Director

Simran Tandon

Chair

Benita Samson

AD

Rory McNerney

United Nations Peacebuilding Commission

KINGMUN | 2020

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DIRECTOR’S LETTER.................................................................1

COMMITTEE OVERVIEW ......................................................... 2

TOPIC A | The Papua Conflict TOPIC INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................... 3

HISTORY .............................................................................................................. 3

CURRENT SITUATION ........................................................................................ 5

CASE STUDIES .................................................................................................... 7

BLOC POSITIONS .............................................................................................. 10

GUIDING QUESTIONS ....................................................................................... 11

FURTHER RESEARCH ....................................................................................... 11

TOPIC B | Addressing Organized Crime in Central America’s Northern Triangle TOPIC INTRODUCTION .................................................................................... 12

HISTORY ............................................................................................................ 13

CURRENT SITUATION ...................................................................................... 14

CASE STUDIES .................................................................................................. 15

BLOC POSITIONS .............................................................................................. 17

GUIDING QUESTIONS ...................................................................................... 18

FURTHER RESEARCH ...................................................................................... 19

CITATIONS

TOPIC A ............................................................................................................. 19

TOPIC B .............................................................................................................. 21

Table of Contents

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Dear Delegates, Welcome to King County Model United Nations 2020 and the first iteration of the United Nations

Peacebuilding Commission (UNPBC). My name is Simran Tandon, and I am currently a senior at Interlake

High School. I am honored to be serving as your director, along with my Chair Benita Samson, from the

Bellarmine Preparatory School, and my Assistant Director, Rory McNerney, from the International

Community School.

The UNPBC is the premier body for preventing conflict and maintaining world peace. Its unique

ability to bring all relevant actors together to create sustainable peace goes steps further than other UN

bodies. Not only does the UNPBC address security concerns when guiding countries towards peace, but

they also discuss human rights violations, development, and long-term concerns. As an advisory body, the

UNPBC directly reports to the UNGA and the UNSC, giving it a vital role as a bridge between bodies and as

a consultant regarding areas of conflict.

After researching different topics for hours, we have selected organized crime in Central

America’s Northern Triangle and the Papua Conflict in Southeast Asia to debate at KINGMUN. Both topics

span the globe, giving all delegates influence in the committee, and both have rarely been discussed in the

UN, meaning there is a lot of freedom in how delegates can approach them.

The Northern Triangle consists of three nations, Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras, and is the

home of countless organized crime groups, many linked to narcotics and human trafficking. As an

international issue located relatively near the Pacific Northwest, the conflict impacts our own country more

than we would expect. With the world’s highest youth homicide rate and highest levels of non-political

violence, finding peace in the tumultuous region will be more complex than just confronting one or two

issues.

Moving across the Pacific, we find West Papua, territory that spans half of an island (the other half

being Papua New Guinea), and currently under the control of Indonesia. Following the transfer of

ownership from the Dutch to the Indonesians, the indigenous people of West Papua have protested the

unfairness of the rule, sometimes violently, leading to overwhelming brutality from the Indonesian

government and thousands of refugees in a conflict that has raged on since 1962.

This background guide is the product of countless hours of research intended to provide

contextual information on both topics. While each section is full of details and general overviews, further

research must be completed to fully understand your own country’s stance on each topic. If you ever find

yourself stuck, refer back to the guiding questions to direct your research. As a beginner committee, the

UNPBC will be full of fresh perspectives and exciting discussions. Please take some time to understand

your country’s position and potential solutions they would advocate for.

Please do not hesitate to email us with any questions you may have. As a dais, we are extremely

excited to meet each and every one of you, and can’t wait for the invigorating debate and creative

solutions you will create in the UNPBC at KINGMUN 2020!

Best, Simran Tandon | Previous Director: Megan Wong Director | United Nations Peacebuilding Commission King County Model United Nations 2020

DIRECTOR’S LETTER

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The creation of the United Nations Peacebuilding Commission (UNPBC) was

originally recommended in the Secretary General’s High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges,

and Change 2004 report, A More Secure World: our shared responsibility “to avoid State

collapse and the slide to war or to assist countries in their transition from war to peace”

(A/59/565). The UNPBC would then be founded in 2005, as part of efforts to reform the

United Nations System at the 2005 World Summit. With the passage of both the United

Nations General Assembly Session 60 Resolution 180 and the United Nations Security

Council Resolution 1645, the UNPBC was brought into being and officially opened

proceedings in June of 2006. As of 2015, the UNPBC strives to bring lasting global

attention to sustaining peace and providing political help and advocacy to willing conflict-

stricken countries, promote a coherent multifaceted approach to peacebuilding, bridge the

principal UN organs and relevant actors through peacebuilding advice, and to recommend

and develop the financing and implementation of peacebuilding of any relevant entity or

institution regardless of global stature.

The UNPBC helps sustain peace in countries plagued by or at risk of violence and

conflict primarily through financing from the United Nations Peacebuilding Fund (PBF). The

PBF has allotted 772 million USD to 41 countries in need from 2006-2017 and allows for

quick, flexible, and multiorganizational UN action that is tolerant of risks. In addition, both

the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund can participate in UNPBC meetings.

The Peacebuilding Support Office (PBSO) assists the UNPBC by providing policy and

strategic guidance and managing the PBF. Furthermore, the PBSO helps coordinate UN

agencies in shared peacebuilding projects and engages in cross-pillar UN mechanisms like

the UN Sustainable Development Group. The PBSO is divided into three branches: the

Peacebuilding Commission Support Branch, the Peacebuilding Strategy and Partnerships

Branch, and the Financing for Peacebuilding branch. The UNPBC has two configurations,

the Organizational Committee, and country-specific meetings, which bring together and

consult with specific countries, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and other

relevant parties and present conclusions and recommendations on peacebuilding issues

agreed upon by the committee. The UNPBC is an “intergovernmental advisory body,” who

along with the PBSO, is responsible for funding, strategizing, and organizing cross-organ

efforts to create and sustain peace in consenting conflict-affected countries (UN).

Position papers should be turned in to the committee email address no later than the time listed on the website, unless an extension has been

granted by the dais.

