (i.e. more affordable housing), but also always includesbuilding our power through growing and strengthening individual members and leaders,our organizations and ultimately our movements so as to effectively address andtransform the structural inequities of society.

Three basic pillars of this model are:

1. Basebuilding: The active process of recruiting and building a mass democraticmembership base of those most directly impacted by societys problems.

2. Leadership development: Both the principle and practice of deliberatelydeveloping the skills and consciousness of members, leaders and organizers to beable to:

i. Develop an analysis of the historical and current context through a race,gender and class lense.


17/36

17

ii. Develop tactics and strategies in campaigns that build our power and wingains.

iii. Build an organization based on a transformative model of organizing.iv. Lead their members, the mass base, allies and others in the movement.

3. Political mission, vision and values: This is what serves to guide the organizationin all its strategies and practices. The mission, vision and values must addresspeoples immediate needs and the root causes of problems people face. Theyshould allow us to connect our local work to national and internationalmovements. (Mann The 7 Components of Transformative Organizing Theory)

Scale

To win, we must reach a level of scale in the movement we have not seen in decades. Forthe most part, the existing organizing is made up of relatively small formations rangingfrom 50 to 500 hundred members with a core of 25 to 50 core activists. The sum of themembership of the larger national formations is typically in the tens of thousands.

To reach scale, our model must be designed for growth and to allow masses, ultimatelyhundreds of thousands and even millions, to join, benefit, transform and be active. Thestructure must allow for a large membership in each formation, but even moreimportantly the ability to initiate, nurture and grow numerous smaller individualbranches. Scale will likely be achieved principally by hundreds or thousands of smallerbranches vs. fewer large branches. The structure must be simple. Complex structures

can hinder or prohibit growth and reaching scale. Everyone from leader to basic membermust know the structure and understand it. This includes all aspects from membershipcriteria to decision making systems. The structure may include three basic levels.

i. Branch: The heart and soul of the structure and the most basic level will bea branch. A branch will exist in one community or sector (i.e. students,former auto workers, etc). It will recruit and orient members, meetregularly, implement campaigns and democratically choose its leadership.

ii. Regional: This level will serve as a coordination and strategic developmentspace principally for leadership, core members and staff. Regional

gatherings will be periodic and consistent (possibly quarterly).

iii. Organization wide: This level will serve to elect organization wideleadership and set the overall goals and direction for the organization. Itwill include delegates from each branch and will meet regularly, likely at anannual congress.


18/36

18

Membership

Each branch will emphasize basebuilding, aggressively recruiting and building itsmembership to be maintained on an organization wide database. A branch must have aminimum number of members to be initiated and at least one volunteer leader who isdemocratically chosen. Membership will be simply defined.

Requirements for membership will be straightforward:i. dues (or volunteer labor)ii. pledge to follow mission, vision and valuesiii. attend orientationiv. participate

Benefits of individual membership and branch affiliation will be clear:

i) regular communication and updates through email, mail, and textii) participation in self support systemsiii) trainingiv) eviction defensev) member ID cardvi) access to banking services at community bank, discounted life

insurance, and health insurancevii) affiliated branches will receive training and support for leaders and

core members (see Leadership Development section below)viii) affiliated branches will receive research support for campaignsix) affiliated branches will receive communications support

Leadership

Leadership will be democratically elected and must be members in good standing.

Requirements of leadership will be:i. participation in regional and organization wide gatheringsii. participating in trainings provided by organizationiii. represent organization

Benefits of leadership will be:i. Advanced trainingsii. Attending trips and conferences to represent and build movement


19/36

19

Function over Form

Because our national project will begin in multiple cities, we will need a shared structureand clear ways of collaborating and making decisions within each city as well as acrossthe whole organization. Thus, the preceding section that lays out a rudimentary

structure is important as a starting point. However, given that our movement is in anascent stage, we must see this structure as a guideline, not a prescription. We mustremain flexible as to what the structure is, and insure that especially in the first couple ofyears, function remains primary over form. This means that the structure could includenew independent formations as well as branches initiated within existing organizationsand/or networks. It also means we will be learning from each citys practice and makingadjustments based on this.

