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FinalPassages:TheIntercolonialSlaveTradeofBritishAmerica,1619–1807GregoryE.O‘Malley

Printpublicationdate:2014PrintISBN-13:9781469615349PublishedtoNorthCarolinaScholarshipOnline:January2015DOI:10.5149/northcarolina/9781469615349.001.0001

.FinalPassages

CaptivesintheIntercolonialSlaveTrade

GregoryE.O’Malley

DOI:10.5149/northcarolina/9781469615349.003.0002

AbstractandKeywords

ThischapterexaminesthefinalpassagesenduredbymanyAfricansaftertheirjourneysacrosstheAtlantic,aswellastheconsiderablehardshipandriskstheyencounteredalongtheway.Indocumentingthestoryoftheintercolonialslavetrade,ithighlightsthesaleofhundredsofthousandsofcaptivestocolonialmerchantsandtheirreturntoseawithindaysorweeksoftheirfirstarrivalinAmerica.ThechapterconsidersonesourcethatprovidesevidenceoftheAfricancaptives’actualjourneys:theautobiographyofOlaudahEquiano(alsoknowasGustavusVassa).BasedonEquiano’seyewitnesstestimony,itdiscussesthevariousstagesoftheAfricancaptives’finalpassage,fromtheirtransferfromatransatlanticslavingvesseltotheirarrivalinBritishAmerica.Italsoconsiderstheexperiencesofthecaptivesintheslavetrade.

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Keywords:slavetrade,Atlantic,Africans,captives,colonialmerchants,autobiography,OlaudahEquiano,BritishAmerica

TheytookmetotheIslandofDominica.AfterthatIwastakento

NewOrleans.ThentheytookmetoNatchez.—AbduhlRahhahman

Inbothpopularportrayals,likethatofKuntaKinteinRoots,andscholarlystudies,thestoryoftheslavetradetypicallyends(andthestoryofslaveryinAmericabegins)withavesselreachingtheAmericasaftertheAtlanticcrossing.Traderssoldcaptivesinport,andthejourneywasover.Theenslavedpresumablymarchedtoanearbyplantationtobegintheirstruggletoadapttoanewworldandtoasserttheirhumanitydespitethesystemofchattelslavery.FormanysurvivorsoftheMiddlePassage,thisdepictionisaccurateenough,buthundredsofthousandsofothercaptivesfoundthemselvespurchasedbycolonialmerchants.Ratherthanmarchinlandtoaplantation,thesesurvivorsoftheMiddlePassage—weary,debilitated,angry,andconfused—boardednewvesselsandreturnedtoseawithindaysorweeksoftheirfirstarrivalinAmerica.1

Tellingstoriesofcaptives’finalpassagesbetweenAmericancoloniesisacrucialpartofunderstandingtheslavetrade,butthestoriesaredifficulttorecover.Owingtothepowerimbalanceofslavery,fewaccountsfromAfricanperspectivessurvivetodocumenttheintercolonialtraffic.Often,wecanonlyinferenslavedexperiencesbyreadingbetweenthelinesoftraders’documents.Oneofthemanytragediesoftheslavetradeisthisrelegationofcaptivestoanonymity.Thegapintimebetweentheabolitionofthetransatlanticslavetradeandtheabolitionofslaveryitselfensuredthatonlyafewsurvivors(p.31) ofthetrafficlivedtoexperiencefreedomand,justperhaps,todocumenttheirstoriesforposterity.Therecordingandpublishingofafewfirsthandaccountsaroseoutofthemovementtoendtheslavetrade,butthatcampaigngeneratedlittleinterestorsupportuntilthelateeighteenthcentury.Andeventhen,abolitionism—andthepublishingofAfricanandAfricanAmericanauthors—wasconfinedalmostentirelytotheBritishIslesandBritishNorthAmerica.Intheprevioushundredsofyearsofmigration,storieswereneverrecorded,andformostpartsoftheAmericas,nofirsthandaccountsfromAfricanssurviveatall.2

Thenarrativesthatwedopossessfromslavetradesurvivorsaretreasuresfortheirrarity,butmostofferfewdetails.AbduhlRahhahmantypifiedautobiographersbydescribinghissurvivalofthetransatlanticandintercolonialslavetradesinthreetersesentences:“TheytookmetotheIslandofDominica.AfterthatIwastakentoNewOrleans.ThentheytookmetoNatchez.”Rahhahman’suseofthepassivevoiceandadepersonalized“they”evokespowerlessnessandanger.Hisomissionofdetailhintsatsuppressedtraumas,buttheaccountofferslittledescriptionofshipboardconditionsorexperiences.JamesAlbertUkawsawGronniosawofferedasimilarlysparerecollectionofthefinalpassage,explainingthat,afterhesurvivedanAtlanticcrossingtoBarbados,amanpurchasedhimwholived“intheCityofNew-York;towhichplacehetookmewithhim.”Thesparsenessofsuchnarrativesintimatescaptives’disheartenedexperiences,butrecoveringmoredetailabouttheiractualjourneysrequiressupplementing

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survivors’laconicstoriesbyreadingbetweenthelinesofEuropeansources—accountsofmerchantsandshipcaptains,quantitativedataderivedfromportrecords,anddocumentsproducedbybothsidesintheabolitiondebates.3

(p.32) Themajorexceptiontothisabsenceofsurvivors’descriptions(andtothepatternoftraders’andsailors’leavingonlyunsympatheticreports)isOlaudahEquiano’sfamous—andfamouslyproblematic—autobiography.Equianooffersthemostdetailednarrativeoftheslavetradethatsurvivesfromthecaptiveperspective,andhisaccountincludesmorethanjusttheoftquotedsegmentsontheMiddlePassagefromtheBightofBiafratoBarbados.Equianoalsodescribes,inatleastsomedetail,avoyagetoVirginiathatoccurredshortlythereafter.ThetrickforhistoriansoftheslavetradeisthattheauthenticityofthisportionofEquiano’sautobiographyisquestionedfromtwoangles.First,althoughhistorianshavecorroboratedlatereventsinEquiano’snarrativewitharchivalresearch,twodocumentschallengehisclaimofsurvivingtheslavetradeasaboy:arecordofhisbaptismasanadultinEnglandandashipregisterfromavesselonwhichheworkedasafreeman,bothofwhichlistEquiano’sbirthplaceasSouthCarolina.ThesecondchallengetoEquiano’sauthenticitycomesfromscholarswhoarguethathisengagementintheabolitionistcauserendershimsuspectasanaccurateportrayeroflivedexperience.4

Bothcautionshavemerit,buttheydonotnegatetheusefulnessofEquiano’sobservationsforstudyingtheintercolonialslavetrade.EquianowasindeedanabolitionistseekingtooutrageandgalvanizetheBritishpublic,sohisdescriptionsofthehorrorsoftheslavetrademustbetemperedwithskepticismandevaluatedagainstotherinformation.Butallsourcesarefraughtwithbiasandareproductsoftheirgenre;thejobofthehistorianistoseekinsightdespitesuchlimitations.PerhapsmorecriticalisthequestionofwhetherEquianoactuallyenduredtheslavetrade.Ononehand,twodocumentsexplicitlylabelEquiano’splaceofbirthasSouthCarolina,andonecanimagineanabolitionistofAfricandescentfabricatingastoryofsurvivingatraumaticMiddlePassagetogivehisstorymorepunch.Ontheotherhand,concoctingaplausiblenarrativeofchildhoodinanIgbocommunityandabductionintotheslavetradeanditsassociatedtraumaswouldhavebeennosimpletaskforan(p.33) American-bornmanlivinginEnglandinthelateeighteenthcentury.Equianoknewaremarkableamountaboutculturalpracticesspecifictotheregioninwhichheclaimedhewasborn,andhisaccountofhisIgbovillagefitswellwithmodernscholarlyunderstandingoftheregion’shistory.IntheEuropeanworldofEquiano’sday,ethnographicaccountsoftheregionwereunavailable,soeitherhedevelopedhisunderstandingoftheregionfromfirsthandknowledge,or,ifEquianowasnotbornintheBiafraninterior,hesurelyinterviewedsurvivorsoftheslavetradefromthatregion.Furthermore,Equianoshowedaremarkablesensitivityandinsightonthepsychologicaltraumasandchallengestoself-identificationthatacaptivefromthisparticularregionwouldhaveexperienced.Assuch,evenifonechoosestobelievethebaptismalrecordandship’smanifestoverEquiano’sautobiography,hisaccountisstillusefulasa“biographyofapeople”ora“compositeoftheactualmemoryofothersheencountered.”Iftreatedasafictionaltalebasedoninterviewswithsurvivors,Equiano’snarrativeisuniquelyvaluablefordocumentingtheslavetrade

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(Plate1).5

ThereareadditionalreasonstovalueEquiano’sinsights.BeyondclaimingtohaveenduredajourneyfromBarbadostoVirginiaasacaptive,Equianodescribedworkingaboardnumerousslaversasasailor.Asayoungman,EquianowasownedbyaCaribbeanmerchantwhoputhimtoworkaboardseveralshipsengagedinintercolonialtrade—includingthetradeinAfricanpeople—bothwithintheCaribbeanandbetweentheCaribbeanandtheNorthAmericanmainland.Infact,manyofEquiano’sobservationsaboutcaptiveexperiencesarefromdescriptionsofhislifeasasailor,andotherhistoricalsourcescorroborateEquiano’spresenceonsuchvessels.Theshipshementionscanbefoundincolonialportrecordswithdetails,suchasvesselname,captain’sname,owner’sname,andportsofcall—nottomentionenslavedpeopleinthecargo—allmatchingEquiano’smemoryasportrayedinhisInterestingNarrative(p.34)

Plate1 .PortraitofOlaudahEquiano(alsoknowasGustavusVassa).FrontispiecefromTheInterestingNarrativeoftheLifeofOlaudahEquiano,orGustavusVassa,theAfrican,WrittenbyHimself(London,1789).ImagecourtesyofDocumentingtheAmericanSouth,TheUniversityofNorthCarolinaatChapelHillLibraries

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GivenEquiano’spresenceaboardsuchvessels,evenhispossiblyfictitiousaccountofcaptivityinthetradecomesfromanunusuallyinformedandsympatheticsource.Inasense,thequestionofhisauthenticityismoot.EvenifwerejectEquiano’sclaimofbeingtraded,heoffersrareeyewitnesstestimonytotheexperiencesofotherscaughtintheintercolonialslavetrade.6

(p.35) ■Thefirststageofthefinalpassagewastransferfromatransatlanticslavingvessel.AfricansreachingBritishAmericatypicallymadetheirfirstlandfall(oratleastanchorage)atoneofafewentrepôtswherebothplantersandmerchantsfrequentedsalesofarrivingAfricanpeople.In1647,uponsailingtoBridgetown,Barbados—theoldestEnglishentrepôtoftheslavetrade—settlerRichardLigondescribedonesuchbustlingport.Ligon’sship“putintoCarlileBay,…wherewefoundridingatAnchor,22goodships,withboatesplyingtoandfro,withSaylesandOares,whichcarriedcommoditiesfromplacetoplace;soquickstirring,andnumerous,asIhaveseenitbelowthebridgeatLondon.”ArrivingAfricansmusthavewitnessedsimilarscenesallacrosstheAmericas,andifthehubbuboftheharborimpressedatravelerfromtheEnglishcapital,mostcaptivesfromWestAfrica,whereseafaringwasnotcommonplace,hadsurelyseennothinglikeit.Colonialportswerefamiliarwitharrivingslaveshipsandfearedthe“ContagiousorMalignantDistempers”oftenonboard,soarrivingAfricans—atleastintheeighteenthcentury—generallyspentaweektotendaysinquarantineaboardshipbeforebeingofferedforsale.Ifofficialsperceivedcommunicablediseasesamongthem,thequarantinecouldextendforweeks.7

Contagionwaspoorlyunderstood,however,soduringthisperiod,arrivingAfricansfrequentlysawstrangersboardtheirships.Merchantsinspectedtheirhumancommodities,doctorsvisitedtotreatillcaptives,andworkers—often(p.36) enslaved—carriedfreshwaterandprovisionsaboard.Equianowrotethat,onthedayhisvesselreachedBarbadosfromtheBightofBiafra,“manymerchantsandplantersnowcameonboard…[and]madeusjump”inordertotestthecaptives’health.Likewise,CharlestonmerchantJohnGuerardreportedthatwhenoneofhisslavingvesselsarrivedin1752,hewas“onBoardjustforafewminutesintheeveningofthedayhearrived,”eventhoughthevesselhadtowaittendaysinquarantine.Captivessurelyresentedtheinspections,butsuchvisitsalsobroughtwelcomeimprovements.Indefendingtheslavetrade,RobertBissetcitedareportthat“freshprovisions,fruit,andvegetables,…areimmediatelysentonboardfortheSlaves,”anddespitehisproslaverybias,thereislittlereasontodoubttheaccount.Merchantsoftennotedtheimportanceofrefreshingdebilitatedcaptives.AmongthevisitorstomanyshipswerealsoearliersurvivorsoftheMiddlePassage.EquianoreportedwidespreadfearamongcaptivesuponarrivalinBarbados,but“thewhitepeoplegotsomeoldslavesfromthelandtopacifyus.Theytolduswewerenottobeeaten,buttowork,andweresoontogoonland,whereweshouldseemanyofourcountrypeople.”Onewonderswhatotherinformationpassedbetweenveteransoftheslaveregimeandnewarrivalsonsuchoccasions.8

Afterthequarantineperiod,manygroupsofcaptivesdisembarked.Ashore,theyusuallyresidedinwalledcompounds,oftenatthehomesofmerchants.Infact,Jamaica’s“Code

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Noir”—whichcompiledthecolony’sextantslavelawsasof1788—includedarequirementthatmerchantssellingslaves“procureorhire…aproperplaceorenclosureashore”ratherthanconductsalesaboardship.Similarly,inBarbados,Equianoallegedthatupondisembarkation,themerchantstookhimandhisfellowcaptivestothe“merchant’syard,wherewewereallpentuptogetherlikesomanysheepinafold”whileawaitingsale.Thiswaitintheyardlastedfor“afewdays;Ibelieveitcouldnotbeaboveafortnight.”Equianowasnotaloneinusingalivestockmetaphortodescribesuchaccommodations;employeesoftheBritishSouthSeaCompanyreferredtotheirfacilityforholdingcaptivesawaitingtransshipmentfromJamaicatoSpanishAmericaasa“Penn.”These“Penns”or“yards”werepresumably(p.37) crowded.In1688,JamaicanofficialsconfiscatedthepropertyofaSpanishtrader,IagodelCastillo,residentinKingston.Hisassetsincluded“70or80NegroesinhisYard.”Theywouldhaveenduredcrampedconditionsandexposuretotheelements,asimpliedbytheterms“yard”and“pen.”DetaileddescriptionsofsuchfacilitiesinBritishcoloniesdonotsurvive,butaccountsfromSpanishAmericanportcitiesnotewalledyardsorinteriorpatiosdesignedtoaccommodateenslavedAfricansawaitingsale.Somecaptivesmightnothavebeenentirelyexposedtoelements;abolitionistThomasClarksondidinterviewonesailorwhonotedthat“ashedhadbeenbuilt”forslavestemporarilyhousedatanopen-aircompoundattheBarbadoswharf,“inorderthattheslavesinwetweathermightgetunderitandbedry.”Nonetheless,suchshelterwasrudimentaryatbest,andclothingwasminimal.BritishtravelerNicholasCresswelldescribedwitnessing“aCargoofSlavesland”onhisfirstdayinBarbados.Itwas“oneofthemostshockingsightsIeversaw.About400Men,Women,andChildren,…allnaked,exceptasmallpieceofblueclothaboutafootbroadtocovertheirnakedness.”9

OthercaptiveswaitedfortransshipmentontheshipsinwhichtheycrossedtheAtlantic.Infact,manysurvivorsoftheMiddlePassageapparentlyneversetfootonlandintheirfirstBritishAmericanport.KingstonmerchantJohnJonesnotedthat,attimesofhighdemand,traderslookingforslavestotransshipsometimespurchasedcaptivesbeforetheydisembarked.In1728,hewrotetoapartnerinBristol:“DemandforNegroesstillContinues;thereisnow500in[the]harbourandallboughtupbythetraderstoSo.Keys[inCuba]whereoflatetheyhavemadeverygreatVoyages.”Equianodescribedasimilartransaction.In1776,bythenafreeman,Equianoengagedtoserveasanoverseeron(p.38) anewplantationtobeestablishedontheMosquitoShoreofBritishHonduras.Enroute,Equianoandtheownerofthenewplantation,Dr.CharlesIrving,stoppedinKingstonforsupplies.Onceothernecessaryplansandpurchaseshadbeenmade,“ourvesselbeingreadytosailfortheMusquitoshore,IwentwiththeDoctoronboardaGuinea-man,topurchasesomeslavestocarrywithus.”Apparently,thesepeoplespentlittletime,ifany,onJamaicansoil.10

Regardlessofwhethercaptivesdisembarkedorremainedonshipwhiletheywaited,itcomesaslittlesurprisethattheysufferedgreatly,physicallyandemotionally.Cresswellremarkedthatarrivingpeople“appearmuchdejected.”Theyalsofoughtallmannerofillnesses,makingmedicalattentionacrucialpartoftheirintervalintheentrepôts.Tosomedegree,captivesbenefitedfromtheneedforslavestoappearhealthybecausetraders

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paidmedicalexpertstotreatcaptivesforsmallpox,dysentery,yaws,andtheothercommonailmentsoftheslavetrade.Butdealerspayingfortreatmentprioritizedtheappearanceofhealthoveractualcures.Clarksonnotedthatforpeoplesufferingfromyaws,whichcausedpustulestobreakoutontheskin,“Caustickis…appliedtotheyawspots,toburnthemoff.”Suchtreatmentgavecaptivestheguiseofhealthyskin,buttheunderlyinginfectionwouldcausenew“yawspots”toemerge.Forexample,JamaicaslaveholderHenryCoortestifiedtotheHouseofCommonsin1790thathehadpurchasedAfricanswhoseskinappeared“verycleanandblack;butin6weeksortwomonths,theyallbrokeoutviolentlywiththeyaws.”OncethesemenandwomenwereconversantinEnglish,theyexplainedthattheirconditionhadbeenmaskedbythetraders“onboard[who]rubbedthemwithsomethingthatmadetheirskinclean,”atleasttemporarily.Thenagain,consideringthatEuropeans’preferredtreatmentforyawsintheperiodwasdrinkingmercury,captiveswhohadtheiryawsmaskedinsteadof“cured”mighthavebeenbetteroff.11

Ontheappointeddayforsale,captivessawbuyersswarmamongthem,(p.39) choosingslaves.AsHerculesRoss,atwenty-yearresidentofJamaica,rememberedsuchoccasions,“Onthedayadvertisedbytheagent,buyersattendaboard;atagivenhourthesaleisdeclaredopen,wheneachexertshimselftogetfirstamongtheslavestohaveagoodchoice,andthewholeofthehealthyandlikelyones,areoftensoldthatday.”Herealso,captivesmighthaveencounteredveteranslavesfromtheirAfricanregion.InhisHouseofCommonstestimony,HenryCoorrecalledthat,whenpurchasingnewlyarrivedAfricanpeople,“Hetookaslavewithhimtointerpret,”presumablysomeonefromthesameAfricanregion.Coorsoughttoquestionprospectiveslavesaboutillnessesthattradersmighthaveconcealed.Throughsuchdialoguewithenslavedtranslators,captivesmighthavegleanedinformationaboutslaveholders,butprobablynotenoughtodiscernbetweentwotypesofbuyersinthecrowd—plantersandspeculators.Onewonderswhatthetranslatorsfelt,astheyfacilitatedthesaleofmoremenandwomenoftheirlinguisticbackgroundintoAmericanslavery.12

Inmostports,atmosttimes,themajorityfoundthemselvespurchasedbylocalplanters,butperhapsaquarterarrivinginBritishAmericaendedupinthepossessionofcolonialmerchantsintendingtosendthemelsewhereforresale.HerculesRossrecalledthatwhenhelivedinJamaica,“ThereusedtobeinKingstonmanypeoplewhoboughtonspeculation”fromtransatlanticslavevessels.Suchtradersinvestedinhumancommodities“tocarrythemtothecountry,andretailthem,ortoshipthemoff.”Fromthelateseventeenththroughtheeighteenthcentury,thesemerchantsbecameincreasinglyprominent,particularlyinthemostactiveportsofslaveimportation.13

Mostcaptivespurchasedbysuchspeculatorsdidnotwaitlongbeforeboardinganintercolonialvessel.Somesimplytransferredfromoneshiptoanotherintheharbor,butevenforthosewhoreachedlandinanentrepôt,thesojournbeforeheadingbacktoseawasusuallybrief.Equianoclaimednottohavewaited“aboveafortnight”inBarbadosbeforetransshipmenttoVirginia.Otherslavetradestoriescorroboratetheimpressionofshortlayoversbeforeintercolonialjourneys.Offourteenknownslavetradesurvivorsto