COMMITTEE OVERVIEW

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TOPIC INTRODUCTION

The Papua conflict, while being one of the longest modern conflicts, is mostly

unheard of around the rest of the world. After an unfair referendum placed the land of

West Papua into the hands of the Indonesians, hardly any international intervention has

stepped in to support the West Papuan’s freedom, afraid to lose Indonesia as an ally. The

West Papuans have formed resistance groups, most notably the Free Papua Movement,

which has caused little commotion within the island; however, the Indonesian authority has

violently crushed each protest and suspected sympathizer under the soles of their boots,

leading to unlawful beating and the deaths of up to hundreds of native Papuans.

Indonesia’s Five-Year Plan in 1957 outlined the government’s goal to move families

into West Papua, further forcing the West Papuans out of their homes with threats,

bombings, and burning existing villages. Currently, around 10,500 indigenous West

Papuans live outside of the land’s borders, many fleeing to Papua New Guinea on the other

side of the island or remaining in border camps created to house the refugees. While the

UNHCR and Papua New Guineans recognize those who reside within Papua New Guinea as

refugees, the more than 7,000 living in border camps are not, meaning no medical

assistance or necessities are provided. Other nations, such as Australia, have refused to

accept West Papuan refugees to remain allies with Indonesia.

The United Nations has not responded to any West Papuan cry for help, choosing to

respect Indonesia’s sovereignty instead. With the indigenous people fading from

international concern, Indonesia continues to reject any form of foreign media, making a

media permit impossibly hard to obtain. Journalists who are allowed to enter are often kept

under surveillance and are not able to travel, leaving them unable to report on the current

situation of the conflict. The Indonesian government has also periodically shut off the

internet to prevent the spread of any words against them, another human rights violation

that continues to go widely unaddressed. With the guidance of the United Nations

Peacebuilding Commission, a sustained peace must be built that ties security,

development, and human rights together in a comprehensive solution to the decades' long

conflict that shows no sign of ending.

HISTORY In the era of imperialism and colonialism, many Western Powers vied for resources

and land across the globe. The Netherlands reached its greatest territorial extent in the

The Papua Conflict

TOPIC A

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early 20th century, owning virtually all of current-day Indonesia. One of the most valuable

colonies was the Dutch East Indies, rich in spice and cash crops. However, during World

War II, the Japanese military invaded and occupied the Dutch East Indies for three and a

half years (1942-1945), as the Netherlands had little ability to defend its colony against

the dominant Japanese Army. The Japanese occupants began to spread and encourage

nationalist sentiment, promise to support the Indonesians in independence after they

withdrew the native Indonesians. The Indonesians, encouraged by the Japanese, declared

their independence from the Netherlands shortly after the Japanese retreat. Unfortunately

for the native populations, the Dutch responded with force, pushing the islands into a

bloody four-year conflict (1945-1949). While the Revolution ended in a military stalemate,

the United States, hoping to win Indonesia’s favor during the Cold War, pressured the

Dutch into withdrawing and recognizing Indonesian sovereignty. The only exception was

Western New Guinea, which the Dutch continued to hold on to. The Indonesians argued

that they had the right to the island, while the Dutch argued that the Papuans were

ethnically different and had the ability for eventual self-determination. However, the US,

yet again worried about the intensifying Cold War, secretly pressured the Dutch into

pleasing Indonesia to secure a pro-West sympathizer in Southeast Asia.

Indonesia took its case to the Bandung Conference in April 1955, passing a

resolution supporting its claim to West New Guinea from African and Asian countries. The

USSR and Warsaw Pact allies also publicly announced their support for Indonesia, hoping to

win favor over the US. In 1962, the Dutch finally agreed to sign the New York Agreement,

turning Indonesia into a temporary United Nations administration before a plebiscite in

1969. The referendum, called the “Act of Free Choice” was administered by the Indonesian

military, was far from the truth; only 1,025 tribal leaders, less than one percent of the

population, were able to vote, almost all threatened or held at gunpoint during the

informal hand-raising vote. The “unanimous” decision to remain under Indonesian control

outraged the West Papuan public, but due to the US and Australian support of Indonesia,

84-member states voted to accept the result in the UN.

A large number of Papuans refused to acknowledge the Indonesian’s rigged vote

and formed the Free Papua Movement (OPM) in 1963, a low-level insurgency organization

that continues to this day. Protests erupted from the native Papuans, with demonstrators

waving their flag of the morning star. The Indonesian military responded swiftly, crushing

all protests and those suspected to sympathize with the OPM. The Indonesian government

has constantly been accused of indiscriminate violence and gross human rights abuses,

including forcing entire villages to dig their own graves before shooting and killing each

villager, as well as unjust bombings and destruction of Papuan villages to force the

Papuans out of their homes. While the OPM has picked up arms in the fight as well, the

Indonesians only respond with excessively brutal force, aerially bombing villages and

forcing five OPM leaders to surrender to save their villages. The five OPM leaders were

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beaten with red-hot iron bars before being thrown int a pit latrine, and the villages were

killed anyways.

One of the most horrific Indonesian campaigns was “Operation Clean Sweep”, aimed

to displace West Papuans and to scare OPM sympathizers. Native people were killed, beat,

and raped, with villages bombed and burned with napalm. Many of the displacement

strategies perfectly fit together with Indonesia’s Five-Year Plan, which looked to use West

Papua as the principal location from the transmigration of Indonesians. Not only were

Papuans losing their homes, but they were also losing their majority in the country. Papuan

indigenous populations have halved due to the transmigration policies of Indonesia. By

1984, more than 10,000 West Papuans crossed the border to seek refugee in Papua New

Guinea, with numbers continuing to grow as time passes. It is also important to note that

West Papuans are mostly Christians, while Indonesians are mostly Muslim, adding to the

reasoning behind widespread human rights abuses and leading to what scholars call a

“cold genocide”: the destruction of a group over decades due to supposed inferiority of the

victims.