Volunteer vs. Staff leadership

To reach scale the ratio of staff to member has to drastically increase from what itgenerally is today in many community organizations (1 staff: 200 members). The goal willbe for the organization in its first 3 years to have a core of 4-6 fulltime staff that willconcentrate on overall coordination, communications, leadership development,fundraising and expansion. Beyond this core, the goal should be one full-time paid stafforganizer to every 1 to 5 thousand members. The priority should be to hire staff from thebase. The staff role must be clear, deliberate and limited. It will be as follows:

1. Screen, initiate and nurture new branches2. Organize regional and organization wide gatherings3. Coordinate and create leadership development programs and trainings at all levels

-- branch, regional and organization-wide

4. Carry out duties as identified by organizational leadership body

Key Sectors to Organize

Given the centrality of volunteer leadership in this project, we intend to target groups toorganize who will have a high level of willingness and readiness to organize and assume

membership and leadership roles. We will initially focus on two groups: 1)laid off orformer union workers, and 2) community-college/state university students and recentgraduates. Both groups have high concentrations of un- and underemployed lower wageworkers.

Laid off or former union workers have a level of organizing experience, consciousness,discipline and often leadership practice that will serve them and this project well. We


20/36

20

will develop strategic alliances with local Central Labor Councils and unions to connectwith laid off or former union workers.

Students and younger adults have the highest levels of un- and underemployment.Furthermore, community college/state university students generally come from a

working class background and have a level of skill, discipline, enthusiasm, and self-interest that will facilitate their involvement in this project. We will seek to havebranches on each campus and establish internships that allow students to get credit forvolunteering with the organization and train them as leaders and members. While wewill target these two groups initially, we will by no means exclude others who are un- andunderemployed.

Built For Expansion

The organizational structure must be built for expansion. This means the structure must

serve a dual purpose: 1) To support and strengthen existing operations and processesincluding support to existing branches, effective coordination, strategy development anddecision-making across the whole organization, and 2) To support and facilitate theinitiation and nurturing of new branches. Many organizations today are built to achievethe first purpose and not the second. Our structure must be built for both. This meansthere must be dedicated structures and staff for the second purpose of initiating andnurturing new branches. Specifically, there must be trained staff to take calls from peopleinterested in starting new branches. They must explain the criteria for initiating a newbranch (i.e. holding an independent meeting with at a minimum number of attendees,pay collectively an initiation fee, agree to follow mission/vision/values of organization).

With the basic criteria met, a staff member must be able to do a site visit and hold ameeting to formally assess and if appropriate, initiate the branch. Then, there must beongoing staff support to conduct orientation, train local leadership and nurture theembryonic branch. We will need to be deliberate about when we have enough capacity tosupport expansion and at what pace. In the first year, great emphasis and investment willbe placed in launching and strengthening the initiatives in 3-5 cities. People will likelylearn about our initiatives and want to launch their own branches. We will have toconstantly strike a balance between supporting and running existing formations andinitiating new ones.

Leadership Development

Reaching scale while effectively doing leadership development will be one of the greatestchallenges of this project. The small staff to member ratio in organizations today hasbeen an important factor in effective leadership development. For this to work at scale,we must employ the train the trainer model. Staff cannot develop and implement every


21/36

21

training. The goal will be for staff or veteran leaders to train dedicated new members toconduct trainings and to become organizers, leaders and spokespeople. Trainingswherever possible can include multiple branches or even an entire region. Expansion willhave to be paced such that we can maintain the necessary level of leadershipdevelopment to insure alignment with our mission, vision and values.

We will employ four types of training and allow for flexibility in terms of the form theytake:

i. New member orientation (history, mission/vision/values, structure, campaigns)ii. Organizing Basic Training (OBT): Open to all members, mandatory for leadership.

OBT will cover the history of organizing and our movement, strategic role ofun- and underemployed workers, race/class/gender analysis of society and ourcommunity, transforming ourselves and our internalized systems of violenceand oppression, and organizing skills (recruitment, direct action, campaigns,

communications, etc). This training can be conducted either as a series of 2hour sessions and/or a multi-day retreat.

iii.Organizing Advanced Training (OAT): Open to leaders and interested activemembers, mandatory for leadership. OAT takes a deeper dive into same topicscovered in the OBT. This training can be conducted either as a series of 2 hoursessions and/or a multi-day retreat.

iv. Regular political education spaces at the branch and/or regional level; each branchcan determine frequency. These spaces to discuss timely and pressing politicaland organizational questions.