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leavenarrativesoftheirarrivalinBritishAmerica,sixdescribeadditionalmovementswithinthreeweeksofcompletingtheAtlanticcrossing.(Inatleastonecase,however,thisfurthermovementcameaboardthesamevesselinwhichthe(p.40) authorenduredtheMiddlePassage,andinseveralcasesitisunclearwhethertheindividualchangedships.)Whenmerchantlettersorportrecordsindicatethedatesofacaptive’stransatlanticarrivalandintercolonialdeparture,suchaccountssupporttheconclusionthatmostAfricansspentlittletimewaitinginbetween.ExportrecordsforBarbadosnotedsixcaptivesaboardthevesselHardTimeswhenitdepartedforBermudaonNovember19,1785.ThesepeoplefromtheWindwardCoastofAfricahadreachedBarbadosontheEndeavourjusttwentydaysearlier.Othersreembarkedmorequickly.In1787,twenty-twomen,women,andchildrenarrivedinBarbadosfromSierraLeoneaspartofalargergroupontheKnight.TheyspentthirteendaysattheislandbeforeboardingtheFanfanforTrinidad.Likewise,in1801,thethirtymostlyIgbopeopleboardingtheEscapeinTobagohadspentjustsixteendaysontheislandsincetheirarrivalfromAfricaaboardtheNanny.TheywereboundforSaintVincent.14

ThenotableexceptiontothistrendoffairlyshortwaitswastheSouthSeaCompany’spractice,inBarbadosandJamaica,ofsometimesstockpilingpeoplefortransshipmenttoSpanishAmerica.CompanyagentsinBarbadosheldorderstokeep“50good,sound,andHealthyNegroes”onhandincasecompanyagentsinSpanishAmericashouldrequestthem.Jamaicawasanevenbiggercompanyhub,andagentstherealsohadordersthat“aStockinhandwillbealwaysnecessary”sothat“asDemandsarisefromtheSeveralFactorys[inSpanishcolonies]YoumaynotbeataLosstogivethemimmediateSupplys.”Thispolicysuggeststhatsomeprisonerswaitedmanyweeks,ifnotmonths,beforethecompanydeemedtransshipmentnecessary.15

Despiteitsusualbrevity,thelayoverofferedbenefitstosomeforcedmigrants.Forone,timeonlandofferedbetterchancesforflight.In1725,SouthSeaCompanyofficialsscoldedmanagersinJamaicauponreceivingtheirreportthat“aconsiderableNumber”ofAfricancaptivesawaitingtransshipmenttoSpanishAmerica“weremissing.”Flightortheftbyothertradersorplanters(p.41) istheprobableexplanation.LessmysteriouswasthedisappearanceofanIgbomanfromtradersinDominica.In1786,LiverpoolmerchantThomasLeylandinquiredofhisagentsontheislandabout“aNegromanthat[had]runawayfromtheEnterprize”uponthatship’sarrivalthepreviousyear.Apparently,thefugitivehadmanagedtoleavetheislandbeforebeingrecaptured,becauseLeyland’sagentsreportedthatavesselcalledVulturehadreturnedthemantoDominicafromanunnamedlocation.Mostescapeesprobablymetsimilarfates,buttimeinanentrepôtatleastofferedbetterprospectsforflightthantimeatsea.16

ThemorecommonbenefitoflayoverswasachancetorecuperateaftertheMiddlePassage,especiallywhensuchAtlanticcrossingshadbeenparticularlygrueling.InOctober1762,KingstonmerchantJasperHallsawhisshipAfricalimpintoport“Leaky,andunfittoProceedfurtherwithoutRepair…[with]manysicklyNegroes”fromanunspecifiedpartofWestAfrica.HallhadplannedtosendthevesselontoHavana,butafterseeingthericketyshipanditsailingprisoners,hepostponedtheonwardjourney.

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Hall’screwdisembarkedthecaptives,

totheNumberof630,manyofwhombeingtakenwiththesmallPox,and400Innoculated,theynecessarilycontinuedintheIslanduntiltheJanuaryfollowing,whenallthatremainedalive,beingbut521,were…reshippedonBoardtheAffrica,andclearedoutfortheHavannahtheirOriginalandrealDestination.

Thiswasnotatruetransshipment,sincethecaptivescontinuedtoCubaonthesamevesselthatferriedthemacrosstheAtlantic,buttheirstopovernonethelessunderscoresapotentialbenefitofaninterludebetweentransatlanticandintercolonialjourneys.FromHall’sperspective,thepausewasasmuchaboutthe“RepairoftheVessell,asrefreshmentofthemanysicklyNegroes,”butfortheimprisonedpeoplesufferingsmallpoxandotherailments,itofferedanopportunitytorecover.Thatmorethanonehundredfewerpeoplereembarkedsuggeststhatformanycaptives,thisrespitewastoolittle,toolate.17

UnlikeJasperHall,whoclaimedownershipofallcaptivesaboardtheAfrica,mosttradersforcingenslavedpeoplefromonecolonytoanotherselected(p.42) onlysomecaptivesfromatransatlanticvessel.Asaresult,whoenduredsubsequentjourneyswasnotrandom.Onedecidingfactorwashealth.Speculatingmerchantsavoidedpurchasingcaptivestheyconsideredtoofrailtosurviveanothervoyageortogarnerahigherpriceelsewhere.Attimes,Africansfromparticularregionsfacedincreasedoddsoftransshipment.DuringtheBritishmonopolyoftheslavetradetoSpanishAmerica,JamaicanmerchantsTyndallandAsshetoninsistedthatKingstonofferedagoodmarket“EspeciallyforGoldCoast’sandPappaw’swhichtheSouthSea[Company]Factorsbuybeforeanyothers”fortransshipmenttoSpanishAmerica.Someintercolonialtradersexhibitedgenderandagebiases,aswell.18

Inothercases,paradoxically,thepeopletransshippedwerepreciselythosenotchosen.Ratherthanlowerprices,someslavedealersoptedtomoveslowsellingcaptivestosmallermarketsinhopesoffindinglessdiscriminatingbuyers.EquianodescribedtransshipmentfromBarbadosthisway:“Iandsomefewmoreslaves,thatwerenotsaleableamongtherest…wereshippedoffinasloopforNorthAmerica.”Likewise,ThomasClarksonreportedasailor’srecollectionthat,uponarrivingintheAmericas,“slavesthataresickly…areingeneralboughtuponspeculation.”Inparticular,thesailorrememberedaninstancewhenthe“surgeon”ofavesselonwhichthesailorworkedpurchasedsomesurvivorsoftheMiddlePassage“atBarbadoes,whowereinaveryweakanddisorderedstate.Havingrecoveredthemalittle,hesoldthemafterwardsatJamaica.”Sometimes,thoseleastfitforextendedjourneysaftertheMiddlePassagewerepreciselythoseselectedtoendureyetanothervoyage.19

Regardlessofsuchpatterns,fromthecaptives’standpoint,thevagariesofwhowentwhereafterreachingtheNewWorldwerecapricious,especiallywhenthesortingseveredemotionalandculturalties.Allsortsofbonds—notjustshackles—linkedprisonersaboardslaveshipstooneanother.Withsomeregularity,familymemberswithstoodtheMiddlePassagetogether,(p.43) probablyhavingbeenkidnappedinthe

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samevillageraidorcapturedinthesamewar.ThemostfamousfamilymemberstocrosstheAtlanticwerethe“twoprincesofCalabar,”LittleEphraimRobinJohnandAnconaRobinRobinJohn,brothersfromaprominentslave-tradingfamilyontheBightofBiafra.Capturedandsoldintoslaveryin1767byrivaltradersontheAfricancoast,theRobinJohnseventuallyexploitedAtlanticconnectionstomaketheirwayhomeagain—andresumeslavetrading.Mostfamiliessuckedintotheslavetradewerenotsolucky.20

Clarksonallegedthatashipcaptainheinterviewedacknowledgedhaving“seenrelationsonboardthesameship.”Thecaptainrecalledoneparticular

youngwoman[who]hadbeencomplaining,thatherfatherhadbeenbroughtonboardatthesametime,butthatshehadneverseenhimsince.Thiswasoccasionedbythelargebulk-headacrosstheship[dividingcaptivesbysex]….OncominghoweverintoSt.Kitt‘s,whenalltheslaveswereupondeck,shelookedaboutforherfather,andespiedhimfirst.Hersensationsonthisoccasionwerenoteasytobedescribed.

AnothertraderwhomClarksoninterviewedrecalledseeinga“husband,wife,andtwochildren,inoneship,andthosewhocalledthemselvesandappearedtobebrothersandsistersinanother.”Slavetrader–turned-abolitionistReverendJohnNewtonsharedsimilarrecollectionswiththeHouseofCommonsin1790,insistingthat,duringtheslavesalesinwhichheparticipated,“Relationswereseparatedassheepandlambsareseparatedbythebutcher.”NotonlyabolitionistsreportedthatfamilymembersjointlysurvivedtheAtlanticcrossing;inthesamehearingsatwhichNewtontestified,shipcaptainClementNobledefendedtheslavetrade(includinghisownninevoyagestoAfricaandAmerica),butacknowledged“theslavesbeingingreatdistress,andmakinggrievousoutcriesonthesale”becausethecaptives“thinktheyaregoingtobepartedfromtheirhusbands,wives,mothers,children,etc.”Noblewentontodefendthetrade’smoralitywiththedubiousargumentthatpurchaserswere“veryparticularinmakingexchanges,sothathusbands,wives,mothers,andchildren,andevenacquaintances,shallgotogether,”buthedidnotrefutetheexistenceoffamilies,nordidheclaimtohaveavoidedseparatingthem;heleftittothekindheartsofbuyerstoavoidseveringsuchties.21

(p.44) Familialconnectionswerenottheonlyonesinjeopardyatsales.ManyAfricanswhosharedalanguageorsomeculturebutwhohadnotsharedanethnicidentityinAfricabegantoforgecohesiveidentitiesduringthejourney.ThediversepeoplewhospokeIgbodialects(inwhatisnowNigeria)hadlittlesenseofacollectiveIgboidentitywithinAfrica,buttheydevelopedoneastheybridgeddifferencesofdialectwhenthrusttogetherintheslavetradeandwhenencounteringpeoplemoreforeigntothem.BythetimecaptivesreachedAmerica,thosewhohadbeenstrangersbeforehandhadspentseveraltraumaticmonthstogetheraboardship—andperhapstogetherbeforethatinaslave-tradingcaravanoracastleontheAfricancoast.Tensionscouldemergeinsuchtryingcircumstances,butsocouldstrongbonds.22

GivensuchtiesamongprisonersdisembarkingfromtheAtlanticcrossing,theparsingof

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peoplefortransshipmentorlocalsaleinevitablycausedpainfulseparations.Afterthe“traumaticalienation”fromfamilyandhomeland,manyAfricansfacedadditionalgoodbyesinAmericanentrepôts.Intercolonialdispersalmarkedanotherphaseoftheslavetrade’s“serialdisplacement.”ClarksonreportedthatthesameshipcaptainwhorecalledayoungwomanreconnectingwithherfatherinSaintKittsalsoremembered,“Whenslavesarebroughttomarket,itisneverconsideredwhetherrelationsareseparatedornot:theonlyconsiderationis,howthosewhohavethedisposalofthemshallsellthembest.”FormerJamaicanoverseerRobertRossagreed,tellingtheHouseofCommonsthathehadoftenpurchasedarrivingAfricansfortheplantationhemanaged,“butwasneverforcedtobuyanyonehedidnotlike,withaviewofnotseparatingrelatives.”InprivatecorrespondenceaboutasaleofAmerican-bornslavesin1765,CharlestontraderHenryLaurenspresented(p.45) acontraryperspective,insistingthathemadeitapriority“toavoidthatinconvenienceandIwillsayinhumanityofseparatingandtareingassundermyNegroe’sseveralfamilies”—butheaddedthecaveat,“incaseofirresistablenecessity.”Laurenssuggestedthathisconcernforpreservingfamiliesapplied“evenintheSaleofNewNegroes”fromAfrica,buthisuseof“even”suggeststhatheknewhisconcernforAfricanfamilieswasunusual.Regardless,onewondershowmuchdifferenceinpriceconstituted“irresistablenecessity”toamaninthebusinessofsellingpeople.23

EquianodescribedwitnessingsuchdivisionswhenheworkedasasailorintheCaribbean.“Atorafterasale,”henoted,“itwasnotuncommontoseenegroestakenfromtheirwives…andchildrenfromtheirparents,andsentofftootherislands….Oftentimesmyhearthasbledatthesepartings;whenthefriendsofthedepartedhavebeenatthewaterside,and,withsighsandtears,havekepttheireyesfixedonthevesseltillitwentoutofsight.”ABarbadianwomannamed‘Sibellalsorecalledheartbreakingseparationswhen,in1799,shetoldanEnglishmannamedJohnFordhertaleofenduringtheslavetrade.AccordingtoFord,‘SibellboardedaEuropeanshipontheAfricancoast,whereshe“findmyCountrywomanMimbo,myCountrymanDublin(etc.sonamedbytheEnglish),MyCountrywomanSally,andsomemore,”butshewasunabletokeeptrackofthesepeopleaftercrossingtheAtlantic.‘Sibellcouldonlysay,“Deyselldemallaboutandmenosavvywherenow,”afterwhich,Fordreported,“sheburstintotearsandcouldsaynomore.”Thedispersalofcaptives“allabout”aftertheAtlanticcrossingseveredmanycommunalties.Desperateastheyweretopreservefamiliesandfriendships,AfricanpeoplejustarrivingintheAmericas—notyetproficientinEnglishnorfamiliarwithAmericanslaveholders—hadfewtoolswithwhichtoresistseparation.24

(p.46) ThesortingandmixingofAfricansintheAmericanentrepôtsoftheslavetradealsodisruptedculturalcontinuitiesbetweenOldWorldandNew.MostcaptivesaboardvesselscrossingtheAtlanticsharedculturaltraitswithmanyshipmates,havingcomefromthesamegeneralregion(thoughitisimportanttorecognizethatallpeoplefromaregionliketheGoldCoastortheBightofBiafradidnotshareasinglelanguage,faith,orculture).WhensuchagroupwasdividedinanAmericanentrepôt,itsmembersfacedanincreasinglikelihoodthatwherevertheyendedup,manyoftheirfellowslaveswouldspeakforeignlanguagesandpracticedifferentcultures.ThismadecompanionshipdifficultfornewlyarrivedAfricans;italsoimpairedtheirabilitytocooperate,perhapshindering

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rebellion,andencouragedthecreationofpidginlanguagesandhybridcultures(Map1).

■OnJanuary9,1786,thirty-five“Men,Women,boysandGirls”fromAngolaclimbedaboardasmallbriginKingston’sbusyharborandreturnedtosea.TheyhadrecentlysurvivedacrossingoftheAtlanticfromtheirancestrallandwithhundredsofothercaptives,butthevagariesoftheAtlanticmarketforlaborerssplitthemofffortransshipment.Embarkingontheirsecondoceanvoyage,theyfoundtheseaalittlelessforeign,butaspectsofthenewjourneydifferedfromtheAtlanticcrossing.Theywereasmallergroupnow,andtheycrowdedintoamuchsmallerspace.Theirnewvessel,theMars,measuredonlyfortytons—whereastransatlanticslaversaveragedtwohundredtons.ThecrewhadalsopackedtheMarswithgoodsbesidesenslavedpeople;inadditiontosharingspacewitheachother,theAngolansaboardtheMarsmaneuveredaroundbarrelsofrum,sugar,andpimento.Theobservantamong(p.47)

MAP1 .MajorAfricanCoastalRegionsofEmbarkationintheTransatlanticSlaveTrade.Drawnbytheauthor

thesecaptivesprobablygleanedfromthesunorstarsthatthisnewvoyagenolongercarriedthemwest.Instead,theMarscruisedprimarilyeastwardintheearlydaysofthejourney,followedbyanorthwardturn.Whetherthecaptivesperceivedthisdirectionornot,theysurelynoticeditseffectontheweatherastheysailedoutoftheCaribbeananduptheNorthAmericancoast.WintergrippedNorthAmerica,andeveninGeorgiathatJanuaryandFebruary,localsremarkedat“theseverityofit.”Giventheequatorialclimatefromwhichtheycame,theAngolancaptiveshadprobablyexperiencednothinglikethewinterweatherintowhichtheysailed.TheMarsrockedandthrashedinviolentwaveswhippedupbystormsoutofthenortheast.Frigidrainsandhighseasdrenchedthedeckwithwaterthatdrippedandsloshedintothehold(p.48) ofthelittlevessel.ThestormsalsobatteredtheMarswithcontrarywinds,causinganunexpectedly“longpassage.”Provisionsranlow.Thecrewheadedforthenearestharbor,butoneofthe

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Angolanwomensuccumbedtosomecombinationofcoldandhungerand“diedtwodaysbefore[theMars]gotintoport.”Hershipmatessawherbodydraggedawaywithoutceremonytoawaterygrave.Mercifully,theotherthirty-fourprisonerssurvivedtoreachSavannah,Georgia—probablyunawarethattheirintendeddestinationhadbeenaplacecalledCharleston,fartherupthecoast.Theharshweatherandshortageofprovisionshadinterruptedthejourney,butthecaptivesnonethelesssufferedilleffects.Themerchantinchargeoftheirsaleperceivedthemas“averyslightmadePeople”comparedtomostAngolans.PerhapstheirpassagefromJamaicaonshortrationsmadethemappearso.Onemandied“afewdaysaftertheyarrived.”TheothersrecoveredtheirhealthinSavannah,thoughittookquitesometime.Itwouldbesummerinthisnewland—eightmonthssincetheyhadsailedfromJamaica—beforethelastsurvivorsofthisgroupofAngolansweresold.25

■FormostAfricancaptivesintheslavetrade,theexperienceofanintercolonialvoyagedifferedsignificantlyfromthevoyageacrosstheAtlantic,butnotallintercolonialjourneyswerealike.WhetheravesselwasboundfromoneBritishAmericanporttoanotherortoaFrenchorSpanishcolonyhadmajorimplicationsforcaptives’shipboardexperiences.VoyagesthattransshippedpeoplewithintheBritishEmpiredifferedfromthosetoforeigncolonies,notonlyintheroutestheytraveledbutalsowithregardtothenumberofpeopletypicallycarriedandthecompositionofthenonhumancargo.Asaresult,survivorsoftheMiddlePassagewhoembarkedonanintercolonialjourneywithintheBritishEmpirefacedadifferentkindoffinalpassagethantheirfellowprisonersselectedforvoyagesacrossimperiallines.

ForintercolonialjourneyswithintheBritishEmpire,mostcaptivestraveled(p.49) insignificantlysmallergroupsthanthoseinwhichtheyhadcrossedtheAtlantic.Theaverageslavingvoyagewithintheempirecarriedjustovertwentycaptives,andhalfofsuchvoyagescarriedeightenslavedpeopleorfewer.Infact,aquarteroftheseventurescarriedjustoneortwopeople.(Suchvoyagesobviouslymovedasmallfractionofallpeopletransshipped,sinceasingleshipmentwithfiftycaptivesmovedasmanyenslavedpeopleasfiftyvesselscarryingonepersonatatime.)Giventhesmallsizeofsuchintercolonialventures,captivesforcedaboardfacedahighriskofseparationfromshipmatesfromtheAtlanticcrossing.ReturningtoseashortlyaftersurvivingtheMiddlePassagemusthavebeendistressinginanycase,butcaptiveswhohadjustlosttrackofcompanionsmusthavesailedwithaparticularsenseofdespondency.Indeed,HenryLaurensnoticedthat“aCargoisofteninjuredbyturningtheirbackontheIslands,”adding,“TheSlavesgrowdispiritedandpineawayforwantofknowingthereasonswhytheydon‘tstopthere.”Ifsuchdespairwascommonforgroupsofslaves,individualssentastheonlycaptiveonashipsurelysufferedatraumaticisolation.26

Withtheirshrunkencohort,captivesaboardtransshipmentswithintheBritishEmpiretypicallyhadtoadjusttoclosequartersonsmallervessels.Nearlyhalfsailedaboardsloops,withschoonersandbrigantinesaccountingformostoftheremainder(Table1).Typesofsailsandrigging—notsizeofship—determineddesignationsofvesseltypeintheseventeenthandeighteenthcenturies,butsloopsgenerallyhadonlyonemastand

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schoonersjusttwo.Whereastheaveragetransatlanticslave-tradingvesselmeasured158tons,theaveragecraftforslavetransshipmentsbetweenBritishcoloniesmeasuredjust48tons—andeventhatfigureisskewedupwardbyasmallnumberofverylargeships.Sixtypercentofintercolonialslaversmeasured40tonsorfewer,andvesselsunder20tonswerenotuncommon.Measurementsoftonnagearenotdirectlyproportionaltothespaceavailableaboardship,butthedramaticallylowertonnagemeasurementsofintercolonialslaverswouldhaveimmediatelyimpressedconfinedcircumstancesonAfricancaptives.27

(p.50)

Table1.VesselTypesintheSlaveTradebetweenBritishColonies(orU.S.States)to1808Vesseltype

Numberofshipmentswithdocumentedvesseltype

%ofshipmentswithdocumentedvesseltypes

Sloop 1,159 47.0Schooner 511 20.7Brig 443 18.0Other 353 14.3TOTAL 2,466 100.0Source:Databaseof7,685intercolonialslaveshipments,compiledbytheauthor.