With estimates ranging between 100,000 to 500,000 West Papuans killed as a result

of Indonesian authorities, one of the world’s longest modern conflicts has hardly been

addressed or even covered. The Indonesian government has denied media access from the

start of the protests, with those that have managed to gain access is closely monitored and

travel restricted within the country. Journalist Mark Worth was murdered in his hotel two

days after ABC announced that his documentary, Land of the Morning Star, was to be aired

a month later. The internet has periodically been shut down in Papua, due to what

Indonesia calls “security concerns”. With continued unrest and Indonesia’s failure to

peacefully discuss the West Papuans’ grievances, the fifty-seven-year conflict has raged on

through to the present day.

CURRENT SITUATION In September 2017, West Papuan leader Benny Wenda traveled to New York to

present an impressive case for West Papuan independence: a petition signed by 1.8 million

West Papuans calling for independence. The signatures, endorsed by over 70% of the

troubled region’s population, were brought to the United Nations decolonization

committee, known as the C24, and responsible for overseeing the rights and political

independence of non-self-governing territories. However, C24 declined to accept the

documents, stating that West Papua was outside of the committee’s jurisdiction. C24 is

only able to supervise seventeen territories recognized by the United Nations General

Assembly; Indonesia has obstructed West Papua’s efforts to be readmitted into the

committee, and thus, the committee was unable to accept the document. However, the

petition, asking for the UN to investigate human rights abuses and the unjust plebiscite of

1969, made it back to the UN in Geneva in January 2019. Wenda returned to give 40kg of

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signatures to U.N. Human Rights chief Michelle Bachelet, speaking of the 11 people killed

and the 22,000 people displaced in the Nduga region alone. Yet, provincial military

spokesman Muhammad Aidi rebuked Wenda’s efforts, stating that the allegations were

false and there was no evidence of his accusations against Indonesia and the

military. Shortly after, the head of the Presidential Palace in Indonesia announced that "The

UN will respect Indonesia's sovereignty", continuing the UN’s non-involvement in the

prolonged Papua Conflict.

Violence would then flare up again in December of 2018 as West Papuan protesters

across the region proclaimed December 1st to be their Independence Day. Mass arrests by

the Papuan police quickly escalated violence, leading to the shooting of up to 31

construction workers and one Indonesian investigator, an attack claimed by the West

Papuan liberation army. However, the separatist military arm argues that events took place

differently, stating that the construction workers were Indonesian military, not civilians and

that the event was in self-defense against the prolonged oppression of the West Papuan

people. However, with a lack of access to the area by the Indonesian government, both

news outlets and human rights groups were unable to verify any claims or numbers, an

issue that has consistently made it harder to even approach the issue. The Indonesian

government has also repeatedly blanketed the voices of the West Papuans by cutting

internet access across entire provinces. Indonesia’s president, Joko Widodo, announced

that the internet blackouts were for “the common good”, in an effort to reduce “false” news

spread by protesters.

The most recent internet block occurred in August 2019, after a series of violent

clashes sparked by racist comments directed towards Papuan students, although the

Indonesian government has disputed this account. In major protest areas, the internet was

quickly cut in an effort to disrupt protests, and gunfights began across the island territory.

Tens of thousands of West Papuans were evacuated from cities threatened by the violence,

including 16,000 from the city of Wamena after several dozen people were killed and

burned alive in buildings. In Sorong, the largest city in West Papua, fifteen government

buildings were burned, and in Manokwari, the capital of the province, ten government

buildings were burned. Additionally, police and armed soldiers stormed a dormitory of

West Papuan students after allegations rose of an Indonesian flag found in the gutter by

the building. Around twenty tear gas canisters were thrown into the building, causing

injuries, before forty-three students were arrested. Further protests gave the Indonesian

military an excuse to send in more than 6000 extra “security personnel” to the region. The

continuous cycle of violence between the Indonesian military and West Papuans shows no

signs of slowing, as innocent lives are lost with each passing month.

In addition to the continuing violence and human rights abuses, the constant stream

of migrants from other parts of Indonesia has widened the divide between ethnic Papuans

and the Indonesian government, with Papuans quickly becoming more of a minority within

their own territory. The migrants, a mass resettlement leftover from Indonesia’s

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Transmigration program, have displaced many Papuans from skilled and unskilled labor

alike. Those that refuse to give up their land are labeled as OPM, meaning they are subject

to future military harassment and abuse. Not only has transmigration added to tensions

between the West Papuans and the Indonesian Government, but it has also limited the

educational and employment opportunities of indigenous people while creating centers of

“Indonesian nationalism” concentrated in urban areas. Researchers from the Australian

National University have also noted an increasing income gap, the widest being between

highly skilled migrants and local Papuan farmers. Although the Papuan economy has been

growing at around the same rate as Indonesia, rural poverty remained at 41% in 2012,

more than double the national average. Indonesia has not provided many rural areas with

adequate education, health, and industry infrastructure, but instead directed most

government spending towards urban areas and industries that continue to drain West

Papua of their resources. With a lack of involvement from the United Nations thus far, it is

imperative that the Peacebuilding Commission works urgently with the Indonesian

government to address the “human rights sore” of the region. Along with halting the long-

lasting violence, the UNPBC must work towards improving conditions in rural areas, as it is

essential to provide greater welfare to Papua-born citizens to produce a more sustained

peace, focusing on both development and the economy.

CASE STUDIES

In 1999, the eradication campaign of the Falun Gong was a concealed attempt of the

Chinese government to regain complete control of their nation. Falun Gong is a mind-

body-spiritual practice that started in 1992 and was widely practiced before the end of the

decade. The practices were rooted in traditional Chinese cultural beliefs, grounded in

Buddhist and Taoist philosophies. The moral principles of Falun Gong appealed to many,

and numerous Western scholars deemed it a new religious movement, for it is “a set of

individuals whose identity is defined by common religious creeds, beliefs, doctrines,

practices, or rituals.” (US Code definition of a religious group). By the mid-1990s, around

seventy million Chinese citizens were practicing Falun Gong for its spiritual teachings,

guiding philosophies, and beneficial health effects.