Resources

To reach scale, we must seek financial contributions, in-kind donations and volunteerlabor. The main sources of revenue must be individual donations from middle and upperclass allies, grassroots fundraising, and membership dues. Foundation money must beconsidered a secondary source due to the shrinking coffers in general and the limited willto fund this work. That said, kicking off this project will be advanced through a majorinfusion of donor funding for the first 2-3 years of this effort.

Communications

Communications must be a core strategy we employ in all our campaigns and work.Communications is vital to our ultimate goal of winning. This is based on therelationship between power and dominant ideas in our society. Our premise is that


22/36

22

injustices like racism exist because of both force (whether through law, police, prisons)and consent, which entails the majority, including those most directly impacted,accepting the dominant ideas of society and thus, voluntarily consenting to its rules andsystems. Thus, to win, we must challenge and transform the dominant ideas of our daythat are wrong. This requires that we master and execute strategic communications to

challenge the dominant ideas and ultimately shift the debate and the entire frameworkwithin which the debate takes place. For example, the national frame must shift fromthe economy is hurting but we can turn it around by the government helping tostrengthen banks and corporations to the economy is broken because it is run bycorporations, banks and corrupt politicians; its time people call the shots and directresources to meet their needs i.e. massive public job creation, unemployment relief andpublic investment in housing and education.

The national debate and frame is the soil within which we work and seek to grow ournational project. Right now, our seeds of change are growing rather slowly in the currentfallow soil. To move from this place, we must understand the role of branding, messaging

and framing in raising consciousness and building power. We must master the art andscience of communications. Core members, not just our leaders and staff, in ourorganization must grasp this and become proficient in messaging and framing. Thismeans communications will be deeply integrated into leadership development programs.While each branch will have some autonomy to engage in its own campaigns andstruggles, our core campaigns will be regional and national in scope. Our fights must belinked. These campaigns must be clearly branded and have a tight message and frame.

Communication systems are also critical to building organization. How we communicateinternally, share information, develop systems to manage information, and maximize ouruse of technology are all of primary importance. We do not have to start from scratchand we do not have to learn only from the Right how to master communications. Wehave people and institutions in the movement who are developing this expertise andmoving this agenda, including Grit TV, Applied Research Center (Racewire/Colorlines)and the Praxis Project. We must reach out and connect with them.

The Work

The work of this new national project will be twofold: 1) To provide direct support andservices to un- and underemployed individuals, and 2) To develop and implement

campaigns to win short- and long-term demands.

Sustainability and Services:

Learning from history, campaigns alone will not build membership and the organization.Members will have immediate needs that our campaigns likely will not address in theshort-term. Members will be short of money, have trouble meeting basic needs, and may


23/36

23

be facing eviction. Each branch must provide a level of immediate support and servicesthat tap into the strengths of our collectivity. Sustainability programs will both meetimmediate needs of members and develop their abilities and consciousness including inself-governance.

Some ideas are as follows:i. Eviction protection: Each branch and whenever possible regional members will

fight to stop any eviction of a member (this will include blockades, protests,moving family back into home after eviction)

ii. Support System: Members will be supported in sharing and exchanging items,skills and services they have.

iii. Establishing Work Cooperatives: Members who have similar skills and interestswill be supported in establishing and operating collectives and/or smallbusinesses (with support from community colleges entrepreneurial centers)

iv. Accessing Public Benefits: Experienced and trained branch members and legalallies will assist other members in accessing public benefits (includingunemployment insurance, Medicaid, food stamps and welfare)

v. Free accounts and access to loans: Our organization will seek to establish astrategic alliance with community credit unions that will allow for jointmembership between our two organizations and access to free accounts andaccess to loans for our members.

vi. Free Medical Services: Our organization will seek to establish relationships withprogressive doctors and clinics in order to provide free medical services for ourmembers.

vii.Food: Through community gardening and connections to the local food bank, wewill provide food for our members in crisis.

Self-sustaining and service programs will play a critical role in our organizing andaddressing members immediate needs. However, they alone are not enough. Thus, thecampaign work will remain critical in bringing about fundamental changes. The realtensions between the need for self-sustaining programs and campaigns for change mustbe transparent and regularly grappled with by the leadership and membership.

Campaigns:

Campaign demands will center on full employment, millions of public jobs,unemployment relief, progressive taxation and other priorities determined by thecollective leadership. Given the governments budget crisis, revenue generation will beone our core demands. We will explicitly call for 1) progressive taxation to capture the


24/36

24

billions of corporate profits not benefitting the public as well as a financial transaction taxto recoup some of the enormous profits from the financial sector and 2) shifting resourcesfrom prisons, police, and the military to job creation and other more beneficial socialuses.