Foradetaileddiscussionofsourcesconsulted,seeAppendix,below.

Suchlittleshipshadseveralimplicationsforenslavedpassengers.First,despitethedecreasednumbersofpeoplecarried,thesevoyageswereoftenterriblycramped.Sloopsandschoonerstendedtobeshallow,soregardlessofthenumberofpeopleonboard,therewasnotmuchspace.Suchvesselswerehumblecraft,andfewmodelsorplansofthemsurviveinmaritimearchivesandmuseums,butoneplanforasloopofalittleoveronehundredtonsshowsaholddepthofjustninefeetatitstallest.Andthismodeledsloopwouldhavebeenlarger(bytonnage)than97percentoftheshipscarryingslavesbetweenBritishcolonies.Furthermore,suchholdswouldoftenhavebeendividedwithintermediatedecks.WhenVirginiatraderCharlesSteuartwrotetoapartnerontheCaribbeanislandofSaintKittsaboutpotentialvesselsfortheirintercolonialtrade—inAfricanpeopleandothercommodities—heexplainedthathepreferred“adoubleDeck‘dBrig‘a[ntine]orSnowabout100Tons,”to“aSlooporSchooner.”Hedescribedthe“Vessel[hehad]inview”ashavinga“9ftholdclear,and3ft.3Inch’sclearbetweenDecks.”Steuartalsospecifiedthatsuchavessel“couldbringSlavesherebetweenDecks,”socaptivesintheintercolonialtrademightwellhavecrawledintoaspacejustoverthreefeethighformostorallofsuchjourneys.SinceSteuartpromotedthis“double(p.51) Deck‘d”vesselforitsabilitytocrammoreenslavedpeopleintosmallspacesthan“asingleDeck‘dVessel”couldaccommodate,thereisatleastsomereasontohopethatmostvesselsintheintercolonialtradewere

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“singleDeck‘d,”affordingabitmorespaceforcaptives.28

Regardlessofthearrangementofdecks,captivesforcedaboardintercolonialslaverstypicallycompetedforspacewithtradegoods.Of3,511intercolonialslaveshipmentswithintheBritishEmpireforwhichthevessel’scompletecargoisknown,3,120ofthem(about90percent)carriedgoodsfortradealongsidepeople.Barrelsofrumandsugarweremostcommon,butenslavedpeoplewedgedinamongallmannerofitems—bread,nails,livestock,deerskins,textiles,andanythingelsecarriedonshipsoftheera(Plate2).NorthCarolinamerchantJamesMurrayhintedatthecrampedquartersforcaptiveswhenhereferredfriendswhoplannedtobuyslavesinCharlestontoaCaptainMaceforthetripbacktoNorthCarolina.CaptainMace,accordingtoMurray,“promisedthemtherefusalofanypassageshecouldspare,but”Maceurgedtheslavebuyersnottodelayinclaimingthespotstheyneededbecause“theboatwassolittleandwouldbesocrammedthatthatwouldbetheirlastshiftfornegroesiftheygotany.”Profitabletradingvoyagesdemandedthatshipsbestuffedtotherafters,soenslavedcaptivesoccupiedlittlespaces,leaningagainstbarrelsorsittingoncrates.Ifcaptivesweretoonumerousandtheholdespeciallycrowded,enslavedpassengersmightevenhaveremainedondeckforentirejourneys.29

Whenthevoyagersreturnedtosea,ensconcedinwhatevernookstheyfound,theylearnedthatsmallvesselsposedchallengesbesidesthetightquarters.Becausesloopsandschoonerswereshallow,theyprovedparticularlyvulnerabletodripping(orsloshing)waterpenetratingthehold.Apervasivedampplaguedallships,whichmadesailingfordaysaboardanyvesselunpleasant,evenforvoluntarypassengers.AsanAgeofSailproverbputit,hewhowouldgotoseaforpleasurewouldgotohellforapastime.Andvesselsthatroseonlyashortheightabovethewaterwereevenmoredampthan(p.52)

PLATE2 .“SlavedeckoftheAlbaroz,PrizetotheAlbatross,1845,”watercolorbyFrancisMeynell.ThisimageportraysatransatlanticslaverboundforBrazil,butthepeopleperchedonandbetweenbarrelsofgoodsorprovisionsmayevokesomethingoftheexperienceofcaptivesintheintercolonialslavetrade,sincevesselstypicallycarriedmixedcargoesofgoodsandenslavedpeople.©NationalMaritimeMuseum,Greenwich,London

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most.Innormalseas,sprayrainedoverthesides,andinrougherseas,wavessplashedonthedeckandwatersloshedbelow.SuchconditionsmadeforenoughdiscomfortthattheBritishnavyexperiencedhigherratesofdesertiononsmallervesselsintheeighteenthcentury.Evenworse,someofthesmallestshipsoftheintercolonialslavetrademightevenhavelackeddecksaltogether.Intheseventeenthcentury,mostsloopswereopen,andtheconventionofenclosingthemonlyspreadgraduallyfromnorthernNorthAmericasouthward,fromthelateseventeenthtotheearlyeighteenthcenturies.Unenclosedvesselswouldhavebeenespeciallycommonforshortvoyagesthatdidnotcrosslargestretchesofopenwater.30

(p.53) Despitethehardships,someenslavedpassengersdiscoveredadvantagestotransshipmentwithasmallergroupforthefinalpassage.Mostnotably,shortervoyageswithfewerpeoplereducedthefilththatplaguedslavingvessels.Forinstance,themostlyIgbomen,women,andchildrenwhoreachedBarbadosaboardtheRoyalAfricanCompany’svesselMarigoldin1679musthavegreetedtransshipmentwithsomerelief.Morethan100oftheirshipmateshaddiedduringanexcruciatingthree-and-a-half-monthcrossingoftheAtlantic.UpontheirarrivalinBarbados,companyfactorsEdwynStedeandStephenGascoigneexclaimed,“Weeneversawsoestinkingfouleandnasty[a]ShipinourLives.”StedeandGascoignehadplannedtosendtheMarigoldontoNevis,buttopreservethehealthoftheship’ssurvivingcaptives,theytransferred115ofthemtoadifferentvessel.Surelytheseprisonerswouldhavepreferredanendtotheirjourney,butreleasefromthe“fouleandnasty”—nottomentiondeadly—Marigoldwouldhaveofferedatleastsomecomfort.31

SlavetradesurvivorVentureSmithwaslessspecificaboutthedifferencebetweenhisAtlanticcrossingandasubsequentintercolonialvoyage,buthefoundthesecondvoyagelessonerous.Inthe1730s,SmithreachedBarbadoswithabouttwohundredothercaptivesfromtheGoldCoastbutwasnotsoldthere(unlikethevastmajorityofthem).Asitturnedout,themerchantswhoownedhisshipandhisshipmatesdidnotclaimownershipofhim.ThestewardofthevesselhadpurchasedSmithinAfricaasaprivateventure—hence,hisgivenname.ThisstewardpreferredtocarrySmithonwardtothevessel’snextportofcall,inRhodeIsland.SinceSmithremainedaboardthesameshipforthewholejourney,technicallyhewasnottransshippedintheintercolonialtrade,buthisinsightscontrastingthetransatlanticandintra-Americanphasesofhisjourneyarerevealing.Neitheraccountisdetailed,butfortheMiddlePassage,Smithfocusedonhighmortality.Bycontrast,hecalledthetripfromBarbadostoRhodeIsland“acomfortablepassage.”Forsomecaptives,sharingashipwithfewerpeople,inperhapscalmercoastalwaters,improvedconditions.32

(p.54) Improvedfoodmightalsohavecontributedtomorecomfortableintercolonialvoyagesforsome.Equianoassertedthat“onthepassage[fromBarbadostoVirginia]wewerebettertreatedthanwewerecomingfromAfrica,andwehadplentyofriceandfatpork.”Indeed,thereareseveralplausibleexplanationsforbetterfoodonsomefinalpassages.Mostsimply,thelengthycrossingoftheAtlanticrestrictedofferingsintheMiddlePassagetofoodthatwouldkeepforweeksatsea.Rationswerelimited,

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unsatisfying,andunhealthy—andifbarrelsleakedandfoodspoiled,provisionsranshort.Afterweeksatsea,captivesandshipcrewsalikewouldwelcomethepossibilityoffreshfoodinAmericanports.SinceintercolonialvoyagesweregenerallyshorterthantheAtlanticcrossing,keepingfoodedibleonafinalpassagewasalsolessdifficult.Themercenaryexplanationforimprovedfareintheintercolonialtradewastheproximityofcaptivestomarket.Traderswantedcaptivestoappearrobustandhealthyforsale;offeringbetterfoodonthefinalpassageaidedhumancommoditiesintheirrecoveryfromtheAtlanticcrossing.AstheBarbadosfirmofLascellesandMaxwellputitwhendiscussingaschemeforbuyingAfricansinBarbadosfortransshipmenttoJamaica,“TheNegroesmustimproveinafairweatherpassagethatseldomexceedsarunof10or12days.”LascellesandMaxwelldidnotspecifyhowadditionaltimeatseawould“improve”theircaptives,butpresumablytheyreferredtocaptives’recuperatingfromtheMiddlePassagethankstotheavailabilityoffresherfood,orotherimprovedconditions,ontherelativelyshortintercolonialvoyage.Ofcourse,anygroupofcaptives’chanceofanimproveddietdependedonthetraderswhoorganizedtheirjourneys.PhiladelphiamerchantRobertElliscomplainedtohispartnersthat,whentheirshipmentarrivedfromCharleston,“TheNegrosProv‘dtobeveryweak,wantingProvisionsenoughaboardoftheShip.”Despitetheirfinancialinterestinkeepingslaveswellfed,sometradersneglectedcaptives’conditionsonthefinalpassage.33

PrisonersonsuchintercolonialvoyagesmighthaveenjoyedsomerelieffromsurveillancebecausesecuritycouldbelaxcomparedtotheAtlanticcrossing;intercolonialtradersdiscusseditinfrequently.Inarareexception,(p.55) in1769,HenryLaurenswarnedayoung,inexperiencedshipcaptainthatifhe“shouldShipNegroesonboardyourSloop”fromJamaicatoSouthCarolina,hemust“beverycarefultoguardagainstinsurrection.NeverputyourLifeintheirpoweramoment.ForamomentissufficienttodepriveyouofitandmakewayforthedestructionofallyourMen.”Otherintercolonialmerchantsandcaptainsprobablysharedsuchconcernsaboutslaveresistance,buttheywroteaboutitfarlessoftenthantransatlanticslavetradersdid,andapparentlytheirvigilanceoftenstoppedshortofshacklingtheircaptives.EvenLaurensrarelymentionedsecurityintherestofhisvoluminouscorrespondenceabouttheintercolonialtrade.Inthetransatlantictrade,theuseofrestraintsvariedfromvoyagetovoyage,imposedmoreoftenonmenthanonwomenorchildrenandmorelikelyforallcaptivesatnight.SometransatlantictradersonlyshackledcaptiveswhilevesselsremainedontheAfricancoast,whereasothersremovedshacklesselectivelytorewardcooperativebehavior.Bycontrast,mostintercolonialtradersbetweenBritishcoloniesappeartohavedonewithoutrestraintsaltogether.CharlestontraderJohnGuerardrepeatedlyorganizedtransshipmentsofenslavedpeoplefromBarbadostoSouthCarolinaonhissloopMolly,underCaptainRichardWatts,buthislettersaboutthesevoyagesnevermentionedsecuritylogistics.WhenGuerardcontemplatedsendingtheshiptoAfricaforslaves,however,hisattitudetowardconfiningcaptiveschanged.Writingtoaco-owneroftheMolly,Guerardnoted,“IftheSchemeIhavehintedforWattsgoing…toGambiais…CarriedintoExecution,hewouldrequire…theimplementsforSecureingtheNegroes.”Inthepreviousyear,WattshaddeliveredonehundredenslavedcaptivesfromBarbados,sosometimesevensizablegroupsapparentlyavoidedshacklingforthefinal

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passage.Suchrestraintsnotonlyhamperedmovementbutalsoworeawayflesh,causingsoresthatmadeeventinymotionsexcruciatingandoftenledtoinfection.Forcaptivesrecoveringfromsuchsores,relieffromsuchconstraintforthefinalpassagewasnominorimprovement.34

(p.56) Inadditiontoavoidingshacklesforthefinalpassage,mostcaptivesfacedlessoversightfromcrewmembersthantheyhadfortheAtlanticcrossing.Transatlanticshipstypicallycarriedunusuallylargecrewsduetoconcernsaboutsecurity,butthesamewasnottrueaboardintercolonialslavers.Of3,343intercolonialslavetradingvoyagesforwhichthenumberofcrewmembersisknown,morethan80percentcarried10sailorsorfewer,andnearlyhalfcarried6orfewer.Thesesmallcrewswerenotsimplyareflectionoffewercaptivesonboard;crewswereoftenminimalevenonvesselscarryinglargenumbersofslaves.Althoughtheoverallratioofcaptivestosailorswasquitelowintheintercolonialtrade—fewerthan4enslavedpeopleforeverysailor—thisnumberisskewedbynumerousvoyagescarryingjust1or2Africancaptives.Insuchcases,thecrewoutnumberedtheirprisoners.Bycontrast,onmanyvoyages,captivesheavilyoutnumberedcrewmen.In1765,thesloopHenrysailedfromJamaicatoGeorgia,carryingjust6sailorstomanage250Africans—aratioofmorethan41slavespersailor.Thesameyear,thelittleschoonerSusquehannaemployedjust3crewmentosupervise70captivesfromJamaicatoMaryland—aratioof23slavespersailor.In1784,theschoonerPollytransported150enslavedpeoplefromDominicatoAntiguawithacrewofonly4,orabout38slavesforeachsailor.(SuchskewedratiosalsoappearedonvoyagesthatlefttheBritishEmpire,suchasthesloopAmerica,departingJamaicaforCubain1765withonly4sailorstooversee196Africans—49slavespersailor.)Thesecasesareextremebutnotisolated.Intercolonialvesselsthatcarried100ormorecaptivesaveragedmorethan11slavespersailor.Vesselsinthetransatlantictrade,ontheotherhand,averagedfewerthan10captivespersailorattheirpeakinthelateeighteenthcentury,andinearlierperiods,transatlantictraderscarriedevenfewerslavespersailor.Iflargecrewsinthetransatlantictradereflectedmerchants’concernsaboutcontrollingAfricanprisoners,smallercrewsaboardintercolonialslaversindicatethatsecuritywaslessofaconcern.Alongwithsomerelieffromscrutinyandabuseforcaptives,however,mighthavecomeneglect.Itishardtoimaginehowacrewof6sailorsfedandnursed196ailingcaptives,forexample,whilealsosailingtheirship.(p.57) Asonsometransatlanticslavers,afewcaptivesmighthavebeentaskedwithfeedingortendingtheirfellowforcedmigrants.35

IfcaptivesenjoyedsomeimprovedconditionsovertheMiddlePassage,otheraspectsofthefinalpassageaddednewhardships.Formanyforcedmigrantsaboardintercolonialvoyages,oneshockwasachangeinclimate,sinceonecommonroutewasfromtheCaribbeantoNorthAmerica.VirtuallyallcaptivesdraggedintotheAtlanticslavetradehailedfromthetropics,sothejourneynorthwardfromtheislandscarriedmosttotemperateclimesforthefirsttime.Whensuchventuresoccurredoutsidethesummermonths,itwasanabruptanddangerouschange,especiallywhencombinedwiththedamp,unsanitaryconditionsofaslaveship.NorthAmericanagentsforCaribbean(orBritish)slavetraderssometimesnotedchargingtheirclientsforclothesandblankets

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purchasedonlyafterthecaptives’arrivalinNorthAmericanports,suggestingthatthecaptives’lastdaysaboardshipwerebitterlycold.Anticipatingthisproblemin1664,GovernorStuyvesantofNewAmsterdamcautionedGovernorBeckofCuraçaothat,whenheorganizedtransshipmentsofAfricans,heneededtoremembertoprovidesomeformofprotectionagainstthecold.Acenturylater,HenryLaurensstipulatedthatAfricanssenthiswayneededto“becladwithLinnenwoolenandaBlanket”forthevoyage,fearingthatsomeCaribbeantraderswouldforgettooutfittheircaptivesforcolderclimes.TheVirginiafirmofAitchisonandParkerpreferredtoavoidnonsummermonthsaltogetherwhentheyplannedtransshipmentsfromtheislandstothemainland,insistingthatenslavedpeoplewouldturnaprofitif“theycanbeherebytheEndofJulyorAugust,butafter[thattime]themorningsandEveningsbegintoturnCooltheyfrequentlygrowSickly.”Notalltradershadsuchforesight.In1719,AntiguamerchantBenjaminBullardsentfiveAfricanstoWilliamPepperellofKitteryPoint(inmodernMaine),butfourofthecaptivesdiedinthenorthwardpassage,and(p.58) thelonesurvivor—ayoungwoman—diedafterthreeweeksonland.AsPepperellexplainedtoBullard,“Itmayhaveresultedfromdeficientclothingsoearlyinthespring.”36

Forthosewhosurvivedtransshipment,arrivalatanotherAmericanportbroughtasecondsalescycle.PossiblylessshockingthantheinitiallandingintheAmericas,resalestillbroughtadditionalindignities.WhenThomasRichesentagroupfromPhiladelphiatoNorthCarolinain1765,heinstructedshipcaptainJohnBurroughs,“Ifyouhaveeaseyweathertakecareoftheslavesandgetthemshavedandgreasedbeforeyou[arrive]…lesttheydiscoveroldagebytheirheads.”WecanonlyguesswhatenslavedAfricansmadeofsuchtreatments.American-bornslavesoftencommentedonthedegradationoftheauctionblock,andsurelyarrivingAfricansfeltsimilarly.Theirrareaccountsomitdetaileddiscussionofsales,perhapsreflectingsuppressionoftheexperience.Thepreparationsforsaleweresimilartothoseinthetransatlantictrade,butotheraspectsofarrivalintheintercolonialtrafficweremoredistinct.ManytransshippedpeoplereachedsmallerportswhereAfricanarrivalswerelessfrequentandpoliciesandinfrastructureforhandlingthemlessdeveloped.AlesspopulousCaribbeanislandoraNorthAmericanportwhereslaverywaslessprevalentmightlackamandatedquarantine,andmerchantsthereoftenlackedenclosedyardsforimprisoninglargenumbersofpeopleawaitingsale.Instead,enslavedAfricansoftenfoundthemselvesofferedforsaleindividuallyorinsmallgroupsatamerchant’shome,wheretheyresideduntilsold.In1761,abouttwentyAfricanmen,women,andchildrendisembarkedfromashort,uprivertransshipmentfromPhiladelphiatoTrenton,NewJersey,wheretheyapparentlytookupresidenceatthehomeofmerchantSamuelTucker.Threemonthslater,Tucker’spartner,ThomasRiche,impliedthiswhenheencouragedTucker,“PrayadvertisetheremainderofthemNegrosforSaleatVendueifyouthinktheywillsellasIAmAssuredtheymustbeinyourway.”Thefollowingyear,RicheagainsentAfricanstoTucker—thistime,peoplefrom(p.59) theSenegalRiverarea—butTuckeragainstruggledtosellthem.Afteraboutamonth,Tuckercomplainedofthedifficultyofkeepingtheslavessolong,andRicheinstructedhimtoboardthemoutifnecessary.Likewise,advertisementsfromBostonoftenofferedsmallnumbersofpeopleforsalealongwithWestIndianproduceatthehomesofmerchantsorshipcaptainsorevenathomeswheretheyboardedtemporarily.