After the Chinese Communist State discovered the vast population of practitioners,

their policy and attitudes shifted, soon leading to harassment and defamation in the late

1990s. All religious activities and civic activities are highly regulated in China leading to

the detention of forty-five practitioners in Tianjin who had been protesting a defamatory

publication. In response, approximately ten thousand Falun Gong practitioners held a

peaceful gathering at the Government petition office, asking for the freedom to continue

their practice and to release the detained practitioners. While there is no evidence the event

1: The Cold Genocide of Falun Gong

8

was centrally planned, Jiang Zemin, then President of China, framed the group as an

ideological challenge to the Party, calling it the “Zhongnanhai Incident” of April 1999. He

quickly called for a nationwide eradication campaign to be quickly organized and initiated

in a formal order to the Politburo.

The goal of the campaign was to convert Falun Gong believers using whatever

means necessary, including torture. However, unexpected resistance from the Falun Gong,

including peaceful protests at Tiananmen Square, pushed the government to increase the

intensity of the campaign. Authorities soon switched to more harmful torture methods,

including forced labor, sexual violence, and medical experimentation. Practitioners were

even killed through torture, including beatings, electric baton application, and suffocation.

Some estimates conclude that 450,000 to a million practitioners were detained in forced

labor camps at any given time between 2000 and 2008.

Most disturbing was information collected regarding forced organ harvesting as part

of the eradication campaign. Organs, including essential organs, were extracted from Falun

Gong prisoners without consent, often resulting in death. The practice and technology

grew and improved largely due to the large population of detained Falun Gong detainees. A

law from 1984 that permits organ sourcing from executed prisoners without consent from

either the prisoners or their families still stands today, and China’s announcement that

voluntary organ donation had increased by 50% from 2015 to 2016 has continued to be

questioned.

The eradication of the Falun Gong is one of the most striking examples of a cold

genocide in history. As a cold genocide, the Chinese government devised more subtle

methods of structural violence to annihilate the Falun Gong. In addition, the eradication

was a success, as the more discreet torture led to the disinterest of most of the world, as

the Communist Party loudly mislabeled the Falun Gong as a violent and unsophisticated

cult. With hundreds of thousands of victims in this cold genocide, it is essential that the

global community understands how easy it is for a similar event to occur again, and how to

prevent it from occurring. Cold genocides are multidimensional: campaigns aim to

eliminate victims in many different ways, and in ways that are subtle or unnoticeable in the

outside world. Both facets contribute to a prolonged conflict, similar to the West Papuan’s

50 year forgotten struggle with the Indonesian government in the present. It is crucial that

the UNPBC takes note of the tragedy of the Falun Gong to prevent the loss of more lives in

West Papua.

Located in Puncak Jaya in the Papua Province, Grasberg Mine is a colossal example

of Western New Guinea’s bounty of resources and foreign investment. Grasberg Mine, the

world’s largest gold mine and second-largest copper mine, Grasberg Mine is as much a

source of controversy as it is a source of wealth. Grasberg Mine is owned by the American

2: Grasberg Mine

9

mining firm Freeport McMoRan and began mining operations in Indonesia in 1972.

However, the mine became mostly exhausted in the mid-1980s and would take several

more years for PT Freeport Indonesia to truly discover the size and massive potential

Grasberg had. Today, Grasberg is an instrumental part of Indonesia’s economy as the

mine’s reserves are worth an estimated 100 billion USD, and the site is Indonesia’s largest

taxpayer. However, “all that glitters is not gold”.

Grasberg Mine has been a frequent source of controversy for the harm that it has

done to the local and indigenous Papuans. Local indigenous tribes, namely the Kamoro and

Amungme, have claimed that their peoples have been plagued “with poverty, disease,

oppression and environmental degradation since the mine began operations in 1973”

(Schulman). Moreover, Hironimus Urmani, chief of the Kamoro, claims that tailing sediment

from Grasberg Mine has raised the riverbeds of local rivers, suffocating shrimp, oysters,

and fish, staples of his tribe’s diet and economy. A 2012 report from Earthworks and

MiningWatch Canada found that Grasberg Mine waste had “buried over 166 square

kilometers of formerly productive forest and wetlands, and fish have largely disappeared”

(Earthworks). These damages to traditional fishing grounds, combined with increased

competition from resettled Indonesians have only hurt the increasingly troubled natives.

The environmental damages don’t stop there. Earthworks also estimates that Freeport

dumps 200,000 tons of mine waste directly into the Aikwa delta system daily. Such

dumpings have ruined the local environment with both locals and Earthworks claiming that

hundreds of thousands of acres of forest and mangroves have been reduced to mere

wastelands.

Focusing back to the mine’s beginning, the Indonesian government excluded both

the Amungme and Kamoro tribes from land agreement negotiations. Even though the

Indonesian government and Freeport negotiated extraction rights for the Grasberg site in

1967, land agreements with the Amungme weren’t negotiated till a year after the mine’s

opening in 1974 and then 23 years later for the Kamoro in 1997.

Whilst the Grasberg Mines have never officially been directly linked with human

rights abuses, many unemployed Papuans are forced to work as sex workers for miners

with alleged involvement from the Indonesian military. These sex workers have then helped

spread sexually transmitted infections throughout their indigenous tribes. This has led to

“epidemic level” outbreaks of HIV in West Papua according to the UN. Unfortunately, most

infected Papuans can’t receive the help and treatment they need as there is only one

hospital in the area, which is also built by Freeport.

Violence and protest have become commonplace Grasberg Mine in recent years with

miner strikes in 2017 spanning multiple months and leading to thousands of firings,

violent clashes between protestors and police as well as Indonesian military action. These

strikes stemmed from an ownership dispute between Freeport and the Indonesian

government as well as safety, pay, and medical care crises within the. Grasberg mine-

related violence began as early as 2002 with the killing of 3 schoolteachers in an incident

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allegedly instigated by Indonesian Special Forces. Since then, violence and controversy

surrounding the mine have only increased as dozens of shootings of both Papua protestors

and Indonesian police alike have plagued the mine and surrounding areas. This violence

came to a spearhead in October of 2017 when the West Papua National Liberation Army

(TPNPB), a militant group fighting for the Free Papua Movement (OPM), declared Grasberg

Mine and the surrounding area to be a battle sight in their fight against the Indonesian

police force and military.

BLOC POSITIONS Indonesian Investors and International Friends: Bangladesh, Brunei, East Timor, Laos, Mongolia, Myanmar, Papua New Guinea, and the

Philippines.

