unexpected subjects
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a few unexpected subjects of class struggle
notes on recent university strikes
An entirely new word is being put forward by an entirely new subject. It
only has to be uttered to be heard.
- Rivolta Femminile
Our universities are fraying at the seams. At schools throughout
California, across the UK and in New York, weve seen waves of protest
this November, including student walkouts and class cancellations
unimaginable a month ago. As I write, another UC strike approaches,
with others likely to follow over the coming weeks and months.
Our unsettled present is extraordinary, and unexpected. That much is
clear to all. But there are different kinds of surprise, different reasons for
shock. Some, particularly those speaking on national television, seem
surprised above all at the severity of police attacks on our bodies and our
encampments. Theyre shocked at images of seated students casually
being pepper-sprayed, or at the unrelenting baton blows endured by those
of us who linked arms around a small circle of tents. How, they ask,could such violence be visited upon students, especially when they acted
non-violently, only wanted to set up a few tents, and issued little more
than anodyne calls for universal public education?
Without question, we reply, the violence was severe, disproportionate, and
hideous. Many of us are still hurting, and those videos are sickening. But
those with whom Ive spoken, those who endured violence, arent
particularly surprised at what they faced. After all, its all happened
before. At every single anti-privatization protest thats occurred in
northern California since the fall of 2010, university police have shot
pepper spray at students. Last year, a cop pulled a gun on a group of us.Our friends have had their hands crushed on police barricades, their ribs
bruised and fractured by baton blows on the highway, and their
partially-clothed bodies dragged from sleeping bags at ve in the
morning, rst into the cold air and then to cold cells.
We knew what they were prepared to do to us. We just didnt know
anyone would care this time. And neither did our assorted chancellors
and police chiefs, who treated the initial round of protests in the same
viciously perfunctory way theyve treated other, recent actions. They
are now shocked at mounting calls for their resignation; while we are
surprised by and at times unsure how to use -- our mounting collective
power.
***
In navigating the current sequence of university protest, weve leaned
heavily on each other, and have looked for words, however imperfect,
from other sites of struggle. In particular, students in the bay area have
followed, and have joined, recent uprisings in Oakland, from the streetactions in response to the police murder of Oscar Grant, to the
mobilizations this fall in defense of the Oakland Commune. When the
encampment at Oscar Grant Plaza was raided last month, dozens of
university students participated in the march back to the Plaza,
enduring waves of tear gas, ash grenades, and rubber bullets. The
following day, we joined thousands in retaking the Plaza and declaring a
city-wide general strike for the following Wednesday. During the strike,
students marched down Telegraph from UC Berkeley, and then, with tens
of thousands, marched to shut down the Oakland port.
These mobilizations in defense of the Oakland Commune gave university
students a striking vocabulary of resistance, a repertoire of text and image
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that weve drawn upon and revised in shaping our recent campus actions.
In Oakland, the image of the mass assembly was sutured with the term
general strike each of us had seen the picture of the evening assembly
framed with the phrase: strike while the iron is hot so, at UC Berkeley
and UC Davis, the moment our assemblies expanded beyond the
boundaries of our quads and plazas, we similarly called for general
strikes.
Its worth asking, however, just how general these strikes have been, andrelatedly, whether our strike calls have been properly-tailored to their
political moment. Some on the left have accused us of misusing the term
general strike, of diluting the meaning of the phrase insofar as
absenteeism hasnt been universal. Their point is well taken, of course:
we havent yet organized a full-scale shutdown of a city or sector of social
life. Many in Oakland went to work on November 2, while nearly all
university employees (excepting instructors) carried out their jobs on
November 15. Nevertheless, these strikes have been remarkably wide-
spread and effective; theyve blocked, for a time, the operations of
particular industries and institutions. And our repeated use of the phrasegeneral strike seems to have enabled, and rendered legible, certain
important dimensions of these events dimensions that other terms (i.e.
shutdown, blockade, boycott, or student walkout) would have failed to
capture or set off.
To call a strike general is to give it a predication that puts off, or qualies,
all particularizing predications it might otherwise be given. A general
strike is not a strike carried out by a clearly-demarcated body of workers;
its not called in order to effect some particular change of policy oreconomic practice; in terms of tactics, the general strike is
promiscuous, embracing ying pickets, occupations, wildcats, mutual aid,
and widespread sabotage. A strike is general only if its limits are
unsettled, expansive, indistinct: if it gives birth to unexpected subjects and
sites of struggle.
Our recent strike actions are perhaps most notable for their expansive
quality, for how theyve inspired and enabled surprising lines of struggle.