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TheBostonWeeklyNews-Letterin1734includedanadvertisementforimports“TobeSoldbyJosephLindsay,justarrivedfromBarbadoslikelyyoungNegroBoysandGirls;AlsoBarbadosRum…SugarandcottonWool.InquireatMrs.Barnsdell‘s.”ThesceneatsuchsmallsalesmusthavebeenfarlesschaoticthanatanauctionorscrambleaftertheMiddlePassage.37

Becausesomesmallermarketsoftheslavetradesawinconsistentdemand,andbecausesomepeoplefacedtransshipmentwhenmerchantshaddifficultyinfindingbuyersforthem,somesurvivorsoftheintercolonialslavetradeenduredprotracteddelaysbeforesale.Whenfindingbuyersprovedparticularlychallenging,anunfortunatefewexperiencedyetanothertransshipment.Inearly1764,agroupoffiftymen,women,andchildrenboardedasloopinSaintKittsboundforCharleston,SouthCarolina.TheirAfricanbackgroundisunknown,butmerchantsdescribedthemas“NewNegroes,”meaningthatononeshiporanothertheyhadrecentlyarrivedfromAfrica—perhapstogether,perhapsnot.TheyallsurvivedthespringtimepassagetoCharlestonbutwere“extreamlymeagreandthin.”TheCharlestonslavemarketwasapitilessplace,andnoonewouldofferpricestosatisfythewearytravelers’latestcaptor,HenryLaurens.Assuch,LaurenslookedbeyondCharlestonforamarket.Afterseveralweeks,theyboardedathirdslaveship,boundbacksouthward,forashortjourneytoBeaufort,SouthCarolina,wheretraderFrancisStuarthopedtohavebetterluck.Inasimilarincident,onewomansurvivedtransshipmentfromtheCaribbeantoGeorgia,onlytohavetradersthererejecther.“TheoldWench,”SavannahmerchantJosephClayscoffed,“wedaresayweshallbeobligedtoreturnyouagain.”PartoftheproblemwasapparentlythattheCaribbeantraderwhosenthernorth,JohnNugent,hadneglectedto(p.60) considerthatitwouldbewinterinNorthAmericawhenshearrived.“ShehassufferedverymuchwiththeCold,”Claycontinued.“IndeedweimaginefromhercomplaintsthatherLegsandfeetarefrostBittenaddtowhichsheisBlind…[so]weCannotofferhertoanyone.”Claysentthefrostbittenwomanback,likeanyothercommoditydeemeddefective.Sadly,thepeopletypicallycaughtinthislimbobetweentheMiddlePassageandAmericanslaverywerethoseleastapttoenduretheexperience.Thesick,theveryyoung,andtheoldattractedtheleastinterestfromslaveholders,damningthemtoasortofpurgatory—notfullydrawnintoAmericanslavery,butnotreleasedfromit,either.38

■OnOctober21,1722,150mostlyAkan-speakingmen,women,andchildrenfelttheirvesselenteraharborafterthelongAtlanticcrossing.Themajority—confinedtothedark,muggyhold,rankwithhumanwaste—perceivedthechangeonlyasawaningoftheirprison’srockingontheopenwaves.Thepeoplerangedfromthosemerelyweary,cramped,andirritabletothosesufferingdangerousillnesses,perhapsscurvy,yaws,ordysentery.Thoughnotallthecaptivescamefromthesamecommunityorpolity,manyhadlikelybeencapturedtogetherinbattle,otherskidnappedtogetherinvillageraids.Formany,suchtieswouldshortlybecut.39

Upondroppinganchor,theship,asnowcalledJudith,receivednewfacesonboard,bringingfreshfoodandwater.AmongthesenewcomerswerelikelyprevioussurvivorsoftheAtlanticcrossingfromtheGoldCoasttotellthecaptivestheyhadreachedJamaica,

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anislandwherepeoplelikethemselvestoiled.Regardlessofwhatthenewarrivalsheardaboutthisnewland,mostwouldnotbestaying.AmongthevisitorstothevesselwasaEuropeanmanwhoscrutinizedthehumancargoinembarrassingdetail,justasthemenwhopurchasedtheminAfricahaddone.Hepeeledbacklipstoexamineteeth.Helookedcloselyatbreastsandgenitalsforsignsofageordisease.Hebarkedordersandgesturedforcaptivestojumpupanddownorturnaround.Hetouched(p.61) bodieswithoutwarmth,intimacy,orpermission.AsthisstrangenewcomermadehiswaythroughtheassembledpeoplefromtheGoldCoast,heselectedaboutone-thirdofthem.Mostwereyoungmenandteenagedboys,thoughafewyoungwomenandteenagedgirlsalsojoinedthisgroup.Allofthemwerefairlyhealthy,atleastbythestandardsofatransatlanticcrossing.Thefifty-sevenselectedweredraggedawayfromtheothersandmarchedofftheship,neveragaintoseeanyshipmatesorkinsmeninthegroupthatremained.

ThefirstgroupofAkan-speakingprisonerstoleavetheJudithfoundthemselvesforcedaboardaslightlysmaller,two-mastedcraftthatdidnotrisequiteashighoutofthewater.Onboard,crewmencajoledthefifty-sevenyoungmenandwomenintotheshallowhold(probablyseparatedbysex),wheretheydiscoveredotherAfricanswaiting.Itwasterriblycrowded,andonlysomeoftheothersonboardwereAkan-speakingpeoples.Manyofthenewshipmateswerestrange,withunfamiliarcountrymarks(scarsortattoos)andincomprehensiblelanguages.ThenewassemblageofpeopleinthissloophadarrivedinKingstononatleastfourdifferentshipsfromAfrica.Jumbledtogether,theynowsailedbacktosea.Unbeknownsttothem,theSouthSeaCompany’sagentinJamaicahadpurchasedthemfortransshipmenttotheSpanishAmericanmainland.40

BackaboardtheJudith,nearlyonehundredpeoplefromtheGoldCoastremained.Withthehealthiestmenandwomenremoved,thequarterswerelesscramped,butawaitofseveraldaysensued,andmanysufferedfromillness.Finally,onemorning,thesailorsbroughtthecaptivesondeckafewatatime,washingthemroughly,rubbingthemdownwithaliquid,andthenshacklingthematoneendofthedeck.Afterafewhours,moreEuropeanstrangersboardedtheship.Theylookedoverthecaptivesabit,butthistime,nonewerewhiskedaway.Theleadersofthesailorslookedfrustrated.Thoughthecaptivesprobablyknewnothingofit,ahurricanehadvisitedJamaicashortlybeforetheirarrival,suppressinglocalplanters’usualenthusiasmforaslavesale.

Themorningafterthefailedsale,theEuropeanmanwhohadselectedthefirstgroupofcaptivesreturnedtothevessel.HeexaminedtheremainingAkan-speakingmen,women,andchildrenagain,withanothermanfollowing(p.62) behindhimmakingnotations.Thistime,sailorstookthirty-threepeoplefromthevessel.Likethefirstseparation,thissortingsunderedtiesbetweenindividualcaptives,butnowitwasthefeeblestpeopleforcedofftheship:theill,theyoungest,andtheoldest.Manyofthemdazedwithfeversorweakfromnausea,thesethirty-threepeoplestruggleddownladdersorwereloweredbyropesintosmallopenboats,whichferriedthemtoshore.RejectedasecondtimebytheSouthSeaCompany’sagent,thesesufferingcaptiveswereslatedforauction,thelastresortoftransatlanticslavetraders,afterafewmoredaysofrecoveryfromtheMiddle

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Passage.ManyinthisgroupprobablylivedouttheirremainingdaysonJamaica,butsmugglersintheslavetradetoSpanishAmericafrequentedslaveauctions,sosomeofthecaptives—iftheirhealthrecovered—eventuallyboardedsloopsorschoonersboundtotheSpanishCaribbeanorsmallerportsoftheSpanishMain.

Just60oftheoriginalGoldCoastpeopleremainedontheJudith—21men,8women,27boys,and4girls.Theymusthavewonderedattheimplicationsoftheseparationsandwhytheyremainedaboard,butbeforelong,othercaptivesbegantojointhem.Inafewgroups,90peopleboardedtheirvesselandwereforcedintotheholdamongthem.MostofthenewcompanionswerefellowAkan-speakersfromanotherGoldCoastvessel,butothersprobablyseemedstrangetotheoriginalprisoners.ThesenewcomershadreachedJamaicaonyetanothervesselfromanunspecifiedpartofAfrica.TheJudithwasnowascrowdedasever,with150prisonersonboardagain,butinanewconfiguration.Eventually,thevesselhoisteditssailsoncemore,firedacannoninsalutetothetown,andglidedbacktosea.TheSouthSeaCompanyhadhiredittodeliverpeopletoPortobelo,ontheIsthmusofPanama.

■AfricansexportedfromBritishcoloniestoforeignterritoriesfacedquitedifferentconditionsfromtheircounterpartsonintercolonialvesselsthatremainedintheempire.Amongthemostnoticeablevarianceswasthemixofgoodsandpeople.WhereasintercolonialvoyagesbetweenBritishcoloniescarriedsmallnumbersofcaptivesamongmixedcargoesforgeneraltrade,vesselsheadedtoforeignterritorymadeslavetradingabiggerpartoftheirbusiness.Nearlyone-thirdofvoyagesexportingenslavedpeoplefromBritishcoloniesspecializedintheslavetrade,carryingnoothergoods.Onsuchvessels,asontheMiddlePassage,captivesjostledforspacewithoneanother,notwithbarrelsofrum.Accordingly,voyagesleavingtheBritishEmpirecarriedthreetimesthenumberofpeople—sixty-eightonaverage—thanthetypicalintercolonialventurewithintheempire.Aquarterofthevoyagestoforeign(p.63)

TABLE2.VesselTypesintheSlaveTradefromBritishtoForeignColoniesto1808Vesseltype Numberofshipmentswith

documentedvesseltype%ofshipmentswithdocumentedvesseltypes

Sloop(orbalandra)

654 35.3

Schooner(orgoleta)

644 34.7

Brig(orbergantin)

230 12.4

Paquete 150 8.1Other 176 9.5TOTAL 1,854 100.0Source:Databaseof7,685intercolonialslaveshipments,compiledbytheauthor.

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Foradetaileddiscussionofsourcesconsulted,seeAppendix,below.

coloniescarriedonehundredormoreslaves.Asaresult,AfricansexportedfromBritishcoloniesweremorelikelytosharethefinalpassagewithmanyoftheirshipmatesfromtheMiddlePassage.AsthemixingofpeoplefromtheJudithwithAfricansfromothervesselsindicates,however,therewereexceptions.GroupsofpeoplesharingintercolonialvoyageshadnotalwaysenduredtheAtlanticcrossingtogether.

Similartopeopletransshippedwithintheempire,groupsofcaptivesdepartingBritishterritoryfoundthemselvesboardingsmallervesselsthantheonesthatcarriedthemacrosstheAtlantic.Sloopsandschoonersalsodominatedthisforeignbranchoftheintercolonialslavetrade,eachaccountingformorethanone-thirdofallvoyages(Table2).Schoonersprobablyappearedmoreofteninthisforeignbranchofthetradeduetotheirreputationforspeed,whichappealedtomerchantshopingtoavoidCaribbeanpiratesand,perhaps,foreignimperialofficialsonillicitventurestoFrenchorSpanishcolonies.Infact,thepaquetes(packets)mentionedinSpanishrecords,whichaccountedfor8percentofvoyages,mightalsohavebeenschoonersorsimilarsmall,fastvessels.TheBritishreferredtosomeshipsas“packets,”butthetermreferredmoretoafunction—parcel,orpacket,delivery—thantoatypeofvessel.Schoonersandcutters(whichweresimilartoschoonersbutaddedmoresailsforspeed)oftenservedaspackets.Thus,ifpaqueteswasanothertermforschoonersorkindredvessels,suchsmallcraftaccountedformorethanthree-quartersofshipscarryingslavesfromBritishtoforeigncolonies.(p.64) Onvoyagesforwhichvesseltonnageisknown,theaveragewasfifty-fivetons,reinforcingtheimpressionofsmallercraftintheintercolonialtrade.Fewerthan15percentofvesselstoppedonehundredtons.41

ThesesmallershipssuggestthatconditionsremainedcrampedduringthefinalpassageoutoftheBritishEmpiredespitesmallergroupsofcaptives.Infact,someenduredconditionsevenmorecongestedthanaboardtheirMiddlePassagevessel.Themostcommonmeasurementforcrowdingaboardslaveshipsisaratioofpeoplecarriedtovesseltonnage.Generally,shipsintheintercolonialslavetradeleavingBritishterritorycarriedfewerslavesperton(0.89onaverage)thanvesselsintheBritishtransatlantictrade(1.60).EvenDolben’sActof1788,designedtomaketheslavetrademorehumane,onlylimitedtraderstoonecaptiveperton,soonaverage,intercolonialvesselsdepartingBritishterritorymetthatstandard.However,thesefiguresmaybemisleadingbecausemanyvesselsintheintercolonialtradetoFrenchandSpanishcoloniescarriedtradegoodsaswell.Vesselsinthetransatlantictrade,bycontrast,tendedtospecialize.Relativetothesizeoftheentireship,captivesintheintercolonialtradetoforeigncoloniesappearedtoenjoymoreroom,butwhentradegoodsfilledthebulkofaship’shold,asmallnumberofslavescouldbeconfinedtoaproportionallytinyspace,justastheywereinthedomestictrade.Giventhevariedcompositionofintercolonialslavingventures,averagesofcaptivespertondonotfullyreflecttherangeofexperiences.42

ExaminingindividualshipmentsrevealsthatsomeAfricanpeoplefacedmuchmorecrowdedconditions.In1746,BritishtradersinJamaicapacked280Africansaboarda

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twenty-three-tonsloopcalledReliefforavoyagetoSpanishAmerica,crowdingmorethan12slavesperton.In1788,100AfricanscrammedaboardthelittletentonschoonerSorcièrefortheshortpassagefromDominicatoMartinique.Likewise,theBatchellor’sfifteentonssomehowferried150AfricancaptivesfromJamaicatoRíodelaHachain1743.(SuchcrowdingoccasionallyoccurredonvoyageswithintheBritishEmpireaswell.In1763,252AfricanspiledintothefifteentonschoonerHawkinKingstonforafinalpassagetoNewProvidenceintheBahamas—aratioofnearly17slavesperton.)Merchantsinthetransatlanticslavetradecertainlyconfined(p.65) captivestocrampedconditions,buttheyconsideredsuchextremecrowdingpoorstrategybecauseitbreddisease,andmortalitycutprofits.Crowdingwasnosimplemistakeoftheinexperiencedintheintercolonialtrade,however.Between1745and1748,CaptainPeterBedlowmadesixslavingvoyagesfromJamaicatovariousportsofSpanishAmericainhistwenty-tonsloopMayFlower.Thenumbersofprisonersonthesevoyageswere220,180,220,200,210,and50,withthelastvoyagecarryingfewerslavesonlytomakeroomforashipmentofdrygoods.ApparentlyBedlow,andmanyothersintheintercolonialtradeoutoftheBritishEmpire,consideredcrowdingaboardshiplessofamortalityriskduringshorter,intra-Americanvoyages.43

Nevertheless,intercolonialtraderscouldnotignoremortality,giventhehighcostofbuyingAfricanpeopleinanAmericanentrepôt.Indeed,traders’fearofdeathsamongtheirhumancommoditieswasexemplifiedbySouthSeaCompanyfactorJohnMerewetherin1738.Hedescribedbeing“underagooddealofcareaboutthenegroes”inJamaicaawaitingtransshipmenttoSpanishterritorybecauseanoutbreakof“smallpoxincreasesgreatly”inKingston.Topreventthediseasefromspreadingamonghiscaptives,Merewetherorderedthatthe“ClarawassmoaktwithbrimstonandtarbeforetheNegroeswereputonboard”foravoyagetoCuba.Hefurther“ordredadoubleq‘tyofprovisionsonboard,”beingwillingtoincurextracosttoavoidmortalityamonghischarges.Increasedrations,hehoped,wouldkeepthecaptiveshealthy—oratleastappearingso—untiltheycouldbesold.Unfortunately,theextrafoodprovedlittlecomforttothem,assmallpoxstillbrokeoutaboardtheClarabeforedeparture.44

UponarrivalinSpanishorFrenchAmericanports,captivesintheintercolonialtradefaceddifferentconditionsthanpeopledisembarkinginasecondBritishcolony.Formuchoftheslavetradeera,FrenchandSpanishofficialsdeemedcommercewiththeBritishillegal,somanycaptivesweresmuggledin.Insteadoflandinginabusyentrepôtonabustlingafternoon,manycaptivesreachingFrenchorSpanishterritoryclimbedintoharbordinghiesinthedead(p.66) ofnight.Otherslandedinhiddenbaysinsparselypopulatedareas,awayfromthepryingeyesofofficials.Littleisknownaboutthetransitofthesecontrabandpeoplesfromthewater’sedgeintoFrenchorSpanishcolonialsociety.

ThousandsofothercaptivesenteredSpanishAmericathroughtheproverbialfrontdoor,buttheirexperiencesstilldifferedfromthoseofpeopletransshippedbetweenBritishterritories.DuringtheBritishasiento,sloopsfromBarbadosandJamaicaregularlyferriedcaptivestoSpanishAmericanentrepôtslegally;evenwhenBritishtradersdidnotcontroltheasiento,theyoftencontractedwithforeignholdersofthemonopolyforlegal

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deliveries.BritishsmugglersfromJamaicaandelsewherealsobribedtheirwayintobothFrenchandSpanishterritories,meaningthatcaptivesstillenteredthroughthemainportsinbroaddaylightwhileimperialofficialssimplypretendednottonotice.Despitethepublicarrivalofsuchcaptives,theirexperiencesdifferedfromarrivalsinBritishcolonies,owingtothebureaucratizedsystemofslaveimportationtoSpanishAmericainvolvingaseriesofinspectionsandimprisonments.45

First,ahealthinspectorboardedarrivingvesselstoexamineenslavedpeopleforsignsofcontagiousillness.Ifherecognizedsmallpoxormeaslesamongthecaptives,theyspentweeksinquarantine,usuallylandingafewmilesfromtheporttowntoundergothisholdingperiodonland.Oncegivenacleanbillofhealth,Africanmen,women,andchildrenfiledintotown,likelyboundforamerchant’senclosedcompound.AtthemainportsoftheSpanishslavetrade—Cartagena,Portobelo,andVeracruz—suchfacilitieswerecommonsites,knownas“casasnegrerias,”or“negrories.”Theseprisonspresentedhighwallsforsecurityandofferedlittleshelterfromtheweather.Captivesbidedtheirtime,recuperatingfromtheconvolutedjourney.Manysufferedfromdysentery,fevers,scurvy(especiallyintheseventeenthcentury),yaws,andotherdeleteriouseffectsoflivingonshipsandinprisonsformostofthepastyear.Merchants,andthedoctorstheyhired,tendedtocaptivesregularly,treatingsomeailmentsandmaskingothers,decidingwhowasreadyforsaleandwhoneededmoretimetorecoverfromthejourney.Peterd‘Oyletookthepositionof“surgeon”fortheSouthSeaCompany’sPortobelofactoryin1724,withinstructionsto“VisittheNegroesdailyandtakeParticularCareoftheSicktopreservethemthebestyoucan.”Despitesuchattention,deathswereexpected,asthecompanyalsotoldd‘Oyleto“laybeforetheCouncilaWeekly(p.67) orMonthlyAccount…oftheNegroesandhowmanyhavedied…andofwhatDistempers.”Hesurelyhadmuchtoreport;mortalitywasfrighteninglyhighinthenegroriesofSpanishAmerica.In1725,theSouthSeaCompanyreceivedreportsthat“theNegroryatPortobelo…byReasonofDampness…[was]destructivetotheNegroes.”Somedyingcaptivesapparentlyreceivedvisitsfrompriests,sincetheSouthSeaCompanycomplainedabouttheirHavanaagent’s“beingobligedtoBaptizethenegroesbeforetheydiethattheymaybeburiedintheChurch.”Theservicecostthecompanysevenpesos,whichexecutivesdeemedanexorbitantwasteondyingcommodities.WhetherailingAfricanswelcomedthecomfortofferedbySpanishholymenorvieweditasanotherintrusionwithuncertainramificationsisunknown.46

IfarrivinginSpanishAmericaundertheasientocontract,theenslaved,oncemerchantsdeemedthemreadyforsale,appearedbeforeSpanishcustomsofficialsforyetanotherinspection.Individualsstoodbeforeinspectorsnaked,orperhapswithaloincloth,whilethestrangerslookedthemoverandmeasuredtheirheight.Theinspectorsassessedwhethereachcaptivewouldbecountedasawholepersonorsomefractionthereofforthetraders’quota.Whenfinished,theinspectorsbrandedthenewarrivalsontherightbreastwiththesymbolofacrownovertheletterR,markingthemaslegalentries(andasproperty)intheeyesofthecrown—anotherstepintheprocessofcommodification.Onlyafterthisbureaucraticevaluationcouldtradersofferenslavedpeopleforsale,whichofcoursemeantfurtherinspectionsfromprospectivebuyers.