The short-term demands may vary based on each local branch but can include expandingunemployment relief, moratorium on evictions, expansion of public housing for the un-and underemployed, government land transfers to unemployed for entrepreneurialendeavors, a ban the box campaign to prohibit the excluding of formerly incarcerated andundocumented persons from jobs, and initiating public jobs/works programs includingconverting empty condo towers to public housing and empty warehouses to green energybusinesses that employ and/or are run by the unemployed.

Branding will be critical. We will go through a thorough process with un- andunderemployed individuals to brand our organization and campaigns. We will not bewedded to the historical branding of unemployment councils, especially because many

un- and underemployed do not identify strongly with unemployed. We will dialoguewith people and explore what exists now. For example, Right to the City has branded anew job initiative as a Ready to Work Union. The Ready to Work messaging goesstraight to the contradiction of the droves of workers who are ready and willing to workbut are denied the right to work.

Each branch must have a strong presence in their communities or sector of work (i.e.college students, former auto worker, etc). They will reach out to thousands and buildtheir membership. The branches will strive to support their members and confrontcampaign targets. Town hall meetings, rallies, marches, and civil disobedience will becommon practices. Leaders and members will seek to be regulars on TV, radio, on-line

publications and in newspapers. They will directly engage those in power over thechanges that must happen. Each branch will document and promulgate the experienceand skills of their members, and at every opportunity put forward members faces, storiesand solutions to replace the currently faceless unemployed. The branches will havecommon campaigns they all take on and move utilizing a diversity of militant andcreative tactics. They will also have the autonomy to develop and implement their ownlocal campaigns. In the end, the branches must win. Small victories will lead to biggerones, ultimately at the national level.

This initiative allows for experimentation both in our organizing model and campaignwork. Thus, we will have a vibrant process of ongoing coordination and sharing amongstall the branches to learn from each others successes and failures and build a commonnational model and campaign strategy that is effective.

Our goals and demands will include those for the long, mid and short-term. These willbe developed and revised by the leadership body. The current thinking is as follows:


25/36

25

Long-term Goals (10 years)

External

1. An economic bill of rights guarantees full employment, right to work, right toorganize, and right to a fair economy, as well as other human rights including rightto housing, education, and transportation. This bill of rights must include thedecriminalization of people of color, lifting barriers to formerly incarcerated andundocumented persons.

2. Frame shifted as evidenced by coverage in the media (including internet,newspapers, magazines, TV and radio). Regular radio shows and cable TV spotsweekly in 30 cities reaching 10 million.

3. Significant federal and state revenue generation from new progressive taxstructure and financial transaction taxes that significantly increase taxes onwealthy individuals and corporations/banks, and shifting resources from military,

police, and prisons to public benefits and jobs.

Internal

1. 1500 branches in 50 cities with 500,000 members

Midterm Goals (5 years)

External

1. Public Jobs program providing training and jobs nationally for 5 million un- andunderemployed, including undocumented and formerly incarcerated persons; also,public start-up funding for worker cooperatives that over time become self-sufficient

2. Extension of unemployment benefits3. Inclusion of Medicaid with unemployment benefits (unless the national healthcare

program is sustained and fully covers the unemployed and underemployed).

4. Moratorium on evictions or noncompliance by local authorities in 10cities/counties across the country.

5. Public debate and frame starting to shift. Regular radio and cable TV shows/spotsin 10 cities reaching 2 million

6. National recognition and credibility of organization; widely accepted thatorganization is a force in the streets and winning progressive legislation improvingthe lives of unemployed


26/36

26

7. Shutting down 50 prisons/detention facilities nationally and shifting resources topublic benefits and jobs

8. Instituting progressive taxes in several states and cities that help resource jobcreation and public benefits

Internal


Short-term Goals (1-2 years)

These will vary based on area, some possibilities include:

External

1. Winning a local public jobs program at the City/County level that trains andprovides jobs for 100 people in each community. To be funded by progressive tax,prison closing and/or police reduction. Establishing first source hiring hall (adatabase of all unemployed members and residents in community).