These countries do not have a sustainable transportation infrastructure. For these

countries, the majority of transportation occurs through bikes, tuk-tuks, motorbikes, and

other, more local forms of transportation. These are all extremely unreliable, and often,

those who use them complain about the long wait times and unreliable pick-up and drop-

off routes. These countries also tend not to have country-wide transportation programs,

meaning infrastructure like trains and buses. If they do, they are found in the wealthier

areas of the country. This leaves the majority of the citizens behind, forced to use

unreliable methods of transportation. The majority of these countries also have their

infrastructure impacted by the terrain of the country, especially when they have lots of

mountains or water surrounding them. Especially in Southeast Asian countries, the rough

terrain and great environmental diversity poses challenges for transportation. This causes

many to not have adequate access to transportation. On top of that, these countries do not

have the money to pay for transportation, and this causes for the transportation they do

have to be unreliable and often unsafe. Many of these countries want more infrastructure,

they just don’t have the ability to do so. For these countries, it is most important to work

with larger or more developed countries to ensure that their country is able to get what

they need, whether that be money or resources.

Indonesia:

Front and center in the Papua Conflict is Indonesia. It is of paramount importance to

Indonesia that they maintain control over Papua and West Papua. The two provinces

provide and house key economic resources and assets for Indonesia and its allies. If the

provinces were to become independent, Indonesia would suffer a gigantic international

embarrassment, lose power and influence as one of the dominant nations of Southeast Asia

and the Pacific, and potentially destroy many key international relations if the UN were to

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find that Indonesia had committed any human rights violations. Indonesia should try to

minimize the publicity and prevent any UN investigation of this crisis as they attempt to

save their global image and reputation.

Tigers of the Pacific: China and the United States of America.

Indonesia is a key ally for both of these two global superpowers as they vie for

influence and control over the pacific. Both China and the United States are heavily invested

in Indonesian trade as they are the countries 4th and 5th biggest trading partner

respectively. Both countries value Indonesia for its strategic location and strong regional

and global influence. The United States relies heavily on Indonesia for regional security, but

potential human rights violations could force the USA to destroy its partnership. On the

other hand, China and Indonesia are dependent on each other for global expansion and

infrastructural development respectively. With Indonesia's influence over the pacific

slipping, China could use this conflict to carefully gain the upper hand. Much like the

Indonesian Investors and International Friends bloc, these countries should be looking to

quietly protect their most important allies as they fight with each other over Indonesian

influence.

GUIDING QUESTIONS 1. What is your country’s history/policy regarding the treatment of minorities?

2. Should Indonesia’s sovereignty be respected? If not, how would you approach

supporting the West Papuans?

3. Are there any resources that your country could provide the West Papuans?

4. How does your country’s economic relations with Indonesia conflict with your

country’s commitment to human rights?

FURTHER RESEARCH https://www.un.org/peacebuilding/ This is the UNPBC’s official website, where you can find information regarding the UNPBC’s

mandate, goals, and reports. The extent of the PBC’s powers are described, as well as areas

of focus.

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https://thediplomat.com/2019/09/why-is-west-papua-in-constant-turmoil/ The Diplomat offers an in-depth summary of the sixty-year conflict, including multiple

perspectives and describing human rights violations that have occurred. A great place to

start your research.

https://www.ulmwp.org/ The United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP)’s official website. The aims of the

ULWMP are described, helpful in understanding the different perspectives of the conflict.

https://www.nonviolent-conflict.org/struggle-self-determination-west-papua-1969-present/ A report by the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict on human rights abuses while

also looking at sources of power for both sides.

TOPIC INTRODUCTION

The Northern Triangle, consisting of Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala, is an

area that is known worldwide for its high rates of organized crime. For decades, gang

violence and drug trafficking in the region have led to increased rates of homicide,

kidnappings, “protection payments,” theft, fraud, and other criminal acts. The scale at

which the criminal organizations running these activities is so large that the effects of their

actions are felt at all levels of society, from the highest of the people in the government to

the common man. Because of this, everyday people feel unsafe in their own homes, as the

violence is so widespread and so out of control that even the police are unable to put even

a small hold on it.

Part of the reason why the violence has grown to such a large scale is corruption in

the government. Many officials, from those in the police force to the presidents of these

countries, are corrupted by the gangs and other criminal organizations carrying out the

unlawful actions that have taken over the region. In Guatemala, the president was widely

condemned for sending out United Nations anti-corruption forces and, in Honduras, the

country’s leader has been scrutinized for his ties to drug cartels, embezzlement, and other

Addressing Organized Crime in Central America’s Northern Triangle

TOPIC B

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criminal activities. Out of the three main countries in the northern triangle, so far only El

Salvador has put forth efforts to fight the corruption plaguing its country, but its efforts

have yet to have any real effects on the problem.

Another reason why violence has gone to this level: drug trafficking. The effects of

drug trafficking have taken these three countries by storm, and coping with the problems

that the drug trade has brought is just as big of a challenge as fighting the trafficking is.

The trafficking ties back to the problem of corruption, as the cartels often pay off

government officials so that it is easier to move products through the country. Often, this

goes all the way up to the president, as can be seen in Honduras through, as stated earlier,

the president’s ties to drug cartels. The crime that accompanies drug trafficking is often in

the form of kidnapping, sometimes for ransom, “protection” payments for everyday

citizens to prevent falling victim to any violence, homicides, and many other serious

criminal actions.

HISTORY

The Northern Triangle is home to some of the world’s highest homicide rates. In

2014, the Honduran city of San Pedro Sula was ranked as the world’s most violent city. In

the same year, El Salvador ranked first in the world for the killing of women, with

Guatemala a mere two places behind it. The violence has been credited to the high cartel

activity in those countries, as their economic instability and corrupt governments make

them prime places for such activity. Gangs have also been attributed to the high violence

rates. Such organizations have been ravaging the country as far back as the 1980s when

they first took root in the vulnerable societies left after years of civil war recovery.