In calling for a general strike throughout the city of Oakland, for
instance, those gathered at Oscar Grant Plaza didnt necessarily knowthey were calling for the shutting down of Oaklands port, since the
shutdown was planned in the days following the strike resolution. Nor
did they know that, a few weeks after the successful port action, a new
call for a general west coast port shutdown on December 12 would be
crafted and endorsed by assemblies from Portland to Los Angeles. The
call for a citywide general strike released a contagion at the ports that has
not yet subsided.
A similar logic of contagion has animated recent university struggles. On
November 9 a statewide day of action for public education university
police attempted to repress with force a small encampment at UCBerkeley. Students (and a few faculty members) formed soft blockades
around the tents and endured two rounds of severe baton blows. While
the tents were ultimately taken from us, our numbers grew throughout the
day and we were able at night to hold the Sproul steps and plaza space
enough for a mass general assembly. There, we called a November 15
general strike of higher education a call that was taken up, to an uneven
degree, at other university campuses. Students at UCLA established an
encampment, while those at Davis held a mass rally on the 15th, which
led into an extended building occupation. When they were forced out of
the building, they established an outdoor encampment. The images of Lt.Pike casually pepper-spraying students as they surrounded this
encampment have gone viral, just as the general strike call issued last
week by the Davis assembly has set off a rash of solidarity actions
throughout the state, set to intensify in the coming days.
Both Berkeley and Davis general strike calls have been criticized for
casting too wide a net. Why not call for campus-wide, rather than
system-wide, strikes, weve been asked? While it would be easy enough
to simply say in response that the expansive calls have enabled a kind ofcampus-to-campus relay that may have been foreclosed by more
narrowly-tailored calls, its also worth noting that narrower calls might
have fractured our assemblies. At Berkeley, an initial call for a
system-wide UC strike was challenged by CSU and community college
students, who pushed for an expansion of the call to all of higher
education. Similarly, students from other UC campuses edited the strike
call so that it would be more legible on their home campuses, while
activists with Occupy Oakland worked to compose a supplementary call
to encourage east bay residents students and non-students alike to
march up to UC Berkeley for the November 15 general assembly. Whatthese anecdotes reveal is the cross-sectoral heterogeneity of our
assemblies a heterogeneity that effectively disallows more conventional,
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narrowly-focused strike calls.
The openness of our assemblies and encampments to all is a large part of
what makes them politically effective. Not only does this openness
compel those who keep up the encampments to face the need for ever
more complex forms of mutual aid, thus allowing our encampments to
become actual sites of social reproduction, this openness also strengthens
regional solidarities. The lesson of the 1969 TWLF strike at UC Berkeley
which succeeded only when east bay municipal workers initiated asympathy strike is that student movements are most effective when they
are supported by, and coordinated with, social struggles outside the
universities. Campus administrators are aware of this fact, and work
assiduously to re-assert, through various disciplinary techniques, the
political disarticulation of students from non-students. Most recently, at
UC Berkeley, weve been informed by our chancellors that we might be
able to keep a few tents up on Sproul if we can gure out a way to ensure
that only students will sleep in them. Weve yet to honor this grotesque
declaration with a response.
Our insistence that occupations remain open to all and that everybody
should have the capacity to reproduce their lives, free of nancial
exchange, within and beyond the bounds of our campuses, is not
capricious; rather, this insistence is aligned with the politics of recent
university struggles, insofar as these struggles have challenged
prevailing, privatized regimes of social reproduction. Its worth
remembering, for instance, that one of the demands advanced by the
Wheeler occupiers in November 2009 was that the university renew its
essentially rent-free lease with the Rochdale student housing cooperative.Or that a recent makeshift tent on the lawn in front of Sproul Hall bore a
sign that read: affordable student housing. Ours is a nascent struggle
for autonomous social reproduction, and as such, it shares much with
revolutionary feminist movements.
In The Power of Women and the Subversion of the Community,
Mariarosa Dalla Costa and Selma James call for strikes in the sphere of
social reproduction, rolling refusals of unwaged domestic labor that bear
certain resonances with recent university strikes and occupations:
We must get out of the house; we must reject the home, because
we want to unite with other women, to struggle against all
situations which presume that women will stay at home, to link
ourselves to the struggles of all those who are in ghettos, whether
that ghetto is a nursery, a school, a hospital, an old-age home, or a
slum. To abandon the home is already a form of struggle, since the
social services we perform there would then cease to be
carried out in those conditions, and so all those who work out of
the home would then demand that the burden carried by us until
now be thrown squarely where it belongs onto the shoulders of
capital.... The working class family is the more difcult point tobreak because it is the support of the worker, but as worker, and
for that reason the support of capital. On this family depends the
support of the class, the survival of the class but at the womans
expense against the class itself.... Like the trade union, the family
protects the worker, but also ensures that he or she will never be
anything but workers. And that is why the struggle of the woman
of the working class against the family is crucial (41).
