unexpected light on heb 13.1-6
TRANSCRIPT
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UNEXPECTED LIGHT ON
HEBREWS 13:1-6 FROM A
SECOND CENTURY
SOURCE
WILLIAM L LANE
WESTERN KENTUCKY UNIVERSITY
The second century writer, Lucian of Samosata, prepared a caustic
account of the death of the Cynic teacher Peregrinus Proteus. In the
explanatory remarks offered for the benefit of his correspondent, Cro-
nius, a Platonist, Lucian includes a number of statements which shed
unexpected light on the paraenetic instruction in Hebrews 13:1-6. What is
striking is that incidental parallels are offered for the entire paragraph,
with the exception of verse 4 which addresses marriage and sexual
morality. Nothing that Lucian recorded touched upon these topics of
Christian concern.
Although other writers of the second century mentioned Peregrinus,1
what is known of his life is drawn almost entirely from Lucian's TheDeath of Peregrinus.2 Peregrinus was born to wealthy parents in Parium
1 Aulus Gellius 12.11 ; Philostratus, Lives of the Sophists 2.1.33; Tatian, Oration to theGreeks 25; Athenagoras, Legation of the Christians 26.
2See K. von Fritz, "Peregrinus (Proteus)," RE 19.1 (37th Halbband, 1937) 656-63; M.Croiset, "Un ascte paien au sicle des Antonius, Prgrinus Prote," Acadmie desSciences et Lettres de Montpellier, Mmoires de la section des Lettres 6 (1878) 455-91; J.F. Aerts, Peregrinus Proteus, een Kynieker uit de 2e eeuw na Kristus (DissertationLwen, 1931-32). For the translation of The Death of Peregrinus 11-13 I have relied on F.C. Grant in Hellenistic Religions (Indianapolis, 1953) 98-99; for 16 I have adapted the
translation of A. M. Harmon in The Loeb Classical Library edition of the text (Vol. 5,1913).
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268 PERSPECTIVES IN RELIGIOUS STUDIES
(14), a small Greek town in the Hellespont. As a young man he was
involved in disreputable love affairs and in violent quarrels at home. He
left Parium under the suspicion of having strangled his father. His travelsbrought him to Palestine, where he was introduced to Christianity. In
time he became recognized as a prophet and leader in Christian circles,
attaining a considerable reputation as an interpreter of the Scriptures and
a defender of the Christian faith (11).
When Peregrinus was imprisoned for his activities as a Christian,
churches in Palestine and elsewhere rallied to his support (12-13). Follow
ing his release he returned to Parium, but soon found it expedient to
resume his travels. Everywhere he was able to depend on local Christians
for hospitality and provisions, until a rupture occurred in his relationship
with the churches. When the churches withdrew their support Peregrinus
was reduced to petitioning, unsuccessfully, for the return of his estate,
which he had deeded to the town of Parium for charitable purposes. He
subsequently went to Egypt, where he studied with the Cynic Agathobu-
lus and adopted many of the grosser traits of Cynic behavior.3 From
Egypt he made his way to Italy, but was banished from Rome by the city
prefect for his verbal abuse of the emperor. That incident encouraged
some individuals to rank Peregrinus with reputable philosophers like
Musonius Rufus, Dio of Prusa, and Epictetus who had also been placed
under a decree of banishment (18). Peregrinus then traveled to Greece,where he attempted to instigate a rebellion against the Roman adminis
tration. There he publicly insulted the philanthropist, Herodes Atticus.
He finally crowned his career by a sensational suicide. He cast himself
into the flames of a blazing funeral pyre as a means of apotheosis before
an admiring crowd at the Olympic Festival of A.D. 165 (35-36).4
Subsequently, Peregrinus became the object of a cult.5 A statue that
was set up in his honor was credited with miracles and attracted large
numbers of pilgrims.6
Lucian, who was personally acquainted with Peregrinus, was present
at the Olympic Festival. He had witnessed the self-immolation of Peregri-
3H. M. Hornsby, "The Cynicism of Peregrinus Proteus," Hermathena 23 (1933) 65-84.
4P. Franchi de' Cavalieri, "Zu Peregrini 36," Studi Romanil (1914) 208; M. Nilsson,
"Der Flammentod der Herakles auf dem Ohe," ARW2 (1922) 310-16; R. Pack, "The'Volatilization'of Peregrinus Proteus,"Am Journ Philoldl (1946) 334-45; D. M. Pippidi,"Apothoses imperiales et apothose de Peregrinos," Studi e materiali di Storia dellaReligion 21 (1948) 77-103.
5H. D. Betz, Lukian von Samosata und das Neue Testament, religionsgeschichtlichewrtdpflrnetische Parallelen. Ein Beitrag zum Corpus Hellenisticum (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1961) 124-30.