The civil wars in the mid-1900s in the Northern Triangle are the root cause of the

violence in these countries. From 1960-1996, Guatemala experienced one of the most

violent wars in its history, with a multitude of leadership changes and violence that would

have lasting effects on the modern-day. The actions that took place in that period laid the

foundation for criminal organizations there that has allowed them to flourish and terrorize

citizens for decades now. In Honduras, from 1980-1992, a similar war took place that

weakened its economy to where the per capita income was only one-fifth of what it was

before the war. This economic climate allowed for gangs, drug cartels, and criminal

organizations to flood the country and thrive today. On top of that, the result of the civil

war was the militarization of the country, making violence almost the norm. El Salvador’s

civil war (1980-1992) led to a loss of power on the part of the military. Previously, the

military was able to hold a monopoly on the government‘s exercise of its power but lost

that in the war. Because of this, the people felt they had less security and the elite formed

their own political organization, the Nationalist Republican Alliance, and paved the way for

organized crime to make its way into everyday society.

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Drug trafficking has also been a major contributor to the growth of organized crime

in the Northern Triangle. Starting in the 1970s, drug cartels established themselves and

grew more powerful over time, taking advantage of the economic and societal instability of

the region that has plagued northern triangle nations for decades. The existence of

multiple cartels in the same area is what causes the conflict - they fight for territory and

business - and these conflicts spill over into civilian life, causing an increase in violence

overall in the triangle. Drug trafficking has also been a major contributor to corruption in

the countries, pushing even more violence again due to competition.

Corruption has almost encouraged violence in the northern triangle as a result of the

organizations fighting for a say in the government. Cartels and criminal organizations have

different agendas, meaning that even some influence in the government of a country is

extremely beneficial. This power means that a group has an advantage over rival

organizations, giving them a say both in lenience exercised by local law enforcement and

in having influence in lawmaking decisions that can improve or make harder the public

situation in which a criminal organization or cartel is working.

CURRENT SITUATION Currently, the Northern Triangle is still experiencing mass amounts of violence,

corruption, and a lack of economic opportunities. The region is one of the poorest in the

Americas, with sixty percent of countries' populations such as Guatemala and Honduras,

living below the poverty line. The corruption and imbalance of power in the region also

makes it hard for any of the governments to properly provide aid to their citizens as there

is little money to support social services within each nation. Additionally, there is also a lot

of gang activity in these countries which raises crime rates to some of the worst in the

world. This stems from the region’s violent history which has weakened its economies and

made the governments vulnerable to both international and local powers. Further

destabilizing the economies, population growth and climate change have put further strain

on the governments and their resources.

The Guatemalan, Honduran, and Salvadoran governments have all tried to curb the

violence and corruption in their respective countries, but economic instability means that

the governments do not have the resources to actually do anything that has a lasting

effect. In El Salvador, three former presidents were charged with money laundering and

embezzlement, further discrediting their government's reputation of proper financial

resources use. Also, due to the violence and corruption in the region, foreign investors are

hesitant to fund any sorts of initiatives or private companies due to lack of incentives and

uncertainty in trust in fund allocation from the governments.

To address corruption, the Guatemalan government has created the International

Commission against impunity in Guatemala (CICIG). So far, their efforts have been

successful and have outed 300 corrupt government officials and significantly decreased

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their homicide rate. Honduras has created a similar committee that worked to an extent,

but its citizens still do not have enough faith in the government for the committee to

positively impact the country quite yet. Such efforts by the region’s governments have not

quite curbed their rates of corruption, though. For example, recently, Honduran officials

tried to pass laws to even protect these corrupt officials, a step in the opposite direction of

progress.

Violence has been in the region’s agenda of topics to address for a long time. Over

time, they have enacted a few policies such as increasing police power, harsher

punishment for gangs, and military introduction in police duties, all with the goal of

reducing rates of violence. However, these efforts have been largely unsuccessful due to

the ongoing police brutality against citizens and only further increasing gang membership.

In El Salvador, the government facilitated a truce between two prominent gangs in the

country. At first, this truce was massively successful and more than halved the murder rate

of the country. However, this quickly fell apart and catapulted the murder rates far above

what they were before, and unintentionally gave the gangs political legitimacy. These failed

attempts, although good in their motives, were not successful due to the years in the

development of mistrust between the people and their governments. Without international

help, these countries will not be able to gain control of their population and gain back the

respect they desire, yet don’t always deserve.

CASE STUDIES

One of the most horrific examples of organized crime’s devastating effects on gang

violence is the extortion of the Guatemalan public transportation system. Between 2010

and 2017, attacks on the Guatemalan public transit system have killed more than “2,000

people, including bus and taxi drivers, bus assistants (known as “brochas”), passengers,

transportation service owners, among others” (Robbins). Such extortion isn’t limited to

large transnational gangs like MS-13 (Mara Salvatrucha) and the 18th Street Gang (Barrio

18), but also smaller local gangs within violence-stricken cities like Quetzaltenango and

Guatemala City. These gangs, who are often helped by brochas, extort bus drivers for

passing through their respective territories, killing them if they refuse to pay. The gangs

have profited an estimated 40 million USD annually from this extortion, wasting 35 million

USD of annual government subsidies which everyday Guatemalans rely on to ride

affordable public transportation to work.

The government’s attempts to counteract such extortion have failed. In 2007,

Guatemala City opened a Bus Rapid Transit System (BRT) called Transmetro or

Transurbano. Unlike other Guatemalan busses, Transmetro busses used a digital payment

system rather than relying on potentially corrupt brochas or bus drivers to collect the fare,

1: Guatemalan Transit System Extortion

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hindering gang extortion. However, due to corruption between former President Álvaro

Colom, 11 former high-ranking government officials, and Asociación de Empresas de

Autobuses (AEAU), the company contracted to supply Transmetro busses. AEAU was

contracted to supply 3,150 busses, but only 455 busses were ever imported to Guatemala.

Moreover, Guatemalan authorities have attempted to reinforce the transit system by

increasing police patrols on violence-plagued routes. These reinforcements consist of

1,400 police who patrol Guatemala City and protect its busses in the city’s most dangerous

areas. Unfortunately, with a transit system composed of approximately 3,000 public

busses, securing all routes and busses is impossible with the current resources and

personnel at the city's disposal. Furthermore, this system only exists in the capital, leaving

other extortion-stricken cities like Quetzaltenango still lacking much needed protection.