What Dalla Costa and James indicate in this passage is that strikes in the
sphere of social reproduction, while similar to conventional labor strikesinsofar as they directly counter exploitative forms of work discipline,
appear different from such strikes in two crucial, and seemingly
contradictory, respects rst, that they seem to directly undermine the
survival of working class subjects, and second, that they carry with them
the promise of liberating the working class from the requirement to labor
in order to survive. If we translate this analysis into the university context
(something that Dalla Costa and James also do, at times, in their essays),
we can see certain resonances with recent student strikes. On the one
hand, such strikes appear self-defeating, as evidenced by the ubiquitousrefrain that a walkout in support of public education is a self-contradictory
gesture. How, we are asked, can one defend public education by refusing
to teach class or to attend lecture? On the other hand, such strikes appear
to promise the liberation of the student from her social and economic role:
such liberation would entail the abolition of student debt; the
decomposition of hierarchical relations between students, professors, and
university workers (which we saw hints of during the November 15 open
university); and ultimately the realization of her capacity to live free of
the requirement to work for wages.
What we saw with the open university at Berkeley on November 15, and
what we will likely see in coming days at Davis, was a form of learning
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that emerged out of our collective refusal to participate in ofcial
university schedules. Our strike gave us time to meet together and to
discuss, without the usual formalities or hierarchies, theoretical questions
of direct relevance to our lives. This experience conrmed for us the
falsity of the notion that a strike in support of public education is self-
contradictory now we know from experience that a better form of
education is possible, that it lingers in the shadows of our universities, and
that only through concerted strike actions will it reemerge.
If the open university made apparent the fact that we dont need grades or
rigid course schedules in order to learn, in doing so it implicitly showed
what these administrative forms accomplish: the sifting, training, and
credentialing of future workers. Of course, weve known this about the
universities, at least unconsciously, since the student movements of the
1960s, during which activists insisted that universities existed to train the
next generation of technocrats and managers, and thus to enable the
reproduction of capitalist social relations. This reproductive function of
the university has itself been reproduced into the present, to be sure, but
now there is another, more direct and consequential way thatuniversities reproduce capitalist social relations namely, through the
saddling of students with massive debt burdens. As George Caffentzis has
recently argued (in writing as well as at a workshop he convened at the
Occupy Cal open university):
Student debt is a work-discipline issue because it represents a way
of mortgaging many workers future, of deciding which jobs and
wages they will seek and their ability to resist exploitation and/or
to ght for better conditions. The overarching goal of capital withrespect to student loan debt is to shift the costs of socially
necessary education to the workers themselves at a time when a
world market for cognitive labor-power is forming and a
tremendous competition is already developing between workers.
Employers refusal to massively invest in education in the US
is not, in fact, a misreading of its class interests as theorists like
Michael Hardt maintain. It is the result of a clear-cut assessment of
the new possibilities opened up by globalization, starting with the
harvesting of educated brains as well as muscles from every part of
the world. Capitals strategic use of student loan debts to enforcea harsher work-discipline and to force workers to take on more of
the cost of their reproduction makes the struggle for debt abolition
one that necessarily affects all workers. Accepting student debt is
accepting a class defeat...
Caffentzis here offers us essentially half of the story of how student loan
debt reproduces contemporary capitalist relations the half pertaining to
the reproduction of labor-power. The other half of the story the story of
how student debt enables the accumulation of capital has been gradually
lled in over the past two years through a series of open letters written by
Robert Meister. Meister has shown how those who govern the universityprot from rising student debt levels (both because student fees nance
lucrative building projects, and because university regents have a stake in
for-prot education rms), as well as how student debt which now
exceeds a trillion dollars nationally is increasingly bundled and
protably traded by the nancial services industry. Such debt now fuels
a speculative bubble that is threatened by the specter of mass student loan
default.
There are two ways that ongoing university struggles have begun to, and
could yet more effectively, counter the reign of student debt, and thusdirectly impinge upon the reproduction of capitalist relations: rst, by
halting increases in tuition, and even perhaps rolling tuition levels back,
wed deactivate the primary cause of rising student debt burdens. At the
UCs, weve already effectively stalled tuition increases this year, and
seem to have turned back the 81% fee hike proposed by President Yudof.
Further strike actions would allow us to put on the agenda the reduction
of student fees. And second, by formulating and disseminating a call for
mass, coordinated student debt resistance, general assemblies in New
York and California have already encouraged hundreds of debtors to signa pledge of refusal, and thus have made possible a future debtors strike.
Ongoing university struggles could make thousands of student debtors
condent enough to brave default, knowing that legions of other debtors
in deance would have their back.
Given that these are the stakes of current university struggles, its not
terribly surprising that our strikes and encampments have been met with
such severe police repression. But each time were struck, we return
again, stronger than before. Were new subjects of class struggle, uttering
unexpected words with ever more condence.
a.