2. Winning a First Source Hiring ordinance at the city and/or county level thatincludes undocumented and formerly incarcerated persons. Securing local jobs forat least 10 members in each branch. This demand presents a tension in that it canpit worker and against worker. This tension must be navigated and worker unitymust be sought at all times. When tension is deemed too great, the goal shouldnot be pursued. This can be carried out, however, through a hiring hall-type

practice where people are deployed to jobs based on when they sign up, i.e., firstcome, first serve within the branch.

3. Eviction defense. Stop and or move back in 100 members or residents.4. Impacting frame by message being inserted in mainstream news stories;

radio/cable show or spot on 5 stations reaching 250,000

Internal



27/36

27

Targets

Generally, targets will be the local, state and federal government in terms of passinglegislation for job training/creation and progressive taxes. However, targets will includethe private sector at times i.e. fighting layoffs in from a large corporation or targeting a

developer around local hiring.

Key Strategies

Along with basebuilding, leadership development, communications and resourcegeneration, we will employ the following key strategies:

Building Multi-Racial Unity: This strategy entails organizing branches in communities ofcolor (targeting Black and Latino communities) and white communities, engaging in jointstruggles around common demands for jobs, training and relief, and developing and

implementing leadership development programs that raise consciousness around race,class and gender.

Building Alliances: This strategy entails building strategic alliances with organized laborand organized excluded worker sectors (i.e. Domestic Workers Union, NationalDaylaborers Organizing Network) as well as with progressive religious institutions in theBlack, immigrant and white communities, environmental justice movement, smallbusiness community, progressive elected officials and government officials. Tacticalalliances will be important with organizations/institutions in the above listing with thosewho we share less unity and/or are not progressive. In addition, tactical alliances may bemade with those in the business community.

Tactics

Tactics we use will be militant, diverse and creative. We will draw from ideas, talents andskills of our members. They will include direct action, street theatre, engagement(meetings and negotiations) with targets and players, and aggressive and creativecommunications whether email blasts or banner drops.

Timeline

Phase 1: Finalize Plan and Consolidate Initiating Committee (IC) Sept 2010 Jan 2011

Finalize draft proposal.


28/36

28

August 16-Sept 1: Share proposal with organizers and progressives contacts.Receive feedback period; Do additional research on labor stats in US.

Sept 6: Final Draft Done

Sept 7-13: Share Final Draft with potential core partners

Sept 23: Finalized Proposal Done

Form Initiating Committee (IC)

Aug 16-August 30: share initial draft proposal with potential IC members.Conduct one on one meetings with them

Sept 7: Share Final Draft with potential IC members

Sept 17: Host conference call with potential IC members to dialogue and identifywho is interested in being part of IC

Sept 20: Modify Final Draft based on input from IC members

Sept-Jan: Hold biweekly calls with IC members to finalize plan and secure funding

Secure Funding

Sept 24: Submit proposal to funders

Oct 1-Nov 15: Share finalized proposal with individual donors and foundations

Phase 2: Final Preparation to Launch Organization in 3-5 Cities January March 2011

Surveys and outreach to potential grassroots members to shape branding,messaging, campaigns and demands

Final IC coordination to finalize initial structures and decision-making processes

Establish service programs i.e. discounted benefits, access to community creditunion, etc

Ongoing fundraising

Hire Staff


29/36

29

Phase 3: Establish first branches in cities and Launch Campaigns March June 2011

March: Hold National Launch Press Event and hold similar events in eachparticipating city

Implement communications campaign to frame our movement, put faces to ourmembers and establish our goals

Implement self-sustaining and service programs

Phase 4: Launch Campaigns/First Annual Congress June-Dec 2011

Launch demand oriented campaigns

Dec: Hold First Annual Congress for representatives from every branch

Phase 5: Promote victories/Expansion to New Cities January-June2012

Phase 6: Regional Gatherings/Second Annual Congress June-Dec 2012

Phase 7: Expansion to New Cities/Third Annual Congress January-Dec

2013

Conclusion

This proposal seeks to address one of the most pressing issues of our time: mass un- andunderemployment and the denial of the right to work to millions. Our vision offers arationale and concrete program to boldly respond to the opportunity at hand. In citiesacross the country, we will organize thousands of un- and underemployed workers,unleashing their energy, ideas and collective power to build our movement to a level of

scale and vision that will shift the debate, transform structural inequities and win gains tobenefit the millions in need.