Gang extortion of the Guatemalan transit system isn’t just limited to busses. In

2014 alone, Guatemala’s Inspector General’s Office of Human Rights reported that the 412

transportation system deaths from that year included: “102 bus drivers, 42 mini-bus

drivers, 75 motorcycles taxi drivers, 35 taxi drivers, 33 support staff, 102 public transport

users, 16 suspected robbers, as well as 6 private and public security officers,” almost all of

which involved extortion (Rivera). A continued lack of long-term planning and

policymaking, spurred by constant administration change has impeded efforts to combat

the issue. The Guatemalan government has often been criticized for its reactive policies

and actions as organized crime in their transit sector has gotten increasingly out of hand.

With reported increases in transit extortion by smaller gangs and consistent government

ineptitude, the future and safety of Guatemala’s transit workers and riders are grim.

In recent years, migration from Central America, more specifically the Northern

Triangle, has been one of the primary topics that the United States (U.S.) government has

publicly been addressing. Even more recently, with the 2016 election of current president

Donald Trump, the “migrant crisis” was one of the most prominent topics on his

administration’s agenda. Thus, recent U.S. responses to the Northern Triangle have been

reactive mostly to the migrants coming from this region, but even before the recent influx.

The U.S. government has taken action to halt this migration and additionally has been

providing aid to the region for years.

The U.S. government and the Northern Triangle administrations worked together to

put together a plan in September 2014 called Plan of the Alliance for Prosperity (A4P). This

plan is funded mostly by the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) and the U.S.

government. The plan has four central goals: fostering the productive sector, developing

human capital, improving citizen security and access to justice, and strengthening

institutions and improving transparency.

2: The United States of America

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Aid from the United States to the Northern Triangle has helped lower homicide

rates, and this is evidenced by the fact that there was a direct correlation in places that

experienced lowering rates and where the U.S. targeted their aid. The U.S. has also helped

create more efficient agricultural practices and worked to increase farmers’ sales in

Guatemala. After assistance from the U.S. government, farmers increased their sales by 51

percent, and 20,000 new jobs were created in the Western Highlands Region of Guatemala,

a place from which a large portion of migrants come. From 2015 to 2018, the U.S.

government provided 2.6 billion dollars in assistance to the Northern Triangle. However,

the current administration proposed significant cuts in 2016. The proposals were rejected

by congress and the government continued its aid to the Northern Triangle countries until

March 29, 2019, when President Trump announced that all aid to the region would be

halted. This was due to a lack of action by the Northern Triangle’s government in

addressing the number of migrants coming to the U.S. border, seeking asylum. Efforts to

fight this decision within the government were unsuccessful, and the State Department

outlined a series of requirements that needed to be met by the Northern Triangle’s

administrations before aid to the region resumes.

BLOC POSITIONS The Americas: Bolivia, Brazil, Canada, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, and the United States of America.

These Central, North, and South American neighbors are important and invested

trading partners with the Northern Triangle. Their geographic location and

interconnectivity make them the prime landing spot for Northern Triangle refugees and

asylum seekers. It is vital that these countries assist the Northern Triangle if they value

continuing trading operations, wish to prevent future influxes of refugees and illegal

immigrants, and/or international respect.

International Trading Partners: China, Germany, Belgium, Japan, and the United Kingdom.

The trading partners bloc consist of countries outside of the Americas who are also

heavily invested in Northern Triangle trade. These nations rank amongst the top 10 trading

partners of the Northern Triangle and would lose a valuable economic asset if an organized

crime were to cripple the Northern Triangle even more. These countries have very strong

economies and if given the right incentives could provide significant financial assistance

and rescue the Northern Triangle.

Future International Allies: India and Indonesia.

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Both India and Indonesia have laid the groundwork for future trade and meaningful

diplomatic relations with Latin America. Indonesia has begun to work with Latin America at

the Forum for East Asia – Latin America Cooperation (FEALAC) but has yet to begin

significant trade and investment. On the other hand, India has been continuously

developing strong economic relations with Latin American countries like Brazil and Mexico.

These countries could use this crisis to continue their development of close diplomatic and

economic relations within Latin America in the Northern Triangle.

International Outsiders: Kenya, Nigeria, Pakistan, Russian Federation, and South Africa.

These countries possess very minimal foreign relations with the Northern Triangle

and economic activity between these countries and the Northern Triangle is scarce. With

almost nothing to lose in the issue, these countries should back the actions of their

respective allies in the committee in order to strengthen their international relations.

El Salvador: El Salvador.

As one of the 3 members of the Northern Triangle, El Salvador is in dire need of

help to stop the violence and organized crime which has plagued the country since 1992.

The country’s gang wars have crippled the nation’s economy, leading to a loss of 4 billion

USD per year. The nation’s future is also crippled as tens of thousands of Salvadoran

children drop out of school each year and around 16,000 flee the country. El Salvador must

prove its potential strategic, diplomatic, and economic value to potential international

aiders if it wishes to solve its violent crime crisis.

GUIDING QUESTIONS 1. What can nations outside of the Northern Triangle do to mitigate drug trafficking in

the region?

2. How has organized violence impacted your country, whether economically,

politically, socially, etc.?

3. What factors exacerbate organized violence in your country and how has your

country addressed them?

4. What diplomatic, strategic, or economic advantage could your country gain from

assisting the Northern Triangle?

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FURTHER RESEARCH https://read.un-ilibrary.org/human-rights-and-refugees/world-humanitarian-data-and-trends-2017_9a5c8513-en#page1 A quick summary in the UN World Humanitarian Data and Trends 2017 regarding the

Impact of violence in the Northern Triangle specifically. Reports cost of violence and

displacement as well.

https://www.refworld.org/pdfid/57a8a8844.pdf Broad report by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in 2016 regarding

protection needs in the Northern Triangle. Includes a detailed description of stakeholders

and those affected.

https://www.crisisgroup.org/latin-america-caribbean/central-america/62-mafia-poor-gangviolence-and-extortion-central-america An excellent think tank report that explains the history, effects, and future of gang

violence in the northern triangle in great detail. This source also has many thoughtful

recommendations on the issue to specific parties involved that you can use to formulate

your own solutions.