6Athenagoras, Legation 26; cf. Lucian, Death of Peregrinus 41.
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LIGHT ON HEBREWS 13:1-6 269
nus and wrote his account of the incident soon after the event. Lucian felt
only contempt for Peregrinus Proteus and regarded him as a subject for
ridicule.7
He presents him as an exhibitionist who staged his own death onthe occasion of the Olympic Games in order to assure himself a vast
audience and an enduring reputation. Lucian was convinced that Peregri
nus' sole concern was for theatrical prominence. The speeches he had
made at the Festival and the letters he circulated announcing his intention
to consign himself to the flames were calculated to create a lasting
impression for the present and the future, according to Lucian.
Although Lucian's primary purpose is to convey a sense of the drama
surrounding the death of Peregrinus, he introduces into his account an
unnamed speaker, who is almost certainly Lucian himself, who provides a
sketch of the life of Peregrinus. The portion of the sketch which coversPeregrinus' association with the Christian movement is of particular
interest because of the incidental witness it offers to Christian faith and
practice in the second century. Lucian was far from sympathetic toward
Christianity.8
He knew little about Christian convictions and cared less.
Lucian's lack of sympathy for Christianity is evident in the sarcasm
with which he introduces the Christian phase of Peregrinus' career:
It was then that he learned the marvelous wisdom of the Christians, byassociation with their priests and scribes in Palestine. And how? He madethem look like children; for he was a prophet and a leader of the cult and head
of the synagogue and everything, all by himself. Some of their books heexpounded and interpreted, but many of them he wrote; and they stood inawe of him as before a god, used him as their lawgiver, and inscribed him astheir protectornext to that other one, of course, whom they still worship,the man who was crucified in Palestine because he introduced this newmystery initiation into the world (ll).9
It is evident that Lucian's knowledge of Christianity was far from
precise. While he knew that Jesus had been crucified in Palestine, he had
no knowledge of the circumstances that had led to his execution. He
appears to have regarded the Christian movement as an aberrant offshoot
7E. Zeller, "Alexander und Peregrinus, ein Betrger und ein Schwrmer, " Vortrage
und Abhandlungen 2 (1877) 154-88.8E. Zeller, "ber eine Berhrung des jngeren Cynismus mit dem Christentum, "SA
(1897) 129-32; P. de Labriolle, "Lucien et les Chrtiens," Les Humanits, Classe deLettres 4 (1929) 148-53; C. Curti, "Lucian e i Cristiani," in Miscellanea di Studi di
Letteratura Cristiana antica (Cartania, 1954) 86-109; V. Daumer, "Lucien de Samosate etla secte chrtienne," Cahiers du cercle E. Renan 13 (1959); E. Betz, "Lukian von Samosataund das Christentum," Nov Test 3 (1959), 226-37.
9This passage attracted early attention; see C. Buttinghausen, "Observationes Miscel-laneae. II. Primo Christianorum legislatore apud Lucianum in Peregrino," BibliothecaHagana Hist.-Philol-Theol. Classis tenia, fase, primus (Amsterdam, 1777) 178-84, whocomments on The Death of Peregrinus 11 and 13.
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270 PERSPECTIVES IN RELIGIOUS STUDIES
of Judaism because he confuses the church with the synagogue in de
scribing the leadership of the movement. His presentation of Christianity
as a rival to the mystery cults, and of Peregrinus as cult leader and head of
the synagogue, certainly reflects confusion. If Peregrinus actually wrote
any pamphlets of an expository or apologetic nature at this time, they
have left no trace in the extant record.
Lucian's intention did not demand precision. He regarded the Chris
tian phase of Peregrinus' pilgrimage as just one incident among others.
Lucian cited it because of the enthusiastic reception Peregrinus found
among the Christians, whom Lucian regarded as "simple-minded people
. . . without precise belief." His caustic attitude both toward Peregrinus
and the Christians becomes clear when he concludes this portion of hisaccount with the remark, "And so if any charlatan or clever trickster,
capable of taking advantage of every occasion, comes among them, he at
once gets rich by imposing upon simple-minded people" (13).
The value of Lucian's account to the Christian interpreter can be seen
when he comments on Peregrinus, penetration of Christian circles. With
out intending to do so he provides a suggestive rationale for the structure
of Hebrews 13:1-6, which begins on the note of brotherly love {Philadelphia, verse 1) and concludes on the note of freedom from the love ofwealth (aphilarguos, verses 5-6). Lucian explains to Cronius that the
relationship among Christians is unusual; they are to regard one anotheras "brothers." He illustrates his point by calling attention to their attitude
toward material possessions and traces the willingness of Christians to
share what they own with one another to the teaching of Jesus.