30/36

30

About the Authors

Tony Romano is long-time community organizer and co-founder of the Miami WorkersCenter. He is a native of Georgia and a veteran union organizer with the AmalgamatedClothing and Textile Workers and UNITE. Tony was schooled in politics and organizing

as an English teacher in South Africa during the struggle against apartheid. He led amajor labor/civil rights campaign against the Kmart corporation in Greensboro, NorthCarolina and arrived in Florida in 1996 to join an effort to unionize area nursing homeworkers. As the Center was initiated in 1998-99, Tony worked as volunteer staff whileworking a number of jobs including at a flower warehouse and an electronics factory. Hehas led the organizing and leadership development efforts at the Center. This includingbuilding two grassroots projects, Low-Income Families Fighting Together and Miami EnAccion, centered in the Black and Latino/o communities respectively and leadingcampaigns that won $17 million in housing and childcare subsidies for low-incomefamilies housing, preserved thousands of public housing units in the city, and broughtthe first international observers to a US election. Tony also was served on the Right tothe City housing leadership team that coordinated housing work amongst membergroups and produced a national grassroots research paper on public housing entitled WeCall These Projects Home.

Bill Fletcher, Jr., is a long time labor, international and racial justice activist andscholar. Bill was the Belle Zeller Visiting Professor at Brooklyn College-City University ofNew York from 2005-2007. From January 2002 through April 2006 he served as thePresident and chief executive officer of TransAfrica Forum, a national non-profit

organization organizing, educating and advocating for policies in favor of the peoples ofAfrica, the Caribbean and Latin America. He served as Education Director and laterAssistant to the President of the AFL-CIO. His union staff experience also included theService Employees International Union, where his last position was Assistant to thePresident for the East and South. He served as the OrganizationalSecretary/Administrative Director for the National Postal Mail Handlers Union. Prior tothe Mail Handler's Union, Bill was an organizer for District 65-United Auto Workers inBoston, Massachusetts. He got his start in the labor movement as a rank & file memberof the Industrial Union of Marine and Shipbuilding Workers of America. Combininglabor and community work, he was also involved in ongoing efforts to desegregate theBoston building trades. He received his undergraduate education at Harvard Universityand received a Masters degree from Brooklyn College-CUNY. He has authored numerousarticles published in a variety of books, newspapers and magazines. He is also the co-author of the 1987 pictorial booklet: The Indispensable Ally: Black Workers and theFormation of the Congress of Industrial Organizations, 1934-1941. He is the co-author ofSolidarity Divided (University of California Press) which focuses on the crisis in theorganized labor in the USA.


31/36

31

APPENDIX

Full Historical Context

In addition to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on

Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (also adopted by the United Nations) elaborates theright to work in the context of individual freedoms and economic, social and culturaldevelopment. The Covenant also articulates the role of the state in realizing this humanright. Article 6 states:

"(1) The State Parties to the present Covenant recognize the right to work, which includesthe right of everyone to the opportunity to gain his living by work which he freely choosesor accepts, and will take appropriate steps to safeguard this right. (2) The steps to betaken by a State party to the present Covenant to achieve the full realization of this rightshall include technical and vocational guidance and training programmes, policies and

techniques to achieve steady economic, social and cultural development and full andproductive employment under conditions safeguarding fundamental political andeconomic freedoms to the individual."

In the United States, significant legislation related to unemployed and employed workersare as follows:

1930-1940

WPA

The Works Progress Administration (WPA) was the largest New Deal agency. Between1935 and 1943, the WPA directly created almost eight million jobs, employing people tocarry out public works projects, including the construction of public buildings and roads.The WPA operated large arts, drama, media, and literacy projects. It distributed food,clothing, and housing to families and individuals in need. Almost every community inthe United States had a park, bridge or school constructed by the agency. Until it wasended by Congress in 1943, the WPA was the largest employer in the country.

The New Deal benefits, including through the WPA, were extended to Blacks and women

which translated into unprecedented access to thousands of jobs. However, despite itscreation of anti-discrimination legislation, the federal government failed to aggressivelyenforce these laws which led to white men generally being privileged over Blacks,immigrants and women with regard to who got a job, and the position and rate of pay.The FDR administration allowed the privileging of whites in order to appease theDixiecrats and pass the New Deal as a whole. This ultimately meant that, while Blackswere granted access to some jobs at the bottom of the ladder, the federal government


32/36

32

would not seriously challenge the institutions of Jim Crow segregation in the South andthroughout the country.