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RegardlessofwhetheranindividualdepartedBritishterritoryaspartofthehighlyregulatedasientotrade,arrivalinaforeigncolonybroughtanotherchaoticsaleandnewseparationsfromshipmates—although,inSpanishAmerica,enslavedpeopleoftensoldinfairlylargegroupsfirsttomiddlemen.Theseimprisonedtravelersalsoencounterednewforeignlanguagesandperhapsnewforeigncustoms.AfterseveralweeksaboardaBritishvesselandanintervalinaBritishcolonyawaitingtransshipment,someenslavedpeopleprobablyacquiredsomerudimentaryEnglish—atleastthelimitedvocabularyrequiredtoavoidabusebyfollowingsimpleinstructions.TransshipmenttoSpanishorFrenchterritoryforcedcaptivestostartthatadaptiveprocess(p.68) overagain.Inaddition,arrivalinaSpanishorFrenchcolonylikelymeantaCatholicbaptism.47

AnotherpeculiarityoftheslavetradetoSpanishAmericawasthat,formanyAfricanmen,women,andchildren,longandstrenuousjourneysstillawaited.PeoplewholandedinCartagenamarchedhundredsofruggedmilesintothepopuloushighlandstothesouth,forcedtomakethejourneysonfootbecauseSpanishregulationsseverelylimitedrivertraveltocontrolthemovementofspeciewithintheempire.Likewise,peoplesoldinVeracruzmarchedinlandforsaleintheValleyofMexico—ajourneyofabouttwohundredmiles,nottomentionanelevationgainofmorethanseventhousandfeet.Mostdramatically,enslavedpeoplesoldatPortobelofacedoverlandvoyagesacrosstheIsthmusofPanamatothePacific.DespitethedebilitatingjourneyjusttoreachPortobelo,manyintrepidpeopleseizedthemarchacrossPanamaasachancetoflee,eventuallycreatingasizablemarooncommunityinthePanamanianjungle.Themajorityofcaptivescrossingtheisthmus,however,reachedthePacificwiththeircaptorsforyetanotherseavoyage,thistimedowntheSouthAmericancoast.MostwoulddisembarkaftertwoorthreeweeksatCallao,themainportofentryforLima.OthertravelerslandedatTrujillo,farthernorth,tomarchtherestofthewaytoLima,withtraderssellingsomeoftheminsmallertownsalongtheway(Map2).Alltold,theSouthAmericanportionofthevoyagetoPeruprobablyaddedfourorfivemonthstoanAfrican’sjourney,withtheadditionalvoyagesadding10percenttotheriskofmortalityenroutefromAfrica.48

(p.69)

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MAP2 .EntrepôtsandMajorSlaveholdingRegionsofSouthAmerica.Drawnbytheauthor

■OnMay13,1729,360Africanmen,women,andchildrenreachedKingston,Jamaica,havingsurvivedtheAtlanticcrossingaboardtheFrekeGalley.TheirAfricanregionoforiginisunknown.Unlikemostarrivals,thepeoplefromthe(p.70) FrekeGalleywerenotexposedtopublicsalebutratherwereinspectedbyjustonegroupofmen.Probablyunbeknownsttothecaptives,theagentsinchargeoftheirsalesoldthemalltoagroupofJewishmerchantsfromJamaicaandaCubantradervisitingtheisland.ThismercantilecabalplannedtosmuggletheAfricanprisonersintoCubabylandingthematthe“SouthKeys,”sandyshoalsofftheCubancoast.Tothatend,justtwoweeksaftertheenslavedpeoplearrivedinJamaica,theyreturnedtotheharbor.Theircaptorssplitthemintoequalgroupstoboardtwosmallervesselsforthefinalpassage.

OnesloopwascalledRuby.Despitemerchants’describingheras“wellfitted,”shewouldnotgetfar.Shortlyaftercrowdingaboard,theAfricancaptivesheardthreeloudcannonbooms,followedbyamassiveexplosionthatrupturedtheshiparoundthem.“Justas[theRubyhad]hoistedSale,”shehadfiredher“GunsbyWayofSalutingtheTown,”and“aSparkoffiregottintothePowderRoomandinstantlyblewherup.”Theexplosionwassopowerfulthatit“blewsomeoftheMenwhowereAftovertheGaff“—sailorsatthebackoftheshipflewoverasparthatsupportedthetopofthemainsail.Many,crewandcaptivesalike,diedinstantly.Bodieshitthewaterwithfragmentsoftherupturedsloopcrashingdownaroundthem.Meanwhile,themainhuskofthevessel“hoistedupandthenimmediatelysunk.”Captivesandcrewtrappedinthewreckweredraggedtothedeep,butpeopleblownfreefaredlittlebetter.Thoseinshackleshadlittlehopeoftreadingwaterorswimming,andthoseinjuredintheblaststruggledtoclingtofloatingdebris.Miraculously,“13WhiteMenandabout40Negroesweretakenupalive,”havingmanagedtoescapeboththeexplosionanddrowning,buttheywere“inamiserable

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Condition,”many“withtheirLimbssadlybrokenandmaimed.”Alltold,“aboveSixtywhitemenperrish‘dandoutofOnehundredandeightyNegroesnotabovefortyodd[were]Saved.”49

■Byextendingalreadyperilousjourneysintheslavetrade,theintercolonialbranchofthetrafficexposedenslavedAfricanstomyriadrisks.Seatravelcouldbedangerous,sailorsvicious,andindividualswrenchedfromallthatwasfamiliarsubjecttodespair.ThesehazardsplaguedtheAtlanticcrossingas(p.71) well,butanintercolonialjourneyaddedextrahardshipforenslavedpeoplesweptintoafinalpassagebymarketforces.Themostseriousdangerwas,ofcourse,disease.Thecrowdedconditions,exposuretotheelements,andlimitedavailabilityoffreshfoodanddrinkallcombinedtomaketheslavetraderifewithillness,andthepeopleembarkingonintercolonialjourneyshadusuallyonlybeguntorecoverfromtheprivationsoftheAtlanticcrossing.Onebluntmeasureoftheseunhealthyconditionsisdeath.Mortalityratesareundocumentedformostknownintercolonialshipments,butenoughdatasurvivetosuggestbroadpatterns.Of237intercolonialvoyagesforwhichmortalitycanbecomputedfromtraders’reportsorportrecords,89shipments(38percent)sawpeopledie.These237venturescarriedatotalof14,374enslavedpeopleandlost562ofthem,suggestingamortalityrateofjustlessthan4percent.50

ThisestimateoftheproportionofcaptiveswhodiedonintercolonialvoyagesissignificantlylowerthanestimatesfortheAtlanticcrossing,butthatislargelyafunctionoftheshortervoyagesintheintercolonialtraderatherthanhealthierconditions.Scholarsofthetransatlanticportionoftheslavetradepositaveragemortalityofabout12percent—rangingfromabout20percentintheseventeenthcenturydowntojustunder10percentbythelateeighteenthcentury.(Unfortunately,datafortheintercolonialtradedonotallowforasimilarassessmentoftrendsovertime.Mostavailabledataisfromthesecondhalfoftheeighteenthcentury.)Althoughahigherproportionofenslavedpeoplelosttheirlivesaboardtransatlanticvoyages,calculationofarateofmortalityrequiresfactoringinthevariableoftime—conventionally(p.72) calculatedasdeathsperthousandindividualspermonth.Thiscomputationfortheintercolonialtradeshowsahigherrateofmortalitythaninthetransatlantictrade.Captivesenduringfinalpassagesdiedatarateofabout80individualsper1,000permonth.Thatisasignificantlyhigherratethanexperiencedinthetransatlantictrade,whichaveragedabout60fatalitiesper1,000individualspermonth.WhenoneconsidersthatmostcaptivesaboardintercolonialslavershadonlyrecentlysurvivedthedebilitatingMiddlePassage,theincreasedmortalityriskforthenextstageofthejourneycomesaslittlesurprise.51

Mortalitywasnotspreadevenly.Ofthevoyagesforwhichmortalityisknown,morethan60percentexperiencednoneatall.Meanwhile,thedeadliest10percentofvoyagesaccountedformorethantwo-thirdsofthemortalityinthesample.Thisconcentrationofdeathonarelativelysmallnumberofhorrificvoyagesmesheswellwithtrendsinthetransatlantictrade.ScholarsoftheMiddlePassagenoteasimilar“widedistributionofmortalityratesbyvoyage.”Twokeyfactorscausedthistendencyandalmostcertainlyexplainthedeadliestshipmentsintheintercolonialtrafficaswell.First,somevoyages

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languishedatseafordaysorweekslongerthanexpectedduetocalmwinds,stormdamage,orequipmentfailures,leadingtoshortagesoffoodandwater.Suchdelaysandprivationsfostereddiseasessuchasdysenteryandyaws.Outbreaksofhighlycommunicablediseaseswereevenmoreliabletocausehighmortalityvoyages.Ifsmallpoxormeasleserupted,avoyagecouldseedevastatingmortalityamongboththeenslavedandthecrew.InMarch1773,forexample,fortyenslavedpeople—anunusualmixofrecentlyarrivedAfricansandseasonedplantationworkers—departedAntiguaforGeorgiaaboardthebrigAnn.Thepassagedraggedonformorethanamonth,andinthemeantime,“boththeMeaslesandsmallPox”brokeout.Twoofthecaptivesdiedatsea,unceremoniouslytossedoverboard.TheotherssurvivedtoseethewatersoffSavannah,butthegovernmenttherequicklyissueda“proclamation,”orderingthevesselintoquarantineanddemanding“theinoculating[of]theNegroes.”Astradersawaitedpermissiontoselltheirhumancargo,(p.73) thecaptivesstruggledtosurviveinthefloatingpesthouse.“FourorfivemorewitheredtwoorthreedaysaftertheirArrival.”Soonthereafter,adoctorvisitedtoperformtheinoculationsandtooverseethe“attendingandCareofthem.”Severalshipmentsof“Beef…Greensand…Rice”arrived,aswell,butthecarewastoolateformany.Tenpeoplediedduringatwo-monthquarantine.Alltold,onlytwenty-eightofthefortycaptiveswholeftAntiguaeversetfootinSavannah.Suchdeadlyoutbreakswereparticularlylikelyaboardvoyagesinwhichmerchantsshippedtheso-called“refuse”slavestheypurchasedatcheappricesowingtotheirdebilitatedconditionaftertheMiddlePassage.Alreadyailing,suchaffordableenslavedpeoplecarriedgermsintothefinalpassage,whichendangeredtheirownlivesandothersaroundthem.52

Onesoberingaspectoftheintercolonialtrade’shighmortalityisthatmerchantswhoplannedtransshipmentsoftenexaminedpeoplearrivingfromAfricaandpurchasedonlythosewhoseemedhealthyenoughforanothervoyage.In1733,CaptainJohnSheffieldoftheOrangeTreeplannedtobuyslavesinBridgetown,Barbados,foratradingventuretoBoston.ButwhensmallpoxsurfacedamongrecentAfricanarrivalswhomBridgetownmerchantsweretryingtosell,Sheffielddecidedtoforegohisplan.Instead,hesailedtoSpeight’sTown,asmallerportontheisland,toacquiretwentypeopleinbetterhealth.Thankfully,allsurvivedthejourneytoBoston.Evenwhereoutbreaksofsmallpoxdidnotintervene,intercolonialtradersgenerallyselectedAfricans(p.74) fortransshipmentwhoappearedhealthyandavoidedthosewhodidnot.TheSouthSeaCompanyemployedsuchpracticesinJamaica.In1717,forexample,whentheJohnGalleydelivered242men,women,andchildrenfromtheGoldCoast,acompanyfactorplannedtosendthepeopleontoSpanishAmerica,butafterhehad“carefullylookedover[the]Negroes”reportedthathe“shallbeobligedtotakeout32,”whoweretoounhealthy.Likewise,whenBarbadosmerchantsStedeandGascoignetransshippedmostoftheAfricansfromthe“stinkingfouleandnasty”Marigoldin1679,they“tooke7[people]aShoarew‘chwerenotfitttobesentnotbeingabletostand.”Despitebeingsparedtransshipment,allsevenofthesepeoplediedinBarbados.Inotherwords,theabilityoftraderstoscreenforhealthyslavesactuallycurtailedshipboardmortalityonintercolonialvoyagesbyleavingbehindthepeoplemostlikelytodie.AndstillpeoplediedatahigherrateaboardintercolonialslaveshipsthanontheMiddlePassage.Furthermore,comparisoninthe

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intercolonialandtransatlanticslavetradesshouldnotobscurethefactthattheriskofdeathforindividualswascumulative.ThemortalityoftheintercolonialtradewasanaddedrisktotheAfricanpeopleluckyandstrongenoughtosurvivetheAtlanticcrossing.53

Shipboardmortalitytellsonlypartofthestoryofillnessinthetrade.Evencaptiveswhosurvivedwereaffectedbythemortalityaroundthem.Deathsamongshipmatescouldbeheartbreaking,andtheycouldalsobedehumanizingmoments,assailorsdiscardedthedead,unmournedandwithoutritesorceremonies.Survivorscouldalsodisembarkalive—andbecountedassuchinportrecords—butstillbesickfromthejourney.Somewouldrecover,suchasawomanwhodisembarkedinPhiladelphiafromJamaicawith“theyawsuponherw‘chseemsterrible,”butfromwhichsherecovered.Otherscarriedillnessesthatlingeredmoredangerously.OnemansurvivedafinalpassagetoCharleston,butweekslater,hestillappeared“extreamlylowinflesh.”AgirlwhoarrivedinCharlestonlooked“verymeagreandinadangerousway.”Thesemigrantssteppedoffshipsalive,buttheslavetradestillmighthavekilledthem.APhiladelphiamerchantsummedupthisambiguityaroundmortalityintheslavetradeinharrowingtermsbydescribingtwopeoplesenttohimfromSaintCroixas“halfdead”onarrival.Whetherornottheysuccumbed,suchpeoplesufferedgrievously,servingasremindersthatdeathisnottheonlymeasureofhealthrisksorhardship.And,ofcourse,manydiddieafterthevoyageended,soportrecordsoftenfailedtocapturethefullstory(p.75) oftheslavetrade’smortality.WhenVirginiatraderCharlesSteuartreceivedagroupof48captivestransshippedfromBarbadosin1751,alloftheprisonersreachedlandalive,but“oneoftheWomencameashoreverysickandissincedead.”Furthermore,“fouroftherestcomplain‘dalittle,andtwoofthemhadthesamesymptomswithwhattheWomanwastaken…,viz.aswellingabouttheEyes.”Thewomanwasacasualtyoftheslavetrade;whetherhercompanionsrecoveredisunknown.InasalesaccountforagroupofpeopletransshippedfromBarbadostoanunknownlocationin1727,theledgerhadseparaterowstabulatingthosewho“DyedatSea,”totalingfour,andthosewhoperished“AfterLanding,”two.54

Diseasesmighthavebeenthebiggestthreattocaptivesintheintercolonialtrade,butastheexplosionoftheRubyindicates,therewereotherdangers.Seatravelwasfraughtwithperil,andenslavedpeoplefacedalltheusualrisks.AnenslavedmannamedLucy—presumablyborninAmericaorsomewhatacculturated—”wasdrowndedonthepassage”fromSaintCroixtoGeorgiain1773.Thoughthecircumstancesofhisdeathareunclear,merchantsdescribingtheincidenttoLucy’sownerstatedthat,uponinquiry,“itappearedtoustobequiteanAccident.”Whatcompoundedsuchmaritimehazardswasthetreatmentofenslavedpeopleasexpendable,evenifvaluable.In1772,twoenslavedboysshippedfromSaintChristophertotheNorthAmericanmainlandfelttheirvesselcollidewithanotherandsawitquicklyfloodwithwater.Thecaptainoftheirshipescapedbutabandonedtheterrifiedboystodrownwiththesinkingship.Hethenmanifestedhissenseoflossinquantifiabletermsbysuingtheowneroftheothervesselfordamagesresultingfromlostproperty.Applyingthiseconomiclogictothedeathsofpeopleandsuingforreparationsratherthansavinglivesevokestheinfamousintentionaldrowningof

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captivesfromthetransatlanticslaveshipZong.Inthat1781incident,CaptainLukeCollingwoodordered132peoplethrownoverboardbecausetheshipranlowonwaterafteraccidentallysailingpastJamaica.Thecaseeventuallywenttocourt,butnottodeterminewhetherthecrewwasguiltyofmurder.The(p.76) Zong’sownersfiledsuitagainsttheirinsurertodemandcompensationforthepeoplekilledbytheirownemployees.Bothofthesecasesevincetheslavetrade’sdynamicofreducingpeople,asonehistorianoftheZongputsit,“toamonetaryequivalent.”55

EquianocapturedthedangersofseatravelforcaptivesviewedascommoditiesinrecountinghisadventureaboardtheNancy.Heworkedonthesloopasasailor,shortlyafterpurchasinghisownfreedomwithmoneysavedfromprivatetrade.Equianoandhisfellowcrewmenhad“takenseveralslavesonboard”inMontserratand“steeredforGeorgia,”butdisasterstruckastheyworkedtheirwaynorthoutoftheCaribbean.Inthedarkofnight,severalmilesofftheshoreofasmall,uninhabitedislandoftheBahamas,theNancygotcaughtinacalmwindwithacurrentpushingtheslooptowardaclusterofrocksthatbarelybreachedthesurface.Thecrewwashelplesstosteerthevesseltosafetywithoutwind,andthecaptivesintheholdmusthavefeltthejoltastheirprison“struckagainsttherocks.”Watergushedinastherockyshoal“piercedandtransfixed”theNancy(Plate3).AccordingtoEquiano,becausethesloop’sboatdidnothaveenoughroomforbothcrewandcaptives,“thecaptain[WilliamPhillips]immediatelyorderedthehatchestobenaileddownontheslavesinthehold,wheretherewereabovetwenty.”Portrayinghimselfasthehero,Equianorelatedconvincingthecrewthateveryonecouldbesavedbymakingseveraltripsferryingpeoplefromtheimmovableslooptothesmallislandafewmilesoff.RegardlessofwhetherEquianowastrulysoinstrumental,bothcaptivesandcrewappeartohavesurvivedthedisasteraftersufferingseveraldayswithlittlefoodorwateronthedesertedisland.Equiano’sportrayalofCaptainPhillipsnailingshuttheholdpointstoanimportanttruthaboutcaptivityintheslavetrade.Whenproblemsatseaarose—whetherashipwassinkingorprovisionsranshortbecauseastormseveredthemast—enslavedpeoplewereatgreaterriskthananyoneelseaboardship.56

Thisvulnerabilityrandeeperthanexposuretomaritimeaccidents.Captivesinallbranchesoftheslavetradeweresubjecttotradersandcrewsinpositionsofabsoluteauthority,andcaptors’attitudesrangedfromhumanetoindifferenttosadistic.Merchants’economicinterestinkeepingenslaved(p.77)

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PLATE3 .Engravingfromthe1789editionofEquiano’sInterestingNarrative,showingtheintercolonialslaveshipNancywreckedintheBahamas.ImagecourtesyofDocumentingtheAmericanSouth,TheUniversityofNorthCarolinaatChapelHillLibraries

peoplehealthytemperedmistreatmentsbycrewsandtraders,butabusesstilloccurred.Someviolencewassystematic,suchasthebrandingofenslavedpeople,whichwaspracticedbysometraders,governments,andindividualslaveholders.Otherviolencewaslessroutine,andthelineblurredbetweencrews’usingharshmeasurestocontroltheirchargesandsimplytoenjoytheirpower.Equianodescribedoneenslavedmanlocked“inironsforsometriflingmisdemeanor.”CharlestontraderHenryLaurensmightalsohavealludedtoshipboardviolencein1764whenhereportedthearrivalof“twentypoorNewNegroes”totheBarbadosmerchantwhohadsentthem.“OneManwasmaim‘dbyaShotinhisancle,”Laurenswrote.Theinjurymighthaveprecededtheintercolonialvoyage,butifso,Laurenshadlittlereasontoinformtheletter’srecipientofthecondition,unlesshewasjustcomplainingaboutthehumanmerchandisehewasbeingaskedtosell.AsimilarhintofabusecametoPhiladelphiatraderThomasRichewhenhereceivedwordthatanAfricanmanhehadtransshippedtoNorthCarolinahadsuffered“muchdamagebyfallinginthefire”beforehecouldbesold.Richerelayedtheincidentwithavagueconnectionimpliedbetweentheinjuryandareportthemanwas“SubjecttoFitts,”buthowheactuallyfellinthefirewentunstated.Sinceasailor(p.78) oroverseerwouldhavelittlereasontoacknowledgethathiscorrectionsorabusesdamagedavaluablehumancommodity,theinjuriesinflicteduponenslavedpeopleareoftenshroudedinhistoricalrecords.57

Otherviolenceagainstenslavedpeoplehadnoconnectiontomerchants’andsailors’needtoimposeorder.Sexualabuseintheslavetradewasaclearexpressionofenslavedpeople’svulnerabilitytothewhimsofcaptorsandofthecaptors’revelingintheirownempowerment.Describinghisyearsasasailoraboardintercolonialslaveshipsandoverseeingcaptivesatthemerchant’shousewhileawaitingtransshipment,EquianoinsistedthattherapeofAfricanwomenandgirlswascommonplace.“Itwasalmostaconstantpracticewithourclerks,andotherwhites,”Equianocharged,

tocommitviolentdepredationsonthechastityofthefemaleslaves;andtheseI

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was,thoughwithreluctance,obligedtosubmittoatalltimes,beingunabletohelpthem.Whenwehavehadsomeoftheseslavesonboardmymaster’svesselstocarrythemtootherislands,ortoAmerica,Ihaveknownourmatestocommittheseactsmostshamefully,tothedisgrace,notofChristiansonly,butofmen.Ihaveevenknownthemtogratifytheirbrutalpassionwithfemalesnottenyearsold;andtheseabominationssomeofthempractisedtosuchscandalousexcess,thatoneofourcaptainsdischargedthemateandothersonthataccount.