Moreover, their original lawgiver persuaded them that they should be likebrothers to one another, after they have once broken the law by denying theGreek gods and by worshiping that crucified sophist of theirs and livingaccording to his laws. Therefore they despise all things equally, and viewthem as common property, accepting such teachings by tradition and without any precise belief (13).
Lucian's remarks reflect the fact that an educated person in the secondcentury was quite unprepared for the Christian concept of Philadelphiaexpressed in the exhortation, "keep on loving each other as brothers"
(Heb. 13:1 NIV). In ordinary usage, as well as in the Septuagint, the
Greek term Philadelphia was restricted to the love of those who actuallywere brothers and sisters. The extension of the term to include men and
women beyond the immediate family was something new. Lucian's choice
of the Christian attitude toward property to illustrate Jesus'teaching that
Christians were to regard themselves as brothers10
is interesting. It was
10Cf. Matt. 23:8, ". . . and all of you are brothers."
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LIGHT ON HEBREWS 13:1-6 271
appropriate precisely because the willingness to share possessions unself-
ishly is characteristic of the relationship between members of the same
family. It demonstrated that new attitudes concerning personal relationships would have implications for attitudes toward personal wealth (Heb.
13:5-6).
One expression of brotherly love was hospitality. Early Christian
documents indicate that itinerant teachers relied upon a network of
Christian homes for shelter and provisions and that the extension of
hospitality was regarded as an expression of brotherly love.11
It is suf-
ficient to recall the commendation of a certain Gaius who had
distinguished himself in this way:
Dear friend, you are faithful in what you are doing for the brothers, even
though they are strangers to you. They have told the church about your love.You will do well to send them on their way in a manner worthy ofGod. It wasfor the sake of the Name that they went out, receiving no help from thepagans. We ought therefore to show hospitality to such men so that we maywork together for the truth (3 John 5-8 NIV).
The integral connection between brotherly love and hospitality is under
scored in Hebrews 13:1-2, when the instruction, "keep on loving each other
as brothers," is qualified by the reminder, "Do not forget to entertain
strangers, . . . "12
Peregrinus had been served well by the provision that
Christians made for traveling brothers, as Lucian observed at a later
point in his account:He left home, then, for the second time, to roam abut, possessing an amplesource of funds in the Christians, through whose generosity he lived inunalloyed prosperity (16).
Lucian, of course, regarded this as one more example of the ease with
which an unscrupulous Peregrinus had been able to capitalize upon his
association with the Christians.
That Peregrinus took advantage of the Christian commitment to
hospitality is not itself remarkable. But Lucian's statement becomes a
valuable source of insight when he reports the manner in which the
Christian communities responded when Peregrinus was imprisoned.13
The detail that meals were prepared which were shared with Peregrinus in
his cell confirms that the early Church regarded a ministry to Christian
brothers in prison as a corollary of the responsibility to practice hospital-
11 Cf. D. W. Riddle, "Early Christian Hospitality," JBL 57 (1938) 141-54.12An inscription on a portico beside the road near Oenoanda in Lycia preserves a
similar statement attributed to the Epicurean Diogenes of Oenoanda (ca. A. D. 200): "lovefor mankind bids us render aid to strangers passing by." See Diogenis OenandensisFragmenta, ed. J. William, II (Leipzig: Deichert, 1907), 5 (Column 2 line 7),
,3See G. Bagnani, "Peregrinus Proteus and the Christians," Historia 4 (1955) 107-12.
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272 PERSPECTIVES IN RELIGIOUS STUDIES
ity. The response of the churches to Peregrinus' imprisonment reflects a
sensitivity to the paraenetic concerns expressed in Hebrews 13:1-3, i.e.,
the sustaining of brotherly love, the extension of hospitality, the remembering of those imprisoned.
Other elements in Lucian's account provide insight on the formula
tion of Hebrews 13:3, "Remember those in prison as if you were their
fellow prisoners, and those who are mistreated as if you yourselves were
suffering" (NIV). Lucian writes:
Then Proteus was arrested for this and thrown into prison, which fact in itselfprovided him with no small reputation for his future career When he hadbeen imprisoned, accordingly, the Christians, viewing the fact as a misfortune, moved heaven and earth in their efforts to release him. Then, since this
was impossible, every other kind of ministration was showered upon him, notincidentally, but with great zeal; from the break of dawn elderly widows andorphan children could be seen waiting outside the prison, while some of theirmore accomplished leaders slept inside with him, after bribing the guards.Then elaborate meals were brought in, and their sacred books were readaloud and the most excellent Peregrinusfor he was still called by thatnamewas hailed by them as "the new Socrates." Indeed, people came evenfrom the cities of Asia, being sent by the Christians at common expense forthe purpose of supporting, defending, and encouraging the man (12-13).