CITATIONS TOPIC A

1. http://www.parisglobalist.org/forgotten-land-under-the-sun-the-west-papua-

conflict/

2. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp/vol9/iss2/5/

3. https://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/trend-lines/28273/the-entangling-cycle-of-

indonesia-s-papua-conflict

4. https://thediplomat.com/2019/09/why-is-west-papua-in-constant-turmoil/

5. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/aug/23/west-papua-indonesia-claims-

province-has-returned-to-normal-amid-internet-blackout

6. https://www.abc.net.au/news/2019-01-30/west-papuans-fight-for-another-

independence-referendum/10584336

7. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/aug/22/west-papua-protests-

indonesia-deploys-1000-soldiers-to-quell-unrest

8. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-indonesia-papua-un/west-papuan-

separatists-hand-petition-to-un-human-rights-chief-idUSKCN1PL0K7

9. https://www.downtoearth-indonesia.org/story/big-plans-papua

10. https://dspace.mit.edu/bitstream/handle/1721.1/85038/42424451.pdf?sequence

=1&isAllowed=y

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11. https://www.cs.utexas.edu/users/cline/papua/refugees.htm

12. http://unsworks.unsw.edu.au/fapi/datastream/unsworks:4276/SOURCE1

13. https://www.rnz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/381108/papuan-petition-for-

independence-vote-handed-to-un-rights-chief

14. https://www.abc.net.au/news/2019-08-19/west-papuans-barricaded-arrested-

teargassed-by-indonesian-police/11424990

15. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/sep/30/west-papua-independence-

petition-is-rebuffed-at-un

16. https://www.hrw.org/news/2019/08/23/indonesian-officers-racist-slurs-trigger-

riots-papua#

17. https://www.rnz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/411118/death-toll-from-

papua-2019-protest-month-put-at-59

18. https://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=24942&L

angID=E

19. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1513&context=gsp

20. https://www.visiontimes.com/2018/07/20/genocide-of-falun-gong-in-china-

virtually-ignored.html

21. https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2016/nov/02/100-bn-dollar-

gold-mine-west-papuans-say-they-are-counting-the-cost-indonesia

22. https://www.miningglobal.com/mining-sites/grasberg-worlds-largest-gold-mine

23. https://www.downtoearth-indonesia.org/story/logging-west-papua

24. https://www.culturalsurvival.org/publications/cultural-survival-quarterly/west-

papua-forgotten-war-unwanted-people

25. https://www.downtoearth-indonesia.org/story/multinational-corporations-lining-

profit-west-papuas-resources

26. https://www.jamesmorgan.co.uk/resource-extraction-in-west-papua

27. https://asiatimes.com/2019/05/flawed-timber-scheme-hits-indonesian-forests/

28. https://news.mongabay.com/2018/06/india-eyes-coal-reserves-in-indonesian-

papua/

29. http://www.industriall-union.org/violence-breaks-out-at-grasberg-mine-as-

dispute-drags-on

30. https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2011/11/is-a-us-mining-

company-funding-a-violent-crackdown-in-indonesia/249164/

31. https://asiapacificreport.nz/2020/04/04/papuan-mp-calls-for-nz-involvement-

in-independent-shooting-inquiry/

32. https://tpnpbnews.files.wordpress.com/2016/06/38-year-tpn-opm-no-unity-

and-struggle-after-the-reformation.pdf

33. https://theaseanpost.com/article/papua-conflict-two-wrongs-dont-make-right

34. https://www.crisisgroup.org/asia/south-east-asia/indonesia/indonesia-resources-

and-conflict-papua

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35. http://www.parisglobalist.org/forgotten-land-under-the-sun-the-west-papua-

conflict/

36. http://www.ipsnews.net/2016/04/west-papuans-turn-to-africa-for-support-in-

freedom-bid-2/

37. https://www.rnz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/405595/africa-caribbean-

pacific-group-seeks-action-on-papua-rights-abuses

38. https://www.rnz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/367641/pacific-leaders-call-

out-indonesia-at-un-over-west-papua

39. https://www.scmp.com/week-asia/geopolitics/article/3024136/chinese-support-

pacific-nations-shaping-their-stance

40. http://theconversation.com/why-do-the-us-china-and-international-community-

remain-silent-on-papua-123291

41. https://wits.worldbank.org/CountryProfile/en/Country/IDN/Year/2018/TradeFlow/

EXPIMP/Partner/by-country

42. https://wits.worldbank.org/CountryProfile/en/Country/IDN/Year/2018/TradeFlow/

EXPIMP/Partner/by-country

TOPIC B 1. https://www.americasquarterly.org/content/us-and-mexico-tighten-borders-

central-american-migrants-increasingly-turn-south

2. https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/india-in-pivotal-geographies-latin-

america-54551/

3. https://ugm.ac.id/en/news/16208-latin-america-is-prospective-market-for-

indonesia

4. https://www.nrc.no/shorthand/fr/fleeing-for-their-lives-in-central-

america/index.html

5. https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/11/30/el-salvador-gang-violence-ms13-nation-

held-hostage-photography/

6. https://www.insightcrime.org/news/analysis/gang-extortion-spurs-deadly-bus-

attacks-guatemala/

7. https://www.insightcrime.org/news/brief/guatemala-authorities-cicig-target-yet-

another-former-president/

8. https://www.insightcrime.org/news/analysis/could-guatemala-city-s-smart-bus-

system-cut-extortion/

9. https://www.insightcrime.org/news/analysis/attacks-on-bus-drivers-in-

guatemala-persist/

10. https://newrepublic.com/article/113293/900-bus-drivers-dead-guatemala-city-

worlds-most-dangerous-job

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11. https://www.crisisgroup.org/latin-america-caribbean/central-america/62-mafia-

poor-gang-violence-and-extortion-central-america

12. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-

12109840http://www.ipsnews.net/2008/02/guatemala-bus-drivers-targets-of-

organised-crime-killings/

13. http://www.ipsnews.net/2008/02/guatemala-bus-drivers-targets-of-organised-

crime-killings/

14. http://www.laht.com/article.asp?ArticleId=371330&CategoryId=23558