Context:

Unemployment organizing: The first nationwide protest against unemployment wascalled by the Trade Union Unity League (TUUL) and the Communist Party on March 6,1930. Across the country, over one million unemployed participated in demonstrationsand meetings. (Boyer/Morais, Labors Untold Story, 260-61)

The National Unemployed Council was founded at a convention in Chicago on July 4,1930 attended by 1,320 delegates. It had councils and branches in 46 states and almostevery city and town in the nation (Boyer/Morais, 260). In Chicago alone there were 45branches in 1932 with a total membership of 22,000 (Zinn,A Peoples History of theUnited States, 385). For the first time in history, there was no scabbing during the

Depression. The unemployed instead appeared on picket lines in support of strikers.The Unemployment Councils goal and main function was to increase relief allotmentsand unemployment insurance to millions, campaign for jobs through public works, fightracism, and stop evictions. In New York in 1932 some 185,794 were served with evictionnotices. But 77,000 of these families were moved back into their premises by members ofUnemployment Councils. Blacks, hardest hit by the Depression, were among the mostactive in the Councils. (Boyer/Morais 261)

Unemployment organizing also occurred in the South. In Atlanta, in March 1930,unemployment activism kicked off with a gathering in the Black Business District inobservation of Unemployment Day, however, it was shut down as Atlanta Police raidedthe event and arrested two organizers. Though redbaiting and state repression werefierce, the movement in Atlanta and the South continued to grow as exemplified by theformation of the Atlanta Negro Labor Council and the defense campaign for the AtlantaSix, which including the initial two arrested in March 1930. (Lorence, 30-32, TheUnemployed Peoples Movement in Georgia 1929-1941)

Finally, since business and government were not meeting the needs of the unemployed,people developed ways to help one another in their unemployment councils and throughother formations. Fishermen in Seattle exchanged fish they caught for fruit and veggiesfrom pickers, and barbers, seamstresses, doctors and others exchanged services with each

other. By 1932, there were 330 self help organizations in 37 states with over 300,000members. (Zinn 385)


33/36

33

NLRA

The National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) of 1935 (also known as the Wagner Act) gaveworkers the right to organize, join unions and bargain collectively. The Act alsoestablished the National Labor Relations Board to punish unfair labor practices and to

organize elections when workers wanted to form unions. In addition, the Fair LaborStandard Act of 1938 (FLSA) was passed prescribing maximum hours of work, minimumwages, and overtime, as well as prohibiting child labor. (Boyer/Morais 274)

However, large sectors of workers were excluded from these laws and the right toorganize, including agricultural and domestic workers. Race was a significant factor, withexcluded sectors being comprised largely of Blacks, immigrants and women.

As with the WPA, FDR accepted exclusions of Blacks, immigrants and women in both theNLRA and FLSA in an effort to appease conservatives in the South, as well as the AFL

which explicitly organized whites in skilled trades and was hostile to organizing industrialworkers, Blacks, immigrants and women.

Context:

Strikes: A million and a half workers in different industries went on strike in 1934. Thelargest strike of all was 325,000 textile workers in the South. Within months the strikebecame nationwide with over 400,000 in total. The strike was brutal, with strikers andtheir families suffering through being interned as the strike was repressed. Rooseveltdirectly stepped in and set up a mediation board. In 1934 and 1935, hundreds of

thousands of industrial workers began organizing in the new mass production industriesof rubber, auto and packinghouse. The Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO),formed in 1935, was instrumental in the waves of strikes that continued in 1936, 1937, 1938.While employers generally opposed this legislation and Roosevelt was not initially anadvocate, Roosevelts attitude shifted with the growing strikes. He came to see theselaws playing an important role in stablizing the system, outlawing wildcat strikes andstreamlining processes of disputes. (Zinn 386-93)

The passage of the NLRA was followed by a tremendous growth in unions. Membershipgrew from just over 3 million in 1935 (AFL only) (Boyer/Morais 291) to over 12 million

(combining both CIO and AFL) in 1945. However, the unions power was notcommensurate with this growth. In fact, in some ways their power was reduced. Unionsturned to laws and less to action. New forms of control, both internal from the unionsthemselves and external by law and force from employers and the state, limited the actionand power of workers. For example, the NLRB and the Supreme Court limited unionactivity and declared sit down strikes illegal. Gains from contracts and even strikes weresometimes less than gains won through wildcat strikes prior to the NLRA. (Zinn 393)