Equiano’sabolitionistmotivescallforsomecircumspection,buthisdepictionofsexualabuseascommonplaceandacceptedreceivessomewhatveiledcorroborationinthecorrespondenceoftraderHenryLaurens.InDecember1764,LaurensreportedtoBarbadosmerchantsJohnandThomasTippingonthesaleof“threepoorwretchedhumancreatures”whomtheTippingshadtransshippedtoCharlestonaboardtheAustin,skipperedbyMatthiasHolme.Despitethebeleagueredconditionofthesepeopleandthedeathofafourthman“onthepassage,”Laurenssoldthesurvivorsprofitably,lamentingthatmuchmoremoneycouldhavebeenmadeiftheTippingshadventuredtosend“fourscoreoranhundredprimeNegroes.”Suchaventurewouldhavereapedgreatrewards,Laurensadded,“especiallyifyouhadavail‘dyourselvesofthat(p.79) SkillwhichyouthinksopeculiartoCapt.HolmeinthechoiceofFemales.”Holme’ssexualinterestinfemaleslaveswasinsinuatedbyhisresponsetothissuggestion,asdescribedbyLaurens:“Hesmilesatthis,andsaysyouwouldnottrusthimwithacommodityworthhiscare.”Whetherornotthisaccountalludestosexualdominationofenslavedwomen,giventheregularsexualexploitationonslaveplantationsandthesexualbravadoofnineteenth-centuryAmericanslavetraders,Equiano’sallegationofsimilarabusesintheintercolonialtradeiscredible.58

Equiano’spresenceasadissentingvoice,howevermuted,bearingwitnesstorapesandabusesintheslavetradeconnotestheelementofchanceinthetreatmentenslavedpeoplereceived.Dependingonwhichvesselonetraveledaboard—andunderwhatcrew—conditionscouldvaryconsiderably.SometimesthepresenceofAfrican(orAfricanAmerican)sailors,suchasEquiano,inthecrewofaslaveshipmighthavehelpedsomecaptivessecureslightlymorehumanetreatment.SailorsofAfricandescent,slaveorfree,werecertainlynotrareintheeighteenth-centuryBritishAtlantic.Infact,atleastonemanofAfricandescentcaptainedanintercolonialslaver.In1784,whenthesloopPelicanclearedSaintGeorge‘s,Grenada,boundforSaintMartinwithfifteen“NewNegroes,”anavalofficerdocumentingthedeparturelistedthecaptainas“Maglois,freenegroe.”Maglois’sroleintheslavetraderaisesquestionsaboutidentityintheeraoftheintercolonialslavetrade.DidMagloisharborabolitionistsympathies,likeEquiano,butfollowordersfromtheownerofhisvesseltocarryslavesinordertoearnhisliving?OrdidMaglois,asafreemanwhohadrisentosomestandingincolonialsociety,simplynotidentifywithenslavedpeople?Self-interest,opportunism,humanity,orethnicidentificationcoulddeterminetheattitudesofMagloisandotherpeopleinsimilar(p.80)circumstances.ThepresenceofacaptainorcrewmemberofAfricandescentonanintercolonialslaveshipwasnoguaranteeofkindtreatmentforcaptivevoyagers.Nonetheless,somesailorsofcolorharboredantislaverysympathiesandmighthavehad

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anamelioratingeffect.59

Consideringtherampantabuses,direillnesses,andtraumaticdislocationsoftheslavetrade,somecaptivemenandwomensoughtescapethroughsuicide.Equianorecalledonemanwho,afterfacingabusefromthesailors,grew

wearyoflife,[and]tookanopportunityofjumpingoverboardintothesea;however,hewaspickedupwithoutbeingdrowned.Another,whoselifewasalsoaburdentohim,resolvedtostarvehimselftodeath,andrefusedtoeatanyvictuals;thisprocuredhimasevereflogging;andhealso,onthefirstoccasionwhichoffered,jumpedoverboardatCharlesTown,butwassaved.

Althoughaminorcontributortooverallmortalityintheforcedmigration,suicide,justasinthetransatlanticbranchofthetrade,offeredenslavedpeopleanextremeoptionfordefyingtheircommodificationandoppression.Italsoservesasadramaticexpressionofthehopelessnessthatmanyenslavedpeoplefelt.Suchtraumas,however,couldalsoforgestrongbondsamongsurvivors.60

Captivesintheintercolonialtradefoundpreciousfewopportunitiestoresisttheirenslavement—atleastovertly.OnlyoneknownrevoltoccurredaboardaBritishintercolonialslaveship.Thislackofopenrebellionisa(p.81) markedcontrasttothetransatlanticbranchoftheslavetrade,inwhichabout10percentofvesselssawanuprisingoftheenslaved,mostofwhichmetbrutalrepression.Atfirstglance,thelackofcomparablerebellionaboardintercolonialslaversseemssurprising,especiallygiventhesmallercrewsoverseeingcaptives,butthelackofforcefulresistanceinthefinalpassagebecomeslesssurprisingwhenoneconsidersthecaptives’situation.Weakenedbymonthsofuncomfortableandunsanitaryconditions,bewilderedanddisheartenedbyaconvolutedjourneythathadcarriedthemthousandsofmilesfromhome,andfacedbyguntotingoverseers,enslavedmenandwomenmusthavefounddauntingtheprospectoforganizingasuccessfulrevoltonceembarkedintheintercolonialtrade.WithoutknowledgeofAmericangeographyortheskillstomaneuverasailingship,envisioningasuccessfuloutcome—evenifthecaptivesmanagedtooverpowertheircaptors—musthavebeendifficult.Forpreciselythisreason,revoltsinthetransatlanticslavetradeusuallyoccurredwhileavesselremainedinsightoftheAfricancoast.Atthatstageofthejourney,captivessufferedlessillnessandfatigueandsawbetteroddsofreturninghome(orsomeplacehabitable)ifrebellionledtoescape.Tellingly,theoneknowncaseofviolentresistanceintheintercolonialtradedidnotinvolvedebilitatedanddisconcertedrecentsurvivorsoftheMiddlePassagebutratherasolitaryenslavedmanfromSpanishAmericaonashiphailingfromBermuda.Hehadenduredmuchlesstravelandpresumablybetterunderstoodhiscircumstances.Hekilledseveralwhitesailors,includingthecaptainofthevessel,beforetwoenslavedBermudiansailorsworkingonboardkilledhim.61

ThefamouscaseofrevoltaboardtheschoonerAmistadin1839offersaninstructiveexceptiontothelackofviolentrebellionsonthefinalpassage.TheAmistadwasneitheraBritishvesselnorsailingfromaBritishport,and,infact,theinsurrectionoccurredafter

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BritishandU.S.abolitionoftheslavetrade.Nonetheless,thecontrastofthispartlysuccessfulrevoltwiththelackof(p.82) rebellionsintheBritishintercolonialtradeisrevealing.InJune1839,theAmistaddepartedHavana,Cuba,carrying53enslavedmen,women,andchildrenfromtheMendecountry—inmodernSierraLeone—whohaddisembarkedfromtheAtlanticcrossingabouttendaysearlier.TheywereheadedtothesmallerCubanportofPuertoPríncipe(nowCamagüey),typicallyaboutthreedays’sailaway.Theschoonerhadasmallcrew—acaptain,acook,acabinboy,andtwosailors.Inaddition,thetwotraderswhohadpurchasedtheMendepeoplerodeaspassengers.Onthethirddayofthevoyage,delayedbycontrarywinds,theSpanishcook,Celestino,tauntedthecaptivesthattheywouldbecookedandeatenwhentheyarrived.Hisjestwasahugemistake.

BelievingCelestino’sthreat,theAfricans—ledbythecharismaticSengbePieh,calledCinquébytheSpanish—decidedtheywouldratherdiefightingthansuffercannibalism.Thatnighttheymanagedtobreaklooseoftheirbondstoriseupagainsttheircaptors.Inthefighting,theMendeskilledthecaptainandCelestino,whereastheSpanishkilledtwooftherebels.ThetwoSpanishseamenescapedtheAmistadintheschooner’sboat,leavingonlytheslaves’formerownersandthecabinboyincaptivityaboardthevessel.TheMenderebelssparedtheirlivestohavethemsailforAfrica.

Duringtheday,formerslaveholdersPedroMontesandJoseRuizcomplied,sailingthevesseleast,towardAfrica.Atnight,however,theydupedtheircaptives-turned-captorsbyturningthevesseltothenorthandwest.TheAmistadmeanderedaboutfordaysandranoutofprovisions.EightoftheselfliberatedpeoplediedbeforetheU.S.brigWashingtonrescuedtheremainder,guidingtheAmistadtoNewYork.AfteralengthyanddramaticseriesofcourtcaseseventuallyreachingtheSupremeCourt,theUnitedStatesgovernmentaffirmedthefreedomofthesurvivingMenderebelsandsentthemtoSierraLeone.Forsomeofthecaptives,atleast,rebellionledtoescape.62

Despitethissuccess,theinabilityoftheMendepeopletosailtheAmistadtoAfricaoncetheyhadseizedcontrolrevealsoneoftheenormousobstaclestorebellionthatAfricansfacedintheintercolonialtrade.Enslavedpeoplewhocommandeeredashiptheycouldnotsailindangerousseasnearforeignlandsputthemselvesinaveryprecariousposition.Furthermore,in1839,therebelsaboardtheAmistadenjoyedanadvantagethatearliercaptivesdidnot.(p.83) BecausetheslavetradetotheUnitedStateswasillegalafter1807,theMendemen,women,andchildrenfromtheAmistadeventuallygainedtheirfreedomthroughtheAmericancourts—andeventhen,thedecisionwasfiercelycontested.EarlierrebelswouldhavefoundnosuchassistanceanywhereintheAmericas,exceptperhapsinHaitiafteritsindependence.IftherevoltontheAmistadhadoccurredbefore1807,therebelswouldonlyhavemanagedtotransferthemselvesintoenslavementinNorthAmerica.ItiswellworthnotingthatthecaptivesontheAmistadonlymutiniedoncetheybecameconvincedthatitwastheirlasthopeofavoidingcannibalization.Mostcaptives,havingsufferedmonthsofcaptivityanddislocation,bidedtheirtime.

Undoubtedly,Africanmigrantsresentedcaptivityandlongedforescape,sothelackof

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shipboardrebellionsoffersawindowontheirphysicalandmentalconditionbythetimetheyembarkedonfinalpassages.Wearyfrommonthsofforcedmigrationinhorridconditions,theprisonersintheintercolonialslavetradewerecautiousoftheirforeignsurroundingsandcaptors.Thecaptives’decliningrebelliousnesswithdistancefromAfricasuggeststhattheyfounditincreasinglydifficulttoenvisionsuccessfulrevoltsastheyprogressedthroughtheslavetrade.Thisisnottosuggestthatcaptiveswerepsychologicallydefeatedbuttohighlighttheadversity.Disorientedbyforeigngeography,languages,andcustoms,unfamiliarwiththeoperationoflargesailingvessels,andexhaustedorillfrommonthsofgruelingtravel,mostcaptivesintheintercolonialslavetraderesignedthemselvestoawaitingbetteropportunitiestoresistenslavementonland.Suchopportunitieswouldberareattheirfinaldestinations,butthedeterminedwouldfindthem.

■ThefinalpassagesthatmanyAfricansenduredaftertheirjourneysacrosstheAtlanticaddedconsiderablehardship.Experiencesvariedwidely,dependingonwhereanindividualwasheaded,onthesizeoftheshipment,andonanindividual’sgender,ethnicity,age,andstateofhealth.ButforallAfricanstransshippedaftertheirarrivalinBritishAmerica,thefinalpassagemeantanotherlengthyslogafteranalreadyexhaustingAtlanticvoyage.Thefurthertimeintransitincreasedthelikelihoodofillnessanddeath.Transshipmentalsocausedseparationsfromcountrymenandcompanions.Perhapsmostimportant,theexperienceoftransshipmentandresaleinAmericamusthaveinculcatedpeoplewiththeirnewstatus.AfricanspurchasedbymerchantsaftertheMiddlePassageexperiencedsequentialcyclesofbeingboughtandsold,sweepingthemintocommodityflowsalongsidetradegoodslikesugar,rum,drygoods,andnavalstores.Peoplewhohadthechancetorecordtheirstories(p.84) ofenduringslaveryoftenfixatedontheauctionblock—ontheexperienceofbeingpurchased,ofhavingapricefortheirworthpubliclynegotiated—asadefiningmoment.Slavesintheintercolonialslavetradeconfrontedthiscommodificationrepeatedly.Theyneveracceptedtheirstatusasproperty,buttheexperienceconveyedtheirnewsociety’sviewofthemaschattels.63

Notes:

(1).AlexHaley,Roots(GardenCity,N.Y.,1976),192–201.Tellingly,themostfamouspopularportrayaloftheslavetradeinthelasttwentyyears—StevenSpielberg’sAmistad—takeseventsthatactuallyoccurredaboardanintercolonialslaverandsetsthemaboardatransatlanticvesseltoavoidconfusinganaudiencefamiliaronlywithslaveshipscrossingtheAtlantic.SeeDavidFranzoni,Amistad,directedbyStevenSpielberg(UniversalCity,Calif.,1997).ForrichhistoricalaccountsthatfocusoncaptiveexperiencesoftheMiddlePassagebutthatendthejourneysatafirstAmericanport,seeMarcusRediker,TheSlaveShip:AHumanHistory(NewYork,2007);StephanieE.Smallwood,SaltwaterSlavery:AMiddlePassagefromAfricatoAmericanDiaspora(Cambridge,Mass.,2007).

(2).Onthelimitedgeographicandtemporalscopeoftheliteraturegeneratedbysurvivorsoftheslavetrade,seeMoiraFerguson,“TheLiteratureofSlaveryandAbolition,”inF.AbiolaIreleandSimonGikandi,eds.,TheCambridgeHistoryofAfrican

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andCaribbeanLiterature,I(NewYork,2004),238–254.

(3).“AbduhlRah[h]ahman’sHistory,”inJohnW.Blassingame,ed.,SlaveTestimony:TwoCenturiesofLetters,Speeches,Interviews,andAutobiographies(BatonRouge,1977),684–685,esp.685;“ANarrativeoftheMostRemarkableParticularsintheLifeofJamesAlbertUkawsawGronniosaw,anAfricanPrince,asRelatedbyHimself(1772),”rpt.inWilliamL.AndrewsandHenryLouisGates,Jr.,eds.,SlaveNarratives(NewYork,2002),12.KatherineFaullEzedescribesanother,similaraccountleftbyamanknownasAndrewtheMoor,orOfodobendaWooma,whodidnotofferanydetailsabouthisvoyagesintheslavetradebutwhonotedcrossingtheAtlantictoAntiguafollowedbyasubsequentsaleinNewYork;seeEze,“Self-Encounters:TwoEighteenth-CenturyAfricanMemoirsfromMoravianBethlehem,”inDavidMcBride,LeroyHopkins,andC.AishaBlackshire-Belay,eds.,Crosscurrents:AfricanAmericans,Africa,andGermanyintheModernWorld(Columbia,S.C.,1998),29–52.

(4).VincentCarretta,whouncoveredthedocumentssuggestingEquiano’sAmericanbirth,describesthe“circumstantialevidencethatEquianowas…AfricanAmericanbybirth”as“compellingbutnotabsolutelyconclusive.”SeeCarretta,Equiano,theAfrican:BiographyofaSelf-MadeMan(Athens,Ga.,2005),xvi,3–5.FortreatmentssuggestingthatEquianowrotesomethingofafictionforabolitionistpurposes,seeS.E.Ogude,“FactsintoFiction:Equiano’sNarrativeReconsidered,”ResearchinAfricanLiteratures,XIII(1982),31–43;FrankKelleter,“EthnicSelfDramatizationandTechnologiesofTravelinTheInterestingNarrativeoftheLifeofOlaudahEquiano,orGustavusVassa,theAfrican,WrittenbyHimself(1789),”EarlyAmericanLiterature,XXXIX(2004),67–84.

(5).ApersuasiveargumentforEquiano’sAfricanbirthbasedonhisknowledgeofIgbocultureappearsinPaulE.Lovejoy,“AutobiographyandMemory:GustavusVassa,aliasOlaudahEquiano,theAfrican,”SlaveryandAbolition,XXVII(2006),317–347.ForasimilarargumentbasedonEquiano’ssensitivitytotheadaptationofanindividual’sidentityasheorshemovedfromtheBiafraninteriorintothediaspora,seeAlexanderX.Byrd,“Eboe,Country,Nation,andGustavusVassa’sInterestingNarrative,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly,3dSer.,LXIII(2006),142–144.“Biographyofapeople”:Carretta,Equiano,theAfrican,7.“Compositeoftheactualmemoryofothers”:G.MichelleCollins-Sibley,“WhoCanSpeak?AuthorityandAuthenticityinOlaudahEquianoandPhillisWheatley,”JournalofColonialismandColonialHistory,V,no.3(Winter2004),6.Forathoughtfulreflectionontheimportanceofmakingthemostof“voicesofblacksfromthatera[which]aresofewandsofaint,”seeAnnetteGordon-Reed,ThomasJeffersonandSallyHemings:AnAmericanControversy(Charlottesville,Va.,1997),227.

(6).Carretta,whodiscoveredtheevidencethatEquianomighthavebeenborninAmericaratherthanAfrica,nonethelessargues,“OnceEquianoenteredtheliteratesocietyoftheRoyalNavyhisaccountofhissubsequentlifeisremarkablyconsistentwiththehistoricalrecord”(Equiano,theAfrican,xvi,3–5).MyworksuggeststhatEquiano’srecordofconsistencyextendsbackintohisenslavedlifeonmerchantvessels.Forexample,EquianostatesthathewasownedforseveralyearsbyaMontserratmerchantnamedRobertKingandthatheworkedaboardKing’svesselPrudencein1765,undera

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CaptainFarmer,whenthevesseltransshippedAfricansfromMontserrattoCharleston(“TheInterestingNarrativeoftheLifeofOlaudahEquiano,orGustavusVassa,theAfrican,WrittenbyHimself,”inVincentCarretta,ed.,TheInterestingNarrativeandOtherWritings[NewYork,2003],99–101[hereaftercitedasEquiano,InterestingNarrative]).SouthCarolinaportanddutyrecordscorroboratethisaccount,notingthearrivalofasloopPrudence,underCaptainThomasFarmer,ownedbyRobertKing,deliveringseventyenslavedAfricansfromMontserratinFebruary1765;see“NegroesImportedintoSouthCarolina,1765,”inElizabethDonnan,ed.,DocumentsIllustrativeoftheHistoryoftheSlaveTradetoAmerica,4vols.(Washington,D.C.,1930–1935),IV,411;RecordsofthePublicTreasurersofSouthCarolina,1725–1776(Columbia,S.C.,1969),reel2,420(microfilm)

(7).RichardLigon,ATrueandExactHistoryoftheIslandofBarbados(London,1657),21.Forasamplequarantinelaw,seeCharleston’s(designedtostopthespreadof“ContagiousorMalignantDistempers”),passedin1744(“ActforEstablishingQuarantine,1744,”inDonnan,ed.,Documents,IV,298–300,esp.298).Intheearlyeighteenthcentury,Jamaicarequiredaquarantineperiodofeightdays;seeColinPalmer,HumanCargoes:TheBritishSlaveTradetoSpanishAmerica,1700–1739(Urbana,Ill.,1981),113.In1789,JamaicanportofficialStephenFullerestimated“onanaverage,fifteendaysbetweenthedaysofreports[ofvessels’arrivalinport]andthedaysofthesales”oftheslavesimported,presumablyowingtoquarantine;seeFuller,NotesontheTwoReportsfromtheCommitteeoftheHonourableHouseofAssemblyofJamaica…(London,1789),38.GovernorJamesWrightofGeorgiarecommendedtheconstructionofafacilityatSavannahforthequarantineofarrivingslavesin1766,butitisunclearwhetherthepolicywaseverenacted;seeDaroldD.Wax,“‘NewNegroesAreAlwaysinDemand’:TheSlaveTradeinEighteenth-CenturyGeorgia,”GeorgiaHistoricalQuarterly,LXVIII(1984),204–206.