The account conveys a vivid impression of the extent to which Christians
in the second century rallied their resources to support one of their
number who had been imprisoned as a confessor. The elderly widows
who arrived at the prison by dawn must have particular reference to those
women who constituted an order of widows and who devoted themselves
to ministerial tasks (cf. 1 Tim. 5:3-16). The orphans may also have been
enrolled among those who received their entire support from the
churches. The detail that certain leaders slept inside Peregrinus' cell is
suggestive of the manner in which the second century Church attempted
to honor the admonition to remember those in prison as if they werefellow-prisoners (hos sundedemenoi). Christians were prepared to participate in the actual living conditions of an imprisoned brother.14 The
reference to shared meals, the reading of the Scriptures and their exposition indicates that Christians were eager to extend to a prisoner the
communal experiences of the house church. The arrival of Christians
from Asia who were delegated to travel to Palestine "at common expense
for the purpose of supporting, defending, and encouraging" Peregrinus is
consistent with the measures of support Paul had received from churches
in Macedonia and Asia when he was imprisoned.15 The details of Lucian's
I4Is this the meaning of Rom. 16:7: "Greet Andronicus and Junias, my relatives whohave been in prison with me"?
15Cf. Phil. 2:25-30; 4:10-18; Tit. 3:13; 2 Tim. 1:16-18.
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LIGHT ON HEBREWS 13:1-6 273
account permit a more precise reading of the pastoral instruction in
Hebrews 13:3, with its repeated summons to identification with those in
prison and those who are mistreated.At one other point Lucian's remarks on the response of the Christian
community to Peregrinus sheds light on the paraenetic instruction in
Hebrews 13:1-6. Lucian explained to Cronius that the Christian attitude
toward material possessions is based on the conviction that they will
enjoy eternal life:
They manifest an uncanny speed whenever any such public action is to betaken; for they promptly spend all they possess. And so it was with Peregrinus; he received a considerable amount of money from them on account ofhis imprisonment. . . . For the poor devils have persuaded themselves thatthey are going to be entirely immortal and live forever and ever, and for thisreason they despise death and willingly give themselves up when arrestedthat is, most of them do. . . . Therefore they despise all things equally, andview them as common property, accepting such teachings by tradition andwithout any precise belief" (13).
Lucian recognized a correlation between the willingness of the Christians
to spend everything to aid a brother and their attitude toward life and
death. They were willing to spend whatever they possessed because they
did not place an ultimate value on wealth. They surrendered themselves
to imprisonment and ordeal when arrested because they had no fear of
death.
A similar emphasis upon the absence of material concerns and the
absence of the fear of death when threatened in a hostile environment is
found in Hebrews 13:5-6. The admonition, "keep your lives free from the
love of money and be content with what you have" (13:5) is supported by
the divine promise, "I will never leave you, I will never forsake you,"
derived from Deuteronomy 31:6. Isolated from its context, the verse
could be read as a summary of Jesus'teaching that God's people are not to
worry about what they will eat or drink or wear because a loving Father
will provide for their needs (Matt. 6:25-34 par). But in Hebrews the pledge
of God's presence prompts the response of faith, "So we say with confidence, Th e Lord is my helper; I will not be afraid. What can man do to
me?' "(13:6 NIV). The response of faith is a biblical quotation taken from
Psalm 118:6-7, which has the effect of establishing a rather sober context
for the instruction of verse 5. The writer's concern is not limited to the
provision of daily needs. It extends to the confrontation with hostility
that the people of God experience in the world. The assurance that the
Lord is the divine enabler permits the Christian to affirm, "I will not be
afraid. What can man do to me?" The logical shift from the monetary
concerns expressed in verse 5 to the matter of confident dependence upon
the Lord when threatened in a hostile world finds striking illustration in
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274 PERSPECTIVES IN RELIGIOUS STUDIES
the explanation provided by Lucian for the Christians' readiness to spendall they possess in order to assist one of their members. The conviction
that God's people will enjoy eternal life freed Christians in the secondcentury both from a love of money and from the fear of death.
The parallels which have been drawn between Lucian's The Death ofPeregrinus and Hebrews 13:1-6 are interesting because they were unintentional. Lucian was not aware that the explanations he offered his friendconcerning Christian faith and practice would provide light upon earlyChristian paraenetic tradition. But in unexpected fashion he commentson the brotherly love, the hospitality, the concern for an imprisonedbrother, the attitude toward wealth, and the confidence in the face ofdeath which distinguished the Christian communities of his day. Hisincidental witness to Christian attitudes and practice suggests that theparaenetic tradition expressed in Hebrews 13:1-6 became a vital force inshaping the response of the churches in the second century to the socialdynamics of the hellenistic-Roman world.
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