34/36

34

AAA

The Agricultural Adjustment Administration (AAA) passed in 1933 restricted agriculturalproduction in the New Deal era by paying farmers to reduce crop area. Its purpose was toreduce crop surplus so as to effectively raise the value of crops. Ultimately, the AAA

favored large farmers, and by encouraging farmers to plant less, many tenants andsharecroppers were forced to leave the land. (Zinn 383, 388)

Context:

Strikes: In 1932, thousands of farmers in Iowa, Illinois, North Dakota, Nebraska and NewYork went on strike protesting prices so low that crops were being sold below cost.(Boyer/Morais 264)

Sharecroppers Union: The first local of the Sharecroppers Union was organized in 1931outside of Birmingham, Alabama. By 1935, the Union had 12,000 members with chaptersin Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, Georgia and North Carolina. The unions demandsincluded higher wages and an end to racism, including freeing the Scottsboro Boys. Theunion faced mobs and violence often initiated by sheriffs and their deputies, and oftenresisted vigorously. Numerous workers and organizers were murdered including one ofthe unions leaders, Ralph Gray. (Haywood, Black Bolshevik 397-403)

1940-1950

ECONOMIC BILL OF RIGHTS

As New Deal programs ended, the movement for economic and social justice led to FDRscalling for an Economic Bill of Rights during his State of the Union Address in 1944.Roosevelt posited that the "political rights" guaranteed by the constitution and the Bill ofRights had "proved inadequate to assure us equality in the pursuit of happiness." Thissecond bill of rights, although never passed, was to include the following rights, includingthe right to work, fair earnings and protection from unemployment:

The right to a useful and remunerative job in the industries or shops or farms ormines of the nation;

The right to earn enough to provide adequate food and clothing and recreation;The right of every farmer to raise and sell his products at a return which will givehim and his family a decent living;

The right of every businessman, large and small, to trade in an atmosphere offreedom from unfair competition and domination by monopolies at home orabroad;

The right of every family to a decent home;


35/36

35

The right to adequate medical care and the opportunity to achieve and enjoy goodhealth;The right to adequate protection from the economic fears of old age, sickness,accident, and unemployment;The right to a good education.

Context:

The CIO and its allies ran a successful political campaign for the re-election of Rooseveltas well as the election of a wide number of pro-labor Congressman, governors, andmayors. Through its Political Action Committee (PAC), the labor movement put millionsof Americans in motion into a broad coalition fighting for progress including the rightsarticulated in the economic bill of rights. Time declared the PACs communicationscampaign far and wide the slickest political propaganda produced in the United Statesfor a generation. The PAC was a significant contributor to FDRs victory and an

important factor in electing 120 representatives to Congress, 17 senators and 6 governors.(Boyer/Morais 337)

Despite these electoral victories, a Republican majority in Congress and an aggressivered-baiting campaign by conservatives left labor and progressives in a divided andweakened state. As a result, the economic bill of rights and other progressive policies(including the Employment Act of 1946see below) sought by labor never saw the lightof day or they passed with no teeth. In fact, the Congress passed anti-worker legislation(the Taft-Hartley Act--see below) that severely undermined previous gains in the NLRA.Furthermore, the media helped drive a wedge between workers and soldiers by portrayingworkers as constantly striking during the war and becoming fat on the blood of their

countrymen; this despite the fact that labor generally honored its no strike pledge duringthe whole of World War II. (Boyer/Morais 337-339)

EMPLOYMENT ACT OF 1946

Given the influx of returning soldiers from the war and the shutting down of war-timeindustries, the first bill addressing full employment was signed into law in 1946 byPresident Truman. The act represented a concerted effort to develop a broad economicpolicy for the country. Unions and progressives backed it fervently. However, withintense opposition from industry and conservatives the guarantee of full employment was

removed and the bill had no significant impact. (Encyclopedia.com)

TAFT HARTLEY ACT

With the Republican Party taking control of both houses, Congress passed the Taft-Hartley Act in 1946 which made organizing more difficult, abolished the closed shop,outlawed mass picketing, gave states authority to pass right to work laws, outlawed


36/36

certain types of strikes, and facilitated breaking strikes through injunctions andsecondary boycotts. Largely as a result of Taft-Hartley, union organizing came to agrinding halt; unions lossed millions of dollars in damage suits and fines and unionleaders faced indictment and imprisonment. Business Week called the Act, A new dealfor

unemployment proposal final draft 10.4.10

Documents