(8).JohnGuerardtoWilliamJolliff,May4,1752,JohnGuerardLetterBook,1752–1754,34/0321OvrSz,fols.22–23,SouthCarolinaHistoricalSociety,Charleston;RobertBisset,TheHistoryoftheNegroSlaveTrade,inItsConnectionwiththeCommerceandProsperityoftheWestIndies,andtheWealthandPoweroftheBritishEmpire,2vols.(London,1805),I,79(inthesamepassage,BissetalsonotesthatarrivingAfricans“meetwiththeircountrymen”alreadylivinginthecolony);Equiano,InterestingNarrative,60–61.SmallwoodemphasizesthatmerchantsgavearrivingAfricansabundantfreshfoodandwatertoimprovetheirappearanceformarket(SaltwaterSlavery,158–160).

(9).AdditionalManuscripts,12432,fol.51,BritishLibrary,London(hereaftercitedasBL,Add.MSS);Equiano,InterestingNarrative,62(ifEquianofabricatedhisownexperienceofbeingtradedinthisway,hisdutiesinlateryearsincludedhaving“differentcargoesofnewnegroesin[his]careforsale,”sohehadoftenobservedtheconditionsarrivingAfricansfacedbeforesaleortransshipment[104]);DirectorsoftheSouthSeaCompanytoRigbyandPratter,Apr.21,1725,inSouthSeaCompanyRecords,1711–1846,microfilm,Add.MSS,25564,215,MiltonS.EisenhowerLibrary,JohnsHopkinsUniversity,Baltimore,Md.(hereaftercitedasSSCRecords);“TheCaseofMr.Smith

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KellyDeputytoJohnMournsteven[?]Esq‘rProvostMarshallGenerallofJamaica,”CO1/65,fols.380–382,NationalArchives,Kew;ThomasClarkson,TheSubstanceoftheEvidenceofSundryPersonsontheSlave-Trade,CollectedintheCourseofaTourMadeintheAutumnoftheYear1788(London,1789),41(ColinPalmeralsonotes“rudelyconstructedhousesandhuts”withinthepens[HumanCargoes,61]);TheJournalofNicholasCresswell,1774–1777(NewYork,1928),35–36.FormerchantpropertiesaccommodatingslavesinSpanishAmericancities,seeDavidL.Chandler,“HealthConditionsintheSlaveTradeofColonialNewGranada,”inRobertBrentToplin,ed.,SlaveryandRaceRelationsinLatinAmerica(Westport,Conn.,1974),58–59,65–66.

(10).JohnJonestoIsaacHobhouse,Kingston,Mar.2,1728,XIII,fol.129,JeffriesCollection,BristolCentralLibrary,Bristol,U.K.(hereaftercitedasJeffriesColl.);Equiano,InterestingNarrative,205.

(11).JournalofNicholasCresswell,36;Clarkson,EvidenceontheSlave-Trade,45.SmallwoodemphasizesthatsurvivorsoftheAtlanticcrossingreachedAmericanportsexhausted,depressed,andill(SaltwaterSlavery,60,157–162,178–179).“Verycleanandblack”:HouseofCommonsofGreatBritain,AbridgmentoftheMinutesoftheEvidence,TakenbeforeaCommitteeoftheWholeHouse,toWhomItWasReferredtoConsideroftheSlave-Trade,4vols.(London,1789–1791),IV,38–50,esp.48.Formoreonthediseasestypicallyafflictingcaptivesintheslavetrade,seeRichardB.Sheridan,DoctorsandSlaves:AMedicalandDemographicHistoryofSlaveryintheBritishWestIndies,1680–1834(NewYork,1985),113–120.

(12).HouseofCommons,EvidenceoftheSlave-Trade,IV,47,143.Equianoalsorecalled,“Soonafterwewerelanded[butbeforethesale],therecametousAfricansofalllanguages”(InterestingNarrative,60).

(13).HouseofCommons,EvidenceoftheSlave-Trade,IV,143.

(14).Equiano,InterestingNarrative,62.JeromeS.HandleridentifiedandanalyzedthefourteenAfricanaccountsoftheslavetradetoBritishAmerica(Handler,“SurvivorsoftheMiddlePassage:LifeHistoriesofEnslavedAfricansinBritishAmerica,”SlaveryandAbolition,XXIII,no.1[April2002],27).Allthesenarrativeswereconsultedforthepresentwork,butmostprovidelittledetailontransatlanticorintra-Americanjourneys.HardTimes:CO33/19,fol.54,106/2,fols.10,15.Forthesecaptives’transatlanticvesselEndeavour,seeVoyages,accessedJuly2011,VoyageIDno.81279.Knight:CO33/20,fol.22a;Voyages,accessedJuly2011,VoyageIDno.82204.Escape:CO290/1,fol.21;forthesecaptives’transatlanticjourneyontheNanny,seeVoyages,accessedJuly2011,VoyageIDno.82870.

(15).SSCinstructionsforDudleyWoodbridge,Jan.17,1718,SSCRecords,Add.MSS,25563,236;SSCtoRigbyandPratter,Nov.12,1724,ibid.,25564,136–137.

(16).SSCtoRigbyandPratter,Apr.21,1725,ibid.,25564,215;ThomasLeylandtoCaptainCharlesWilson,Liverpool,Dec.9,1786,LetterBookofThomasLeyland,387MD

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59,199,LiverpoolRecordOffice,U.K.Forthe1785voyageoftheEnterprizefromBonny,ontheBightofBiafra,toDominica,seeVoyages,accessedJuly2011,VoyageIDno.81287.

(17).“TheCaseoftheAfrica,”Mar.27,1769,inDonnan,ed.,Documents,II,533–536.FormoreontheAfrica,seeVoyages,accessedJuly2011,VoyageIDno.75031.

(18).TyndallandAsshetontoIsaacHobhouse,Jamaica,Mar.13,1729,JeffriesColl.,XIII,fol.96.“Pappaw,”oftenspelled“papaw,”wasan“ethnic”designationthatBritishtradersusedforsomeslavesfromtheGoldCoastregion.TyndallandAsshetonlaterclarifiedthecompany’sethnicpreferencesevenfurther,stating,“TheypreferAngolastoCallibarrsbutPappawsbeforeany”(fol.117).Thirtyyearsearlier,theownersoftheslaveshipBlessingalsonotedthepreferenceforAngolansinthetransshipmenttradetoSpanishAmerica,advisingthecaptaintosellhisslavesintheeasternCaribbeanunlessheendedupacquiringtheslavesinAngola,inwhichcaseheshouldproceeddirectlytoJamaicatoselltheslavestotransshipmenttraders.SeeownersoftheBlessingtoThomasBrownbill,Oct.10,1700,NorrisPapers,II,920NOR2,fol.179,LiverpoolRecordOffice.

(19).Equiano,InterestingNarrative,62;Clarkson,EvidenceontheSlave-Trade,88.

(20).OnthejourneyoftheRobinJohns,seeRandyJ.Sparks,TheTwoPrincesofCalabar:AnEighteenth-CenturyAtlanticOdyssey(Cambridge,Mass.,2004).

(21).Clarkson,EvidenceontheSlave-Trade,15,23;HouseofCommons,EvidenceoftheSlaveTrade,III,51–52,58.FormoreexamplesoffamiliescrossingtheAtlantictogether,seeAudraA.Diptee,“AfricanChildrenintheBritishSlaveTradeduringtheLateEighteenthCentury,”SlaveryandAbolition,XXVII(2006),189–190.

(22).OntheforgingofIgboethnicityduringtheslavetradejourney,seeAlexanderX.Byrd,CaptivesandVoyagers:BlackMigrantsacrosstheEighteenth-CenturyBritishAtlanticWorld(BatonRouge,2008),chaps.1,2.Ontheimportanceofshipmatebonds,seeSmallwood,SaltwaterSlavery,189–190,196,203–205;VincentBrown,TheReaper’sGarden:DeathandPowerintheWorldofAtlanticSlavery(Cambridge,Mass.,2008),44–46(BrownnotesdispersalwithinJamaicaasathreattoarrivingAfricans’familyandshipmatebondsbutdoesnotmentiontheaddeddangerofdispersalbeyondtheisland[49]);OrlandoPatterson,TheSociologyofSlavery:AnAnalysisoftheOrigins,Development,andStructureofNegroSlaveSocietyinJamaica(Rutherford,N.J.,1969),150;MichaelCraton,Empire,Enslavement,andFreedomintheCaribbean(Princeton,N.J.,1997),154;PhilipD.Curtin,TwoJamaicas:TheRoleofIdeasinaTropicalColony,1830–1865(Cambridge,Mass.,1955),23;MichaelA.Gomez,ExchangingOurCountryMarks:TheTransformationofAfricanIdentitiesintheColonialandAntebellumSouth(ChapelHill,N.C.,1998),165–166.

(23).Smallwood,SaltwaterSlavery,121;Clarkson,EvidenceontheSlave-Trade,16;HouseofCommons,EvidenceoftheSlave-Trade,IV,28(seealso12,124–125,127);HenryLaurenstoEliasBall,Apr.1,1765,inPhilipM.Hameretal.,eds.,ThePapersof

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HenryLaurens,16vols.(Columbia,S.C.,1968–2002)(hereaftercitedasLaurensPapers),IV,595.LaurensistheonlymerchantIhavedocumentedexpressingconcernaboutpreservingAfricans’familiesinprivatecorrespondence,butwhentestifyinginpublichearingsaboutthemoralityoftheslavetrade,manypeopleclaimedtohavepreservedfamilies;seeHouseofCommons,EvidenceoftheSlave-Trade,II,117,131.ByrddescribestheslavetradewithinAfricaasinvolving“serialdisplacement”forcaptives,andtheconceptcanalsobeappliedacrosstheAtlantic(CaptivesandVoyagers,17).

(24).“TheInterestingNarrativeoftheLifeofOlaudahEquiano,orGustavusVassa,theAfrican(1789),”inAndrewsandGates,eds.,SlaveNarratives,126(thisversionisbasedonadifferenteighteenth-centuryeditionofEquiano’stextthantheonecitedelsewhereinthepresentwork;allothercitationsrefertoCarretta’s2003edition).Insomeeditions,thispassagereferredexplicitlytoAmerican-bornslavesaswellasrecentarrivals:“Atorafterasale,even[of]thosenegroesbornintheislands,itisnotuncommontosee[them]takenfromtheirwives”;seeEquiano,InterestingNarrative,110.On‘Sibell,seeSmallwood,SaltwaterSlavery,204.SmallwoodshowsthatmostarrivingAfricanswerepassiveduringsale,owingtofatigue,illness,anddepression(ibid.,179).SuchreticencecontrastswithAmerican-bornslaves,whomadeemotionalorstrategicappealsduringsales.Forinstance,aGermantravelerin1784describedanAmerican-born,orcreolized,fatherinNorthCarolinaimploringacrowd,“Whobuysmemustbuymysontoo.”SeeJohannDavidSchoepf,TravelsintheConfederation(1783–1784),ed.andtrans.AlfredJ.Morrison,2vols.(Philadelphia,1911),II,148;seealsoBradfordJ.Wood,ThisRemotePartoftheWorld:RegionalFormationinLowerCapeFear,NorthCarolina,1725–1775(Columbia,S.C.,2004),100–101.In1859,anenslavedmanpointedouthiswife’sstrongarmsandhealthyteethfromtheauctionblock,encouragingabuyerthathe“betterbuyus”togetherandadding,“We‘mfus’ratebargain.”QuotedinDainaRameyBerry,“‘We‘mFus’RateBargain’:Value,Labor,andPriceinaGeorgiaSlaveCommunity,”inWalterJohnson,ed.,TheChattelPrinciple:InternalSlaveTradesintheAmericas(NewHaven,Conn.,2004),55.SeealsoWalterJohnson,SoulbySoul:LifeInsidetheAntebellumSlaveMarket(Cambridge,Mass.,1999),esp.chap.6.

(25).ThisaccountofthecaptivesaboardtheMarsisdrawnfromtheNavalOfficeShippingListsforJamaica,CO142/19,fol.19;andfromthelettersofSavannahmerchantJosephClayinthreecollectionsattheGeorgiaHistoricalSociety,Savannah:ClayandTelfairtoDanielBordeaux,July19,1784,Clay,Telfair,andCo.LetterBook,3vols.(unpaginated),I;Clay,Telfair,andCo.toRoebuckandMerckle,Feb.14,1784,ibid.;ClaytoThomasWallaceandJosephDonaldson,Apr.22,1784,inJosephClayPapers,5vols.,III,318–320.Forthecompletionofsalesofthisgroupofcaptives,seeClay,Telfair,andCo.toJohnCoppellsandWilliamCoppells,August1784,Clay,Telfair,andCo.LetterBook,I.Foraveragevesseltonnagesinthetransatlanticslavetrade,seevesselslistedonVoyages,accessedJuly2011,http://slavevoyages.org/tast/database/search.faces?yearFrom=1514&yearTo=1866.

(26).LaurenstoJohnKnight,Dec.31,1756,inLaurensPapers,II,389.Theaveragenumberofenslavedpeoplewascalculatedfrom2,985knownvoyagesbetweenBritish

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colonies(orU.S.states)forwhichthenumberofcaptivescarriedwasrecorded.

(27).Bythenineteenthcentury,sloopsandschoonerswithmorethantwomastswerecommon,butineighteenth-centuryusage,asloopwasasinglemastedvessel(riggedfore-and-aft)andschoonershadtwomasts.SeeWilliamA.Baker,SloopsandShallops(Barre,Mass.,1966),59–70;AlanMcGowan,TheShip,IV,TheCenturybeforeSteam:TheDevelopmentoftheSailingShip,1700–1820(London,1980),36–40;ColinMunro,SailingShips(London,1973),170.Theaveragefortonnagewascalculatedfrom2,636voyagesforwhichthevessel’stonnageisknown.Forsummariesofthesizesofvesselsemployedinthetransatlanticportionoftheslavetrade,seeVoyages,accessedJuly2011,http://slavevoyages.org/tast/database/search.faces?yearFrom=1514&yearTo=1866;seealsoDavidEltis,TheRiseofAfricanSlaveryintheAmericas(NewYork,2000),125–128;HerbertS.Klein,TheAtlanticSlaveTrade(NewYork,1999),84,142–144;JamesA.Rawley,TheTransatlanticSlaveTrade:AHistory(NewYork,1981),252–258.

(28).Baker,SloopsandShallops,111–113;Steuart,McKenzie,andCo.toThomasOgilvie,July13,1751,CharlesSteuartLetterBook,I,1751–1753,microfilm,M–32,JohnD.Rockefeller,Jr.Library,Williamsburg,Va.

(29).MurraytoRibtonHutchisonandFrederickGrimké,July21,1736,inBradfordJ.Wood,ed.,JamesMurrayinNorthCarolina:Letters,1732–1781,vol.XIIIofTheColonialRecordsofNorthCarolina,2dSer.(forthcoming).N.A.M.Rodgernotesthatpassengersandcrewsonmerchantvesselsstruggledmorewithcrowdingthantheircounterpartsonmilitaryshipsbecausemerchantvesselsweresothoroughlypackedwithgoods;seeRodger,TheWoodenWorld:AnAnatomyoftheGeorgianNavy(London,1986),63.

(30).OnhigherratesofdesertionowingtomoistureintheholdontheBritishnavy’ssmallships,seeRodger,WoodenWorld,62–63.ColinMunroagrees,sayingthatsloops“providedverylittleaccommodationforthecrews,wholivedinextremediscomfort”(SailingShips,170).Worseyet,thecrampednavalsloopsthatRodgerandMunrodescribewereactuallymuchlarger,bytonnage,thanthesloopsoftheintercolonialslavetrade.Bakerarguesthatby1700,mostnorthernsloopshaddecks,butmostintheSouthdidnot(SloopsandShallops,61).

(31).EdwynStedeandStephenGascoignetotheRoyalAfricanCompany,Barbados,June10,1679,inDonnan,ed.,Documents,I,249–250.FormoreontheMarigold’stransatlanticjourney,seeVoyages,accessedJuly2011,VoyageIDno.15060.

(32).VentureSmith,“ANarrativeoftheLifeandAdventuresofVenture,aNativeofAfrica:ButResidentaboveSixtyYearsintheUnitedStatesofAmerica,RelatedbyHimself(1798),”inVincentCarretta,ed.,UnchainedVoices:AnAnthologyofBlackAuthorsintheEnglish-SpeakingWorldoftheEighteenthCentury(Lexington,Ky.,2004),375.ForSmith’stransatlanticvoyage,seeVoyages,accessedJuly2011,VoyageIDno.36067.

(33).Equiano,InterestingNarrative,62;LascellesandMaxwelltoJ.andA.Harvie,Sept.

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23,1752,LascellesandMaxwellLetterBooks,1739–1769,microfilm,V,97601/2,fol.16,EisenhowerLibrary(allbutoneoftheoriginalLascellesandMaxwellLetterBooksweredestroyedinthebombingofLondonduringtheBlitzinWorldWarII,soonlythesetranscriptionssurvive);RobertEllistoClelandandWallace,July1,1738,RobertEllisLetterBook,1736–1748,Am9251,104,HistoricalSocietyofPennsylvania,Philadelphia.

(34).LaurenstoHinsonTodd,Apr.14,1769,inLaurensPapers,VI,437–438;seealsoMichaelJ.Jarvis,IntheEyeofAllTrade:Bermuda,Bermudians,andtheMaritimeAtlanticWorld,1680–1783(ChapelHill,N.C.,2010),155;GuerardtoWilliamJolliff,Nov.14,1753,GuerardLetterBook,fol.192.RobertHarmsarguesthatsometransatlantictraderskeptenslavedpeopleshackledthroughoutvoyages,othersremovedshacklesonceouttosea,andstillothersusedtheremovalofshacklesasanincentiveforcompliantbehavior(Harms,TheDiligent:AVoyagethroughtheWorldsoftheSlaveTrade[NewYork,2002],314–315).SmallwoodarguesthatRoyalAfricanCompanyslaversoftenstoppedusingshacklesonceouttoseaandoccasionallydidwithoutthemaltogetherwhensupplieswereaproblem(SaltwaterSlavery,40–41,143).AcenturyaftertheRoyalAfricanCompany’smonopoly,othertraderstestifiedtothesamepractice,believingthatslaveswouldnotrevoltwithoutafeasiblemeansofreturningtotheregionfromwhichtheyhadembarked.JamesFrazier,acaptainontentransatlanticslave-tradingvoyages,toldtheHouseofCommonsin1790,“Sosoonastheshipwasoutofsightofland,heusuallytookofftheirhandcuffs,andsoonaftertheirleg-irons”(HouseofCommons,EvidenceoftheSlave-Trade,II,16;seealsoibid.,I,76–77).Redikernotesthatsometradersshackledonlymen(SlaveShip,72,234,267–268).Theabsenceofreferencestoshacklinginthepapersofintercolonialtradersisnoguaranteethatrestraintswerenotused,butthecontrastwithcorrespondenceaboutthetransatlantictradeassertingtheneedforsecurityissuggestive.

(35).Forthelargecrewcarriedbytransatlanticslaversrelativetoothermerchantvesselsandparticularlylowslave-to-sailorratiosatearlydates,seeEltis,RiseofAfricanSlavery,119,157–160;forpeakslave-to-sailorratiosinthetransatlantictradeduringthelateeighteenthcentury,seeKlein,AtlanticSlaveTrade,83–85.Intheintercolonialtrade,aboardthe3,304voyagesforwhichboththenumberofcrewandthenumberofcaptivesaredocumented,atotalof101,995enslavedpeopleweremanagedbyatotalof27,872sailorsforanoverallratioof3.66to1.Forthe297ofthesevoyagescarrying100ormorecaptives,4,032sailorssupervised44,794captivesforaratioof11to1.FortheHenry,Susquehanna,andAmerica,seeCO142/18,fols.110,151–152;forthePolly,CO76/4,43.Oncaptiveschargedwithfeedingothersonslaveships,seeSparks,TwoPrincesofCalabar,84.

(36).“DirectorStuyvesanttoVice-DirectorBeck,1664,”inDonnan,ed.,Documents,III,431–433;LaurenstoJohnHaslin,Nov.19,1764,inLaurensPapers,IV,507(seealso540);AitchisonandParkertoCharlesSteuart,Apr.2,1770,CharlesSteuartPapers,MS5040,1747–1784,microfilm,M–68,reel9,RockefellerLibrary.PepperellquotedinJosephWilliamson,“SlaveryinMaine,”CollectionsoftheMaineHistoricalSociety,VII(1876),213;seealsoWilliamD.Piersen,BlackYankees:TheDevelopmentofanAfro-

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AmericanSubcultureinEighteenth-CenturyNewEngland(Amherst,Mass.,1988),5.ForexamplesofNorthAmericantraders’outfittingcaptiveswithclothorblanketsaftertheyarrivedandawaitedsale,see“AccountofSale,CharlesTown,July17,1756,”inLaurensPapers,II,259;RobertRapertoThomasBoone,January1761,RobertRaperLetterBook,1759–1770,doc.34/511,fol.65,SouthCarolinaHistoricalSociety.

(37).ThomasRichetoCaptainJohnBurroughs,[October1765],ThomasRicheLetterBook,II,1764–1771(unpaginated),Am9261,HistoricalSocietyofPennsylvania;RichetoSamuelTucker,Nov.12,1761,andOct.18,1762,ibid.Unfortunately,onlyRiche’sresponsessurvive,notthedetailsofTucker’scomplaints.Forsampleadvertisementsofslavesatmerchants’homes,seeDonnan,ed.,Documents,III,25–26,28–29,38–40(quotationon39),116–117.WoodnotesNorthCarolinaports’occasionallyorderingvesselscarryingslavesintoquarantineifauthoritiessuspectedcontagiousillnessonboard,suggestingthatquarantinewasnotstandardpolicy(RemotePartoftheWorld,39,256n.78).

(38).LaurenstoSmithandBaillies,Apr.30,1764,inLaurensPapers,IV,255–258(seealsoAustinandLaurenstoGedneyClarke,Mar.3,1756,ibid.,II,123–124);ClaytoJohnNugent,Mar.9,1775,JosephClayandCo.LetterBooks,II.NugentmovedbetweenCaribbeanislandsinthisperiod,soitisunclearfromwhichislandthewomantraveled.

(39).Thissketchoftheexperienceof150AkanpeoplewhosurvivedtheAtlanticcrossingaboardavesselcalledJudithisderivedfromBasnett,Miller,andMilltoHumphryMorice,Nov.9,1722,BL,Add.MSS,48590,fols.29–31.Basnett,Miller,andMillweretheJamaicaagentsforthevessel’sowners.ThebackgroundofthepeopleonboardisknownfromVoyages,accessedJuly2011,VoyageIDno.76444.

(40).DetailsontheAfricanoriginsofallthecaptivesaboardthisSouthSeaCompanytransshipmentfromJamaicatoSpanishAmericaarelacking,butsincetheycamefromfourdifferenttransatlanticvessels,diversitywasverylikely.TheGriffin,liketheJudith,wasfromtheGoldCoast;seeVoyages,accessedJuly2011,VoyageIDno.75575.Theothertwovessels,DelightandMayFlower,donotappearintheVoyagesdatabase,however,andnoinformationontheAfricanregionwheretheyacquiredslavessurvives.

(41).DavidR.MacGregor,MerchantSailingShips,1775–1815:SovereigntyofSail(Annapolis,Md.,1985),91;McGowan,TheShip,IV,9–10;Munro,SailingShips,170.

(42).Theestimateofcrowdingintheintercolonialtradeisderivedfromthedatabaseofintercolonialvoyagescompiledbytheauthor;1,125shipmentsfromBritishtoforeignterritoryinthedatabasedocumentboththevessel’stonnageandthenumberofcaptives.TheestimateofcrowdingintheBritishtransatlantictradeisfromKlein,AtlanticSlaveTrade,133;hisfigureisfortheperiodbeforethepassageofDolben’sAct.

(43).Relief:CO142/15,fol.60.Sorcière:CO76/5,fol.10.Batchellor:CO142/15,88.Hawk:CO142/18,fol.48.MayFlower:CO142/15,fols.56–57,60,77–78a,80a,97,101,103.LikeBedlow,ThomasHindemancaptainedfourextremelycrowdedvoyagesto

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variousSpanishAmericanportsbetween1745and1747.Histwenty-five-tonsloopPeachycarried160and200captivesoneachoftheseventures,orbetween6and8prisonersperton(CO142/15,fols.56–57,61,77,80,95).Kleinnotesthatinthetransatlantictradethenumberofslavescarriedrelativetoaship’scapacitydeclinedovertimeastraderslearnedtolimitcrowdingandassomegovernmentsregulatedthetraffic(AtlanticSlaveTrade,148–149).

(44).JohnMerewethertoSSC,Jan.29,1738,inDonnan,ed.,Documents,II,461–462.

(45).AdetailedstudyofAfricanarrivals,inspections,andsalesinSpanishAmericaisavailableinChandler,“SlaveTradeofNewGranada,”inToplin,ed.,SlaveryandRaceRelationsinLatinAmerica,esp.52–67.

(46).Ibid.,58;instructionstoPeterd‘Oyle,June18,1724,SSCRecords,Add.MSS,25564,110;SSCtoRigbyandPratter,Apr.21,1725,ibid.,25564,213;SSCtoMr.Farril,June5,1718,ibid.,25563,343–344.SouthSeaCompanyofficialssimilarlyreferredtofacilitiesinSpanishAmericaforholdingenslavedpeopleawaitingsaleas“negrories”;see,forexample,SSCtoGilbertGrimes,Oct.26,1717,SSCRecords,Add.MSS,25563,157–158.

(47).TheSouthSeaCompanyhadapolicyof“SellinginParcels”inSpanishAmerica;seeSSCtoJamesPym,Dec.12,1723,SSCRecords,25564,10.OtherforeigntradersinSpanishAmericalikelyhadsimilarpractices,sinceSpanishmerchantsthentransportedmostcaptivesoverlongdistancestocentralMexico,Peru,andotherpopulationcentersfarfromtheCaribbeanports.TheIberianswereparticularlyscrupulousaboutbaptizingAfricanssenttoAmericancolonies;seeJosephC.Miller,WayofDeath:MerchantCapitalismandtheAngolanSlaveTrade,1730–1830(Madison,Wis.,1988),402–404;FrederickP.Bowser,TheAfricanSlaveinColonialPeru,1524–1650(Stanford,Calif.,1974),3,28,47–48,234–242.

(48).OnvoyagesinlandfromCartagena,seeChandler,“SlaveTradeofNewGranada,”inToplin,ed.,SlaveryandRaceRelationsinLatinAmerica,73–78.LindaA.NewsonandSusieMinchinalsodocumentmortalityaftertheMiddlePassageamongslavesreachingCartagena,buttheirstudyfocusesonarrivalsdirectlyfromAfricaduringtheperiodofthePortugueseasiento:seeNewsonandMinchin,“SlaveMortalityandAfricanOrigins:AViewfromCartagena,Colombia,intheEarlySeventeenthCentury,”SlaveryandAbolition,XXV,no.3(December2004),32–35.OntheValleyofMexicoasthemaindestinationforcaptivesdisembarkinginVeracruz,seeColinA.Palmer,SlavesoftheWhiteGod:BlacksinMexico,1570–1650(Cambridge,Mass.,1976),27–33,43–50.ThebestinformationonthePacificslavetradefromPanamatoPeruisintwosources:Bowser,AfricanSlaveinColonialPeru,26–87;NewsonandMinchin,FromCapturetoSale:ThePortugueseSlaveTradetoSpanishSouthAmericaintheEarlySeventeenthCentury(Boston,2007),chap.6;seealsoKlein,AtlanticSlaveTrade,23–25.BowserandNewsonandMinchinfocusontheperiodbeforetheBritishtransshippedslavestoSpanishAmericaregularly,butPanamacontinuedtobetheslavetrade’sgatewaytoPeruintheBritishperiod,asevidencedbytheSouthSeaCompany’sgivingpermissionto

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theirfactorsinPanamatotraveltoLimatocollectdebtsin1723(SSCtofactorsatPortobeloandPanama,[1723],SSCRecords,Add.MSS,25564,37).

(49).TyndallandAsshetontoIsaacHobhouse,June8,1729,JeffriesColl.,XIII,fols.103,105(therearetwocopiesoftheletter,eachdamaged,buttogethertheyrevealtheentiredocument);AmericanWeeklyMercury,Oct.30–Nov.6,1729;New-EnglandWeeklyJournal,July28,1729.SeealsoPennsylvaniaGazette,July24,1729.TheGazettealsopublishedanuncannilysimilarreporttwoweekslaterwithadifferentcaptain’snamegiven,whichalmostcertainlyreferredtothisincidentdespitethenamechange(Aug.7,1729).OntheFrekeGalley’sarrivalfromAfrica,seeVoyages,accessedJuly2011,VoyageIDno.16517.

(50).Thereareseveralreasonswhydataonmortalityaredifficulttofindfortheintercolonialbranchoftheslavetrade.Mostintercolonialslave-tradingvoyagesweresmallerinscalethantransatlanticventures,sotheywerenotdocumentedasthoroughlybymerchantsengagedinthetradeorbytheinsurancecompaniesoftenengagedtounderwritetransatlanticshipments.Furthermore,colonialportrecordsarespotty—especiallyfortheCaribbean.Theportrecordsdocumentmanyslave-tradingshipments,butonlyincaseswhereportrecordssurvivefrombothendsofanintercolonialjourneydotheyrevealanythingaboutmortality.Evenwheresuchrecordsdosurvive,therearepossibleexplanationsbesidesmortalityfordiscrepanciesinthenumberofcaptivesrecordedatavessel’sdepartureandarrival,suchassmugglingtoevadeduties.Thatmortalitydoesnotexplainalldiscrepanciesinslaveimportandexportfiguresisunderscoredbyoccasionalcasesinwhichthenumberofslavesreportedaboardavesselattheendofitsjourneyexceedsthenumberofpeoplerecordedatthebeginning.(Suchcasesareignoredinthemortalitycalculationsherein.If,insteadofignoringthem,oneassumestheyreflectalackofmortalityonthevoyage,theeffectontheoverallmortalityrateisnegligible,loweringitbyasmallfractionofapercent.)Nonetheless,itisusefultocomparetheimportandexportfiguresforagivenvoyagewherebothareavailabletoassesstheoveralltrends,evenifthenumbersreacheddonotofferdefinitiveevidenceofmortality.

(51).Forcalculatingthemortalityrateintheintercolonialtrade,thereare113voyagesinthedatabaseforwhichbothmortalitydataandthelengthofthevoyageindaysareknown.Thosevoyagescarriedatotalof3,397peopleforatotalof75,136person-days,oranaveragevoyagedurationof22.12days.Ofthe3,397peopleinthesample,200died,or58.9peopleperthousand.Projectedouttoafullmonth,those58.9deathsperthousandper22.12daysbecome79.88deathsperthousandpermonth.Forthemortalityrateinthetransatlantictrade,seeHerbertS.Kleinetal.,“TransoceanicMortality:TheSlaveTradeinComparativePerspective,”WMQ,3dSer.,LVIII(2001),93–118;Klein,AtlanticSlaveTrade,132–142.

(52).Of237voyagesforwhichmortalityisknown,148sawnofatalities.Forcalculatingtheconcentrationofmortalityaboardthedeadliestvoyages,IomittedthetragicexplosionaboardtheRubyfromthesamplesincethatcatastrophewassolargethatitskewsthedata.Nonetheless,ofthe427enslavedpeoplewholosttheirlivesonthe236

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remainingvoyagesinthesample,290ofthemdiedaboardjustthe24deadliestshipments.Anotherpossibleexplanationforthissmallnumberofvoyagesaccountingformostofthelostpeopleisthatfactorsotherthanmortality—suchassmuggling,clericalerrorsinportrecords(orbythehistorian),oravessel’sunreportedstops—contributedtothelowernumberofenslavedpeoplerecordedattheendofavessel’sjourney.Suchfactorscannotbedismissed,butgiventhattransatlanticslave-tradingvesselssawasimilarconcentrationofmortalityondisease-riddenvoyages,itseemslikelythatthedataherereflectactualmortalityfairlywell.“Widedistributionofmortalityratesbyvoyage”:Klein,AtlanticSlaveTrade,136;seealsoKleinetal.,“TransoceanicMortality,”WMQ,3dSer.,LVIII(2001),93–118.ThesmallpoxoutbreakaboardthebrigAnnisdocumentedintheClayandCo.LetterBooks,I:ClayandCo.toScott,Mackie,andDover,Apr.22,1773(seealsoanothertothemMay8,1773);ClayandCo.toDoctorFrazier,Mar.16,1773;ClayandCo.toCaptainWetherden,Mar.29,1773;andseealsoletterstoCaptainWetherden,Mar.15,16,24,Apr.8,1773;ClayandCo.toJohnLightenstone,Apr.6,7,1773.Formoreonyawsaffectingslaves,seeToddL.Savitt,MedicineandSlavery:TheDiseasesandHealthCareofBlacksinAntebellumVirginia(Urbana,Ill.,1978),73–77;fortreatmentwithmercury,seeJamesWalvin,BlackIvory:AHistoryofBritishSlavery(London,1992),122.

(53).Donnan,ed.,Documents,I,249,II,225,III,41.ForthistransatlanticjourneyoftheJohnGalley,seeVoyages,accessedJuly2011,VoyageIDno.75697.

(54).JonathanDickinsontoJohnLewis,Aug.15,1716,inJonathanDickinsonLetterBook,1715–1721,Yi2/1628,alcove4,shelf12,fol.92,LibraryCompanyofPhiladelphia;LaurenstoLaw,Satterthwaite,andJones,Jan.31,1756,inLaurensPapers,II,81–82;LaurenstoHaslin,Nov.19,1764,ibid.,IV,506–508,esp.506;RichetoThomasShute,Jan.1,1763,RicheLetterBook,I;CharlesSteuarttoMess‘rsMenvielle,WilliamMoore,Jr.,IsaacDePiza,andBenj‘aMassiah,July5,1751,inCharlesSteuartLetterBook,I;“MiscellaneousLettersandPapers,”BL,Add.MSS,48590,fol.31(mostoftherelevantpapersinthissetcompriselettersandpaperstoHumphryMoriceontheWestIndiesslavetrade,especiallytotheSpanish).Forarichdiscussionofcaptiveperceptionsofthedeathsofshipmatesatsea,seeSmallwood,SaltwaterSlavery,137–152.

(55).GeorgeReese,ed.,ProceedingsintheCourtofVice-AdmiraltyofVirginia,1698–1775(Richmond,Va.,1983),95–96;ClayandCo.toNugent,Dec.21,1773,ClayandCo.LetterBooks,1772–1776,I;JamesWalvin,TheZong:AMassacre,theLawandtheEndofSlavery(NewHaven,Conn.,2011);IanBaucom,SpectersoftheAtlantic:FinanceCapital,Slavery,andthePhilosophyofHistory(Durham,N.C.,2005),7.

(56).Equiano,InterestingNarrative,147–157,esp.147,149.SeealsoCarretta,Equiano,theAfrican,127–131.

(57).Equiano,InterestingNarrative,107;LaurenstoHaslin,Nov.19,1764,inLaurensPapers,IV,506–507;RichetoSamuelCornell,June10,1766,RicheLetterBook,II.TheSouthSeaCompanyroutinelybrandedcaptivesinBarbadosandJamaicabeforeshippingthemtoSpanishAmerica;seeGeorgePeeletoPeterBurrell,[Havana],inDonnan,ed.,

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Documents,II,462;seealsoChapter6,below.Asnotedabove,Spanishcolonialofficialsalsobrandedenslavedpeoplearrivingintheirterritorytomarkthemaslegallyentered.

(58).Equiano,InterestingNarrative,104;LaurenstoJohnandThomasTipping,Dec.4,1764,inLaurensPapers,IV,513–514.Formoreonrapeinthetransatlanticslavetrade,seeWilmaKing,“AfricanChildrenandtheTransatlanticSlaveTradeacrossTimeandPlace,”inDavidT.GleesonandSimonLewis,eds.,AmbiguousAnniversary:TheBicentennialoftheInternationalSlaveTradeBans(Columbia,S.C.,2012),61–62.Onboastsmadebynineteenth-centurydomesticslavetradersintheUnitedStatesregardingtheirsexualexploitswithenslavedpeople,seeEdwardE.Baptist,“‘Cuffy,’‘FancyMaids,’and‘One-EyedMen’:Rape,Commodification,andtheDomesticSlaveTradeintheUnitedStates,”inJohnson,ed.,ChattelPrinciple,165–202.Onsexualexploitationinplantationsocieties,foragoodstart,seeTrevorBurnard,Mastery,Tyranny,andDesire:ThomasThistlewoodandHisSlavesintheAnglo-JamaicanWorld(ChapelHill,N.C.,2004);BarbaraBush,SlaveWomeninCaribbeanSociety,1650–1838(Bloomington,Ind.,1990),110–118;PhilipD.Morgan,SlaveCounterpoint:BlackCultureintheEighteenth-CenturyChesapeakeandLowcountry(ChapelHill,N.C.,1998),398–412;BernardMoitt,WomenandSlaveryintheFrenchAntilles,1635–1848(Bloomington,Ind.,2001),99–100.

(59).CO106/3,fol.50.EmmaChristopherarguesforcomplex,overlappingidentitiesforsailorsofAfricandescentwhoworkedonslaveships,suggestingthatAmerican-bornsailorsmighthavebeenmorelikelytoidentifywithcaptivesalongraciallinesbecauseofthediscriminationtheyfacedincolonialsocietiesbasedonskincolor.African-bornsailors,however,mighthaveabsorbedlessofthecolor-linelogicoftheAmericas.SeeChristopher,SlaveShipSailorsandTheirCaptiveCargoes,1730–1807(NewYork,2006),51–90.Ontheotherhand,individualsofAfricandescentwhoattainedpositionsthataffordedfreedomsorprivileges—withinslaveryorasfreepeople—oftentookprideintheirstatus,identifiedwithcolonialsocietyortheiremployers,andsoughttomaintaindistinctionsbetweenthemselvesandenslavedpeopleinmoredebasedpositions.SeeJarvis,IntheEyeofAllTrade,104–107,148–156,334–335.FormoreonsailorsofAfricandescent,seeW.JeffreyBolster,BlackJacks:AfricanAmericanSeamenintheAgeofSail(Cambridge,Mass.,1997).

(60).Equiano,InterestingNarrative,107–108.Onsuicideintheslavetrademoregenerally,seeHarms,TheDiligent,261–262;Miller,WayofDeath,413,420,427;Eltis,RiseofAfricanSlavery,171.Althoughsuicideoccurred,Eltisalsoshowsthatitcontributedonlyasmallparttooverallmortalityinthetrade(157–159).Byrdarguesthattheterrorandtraumaoftheslavetradewascrucialfortheforgingofnewidentitiesforenslavedpeoplethattiedthemtooneanother(“Eboe,Country,Nation,”WMQ,3dSer.,LXIII[2006],146–147).

(61).Eltis,RiseofAfricanSlavery,157,170–173,180–181;Miller,WayofDeath,409–410;Harms,TheDiligent,261,314–315.DavidRichardsonarguesthat,whenonefactorsintheamountoftimeslavingvesselsspentontheAfricancoast,thenumberofrevoltsthatoccurredtherewasnotdisproportionate;revoltsduringtheAtlantic

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crossingwerestillconsiderable,withAfricansexploitingopportunitiestoriseupinrebellion,especiallywhenships’crewsexperiencedhighmortalityduetodisease.SeeRichardson,“ShipboardRevolts,AfricanAuthority,andtheAtlanticSlaveTrade,”WMQ,3dSer.,VIII(2001),69–92.ConsideringthatintheearlystagesofacquiringslavesontheAfricancoast,however,relativelyfewwouldhavebeenpresentaboardtheship,thedatastillseemtosuggestthatlargegroupsofAfricanswhosignificantlyoutnumberedtheircaptorsweremoreinclinedtorevoltwheninsightoftheAfricancoast.TheactofrebellionaboardaBermudianintercolonialvesselisdescribedinJarvis,IntheEyeofAllTrade,156.

(62).ThissynopsisoftheAmistadrevoltdrawsheavilyonIyunoluFolayanOsagie,TheAmistadRevolt:Memory,Slavery,andthePoliticsofIdentityintheUnitedStatesandSierraLeone(Athens,Ga.,2000),3–18;andHowardJones,MutinyontheAmistad:TheSagaofaSlaveRevoltandItsImpactonAmericanAbolition,Law,andDiplomacy(NewYork,1987),14–30.

(63).Forthebestdiscussionofslaves’reactionstobeingboughtandsold,seeJohnson,SoulbySoul.Hisworkdealswithnineteenth-centuryexperiences,somostoftheenslavedpeopleinvolvedwerebornintheAmericas,butnonetheless,themoreextensiveprimarysourcesinslaves’ownwordsforthattimeperiodallowforadeeperappreciationofthehumiliationoftheexperience.

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