03 a>ed~: 1Prso.s put 5!urats!& auo w01~ snql pm 'Yemop s!lqnd ayl u! W!J~ tpns uaur 01 pue 'sneal~g fiaN ol 'euers!no-j a1 LIIBJYJSS~S 'salei~ pal!un ol aab!~d u! a3U~u~d~a~~~> UIOJJ ahow au .sauns~ad ~2~1~27 IZLI ~n~!nbsal Ulaylnos aql 01 a?uaJajar ql!~ ~uarun8le srq salensnlv uow;rk,j -salde~ -uow 10 'PELT u! 'a~dldruexa 101 's!vl8ua sa~ ~fls sanb!ydosol~yd s~ra? s,~J!~E pue pneIlolS 01 a3uarajaJ qi!m iuanrua~qS!luy palaauuo3 put 3~!lr~!leduro3

-lo* :waq se paqs!lqnd alan qrow ~uawuaiq%rlu3 ienuan[fut Luew P fq am sly saqeul uoslJaqou .K~uarrn~ 1euo!ieuiaa! pue 3u!yem pol .qlqndar rnm s,luaurualq%!lua aqJjo ir-eaq aql le se~ Lurouosa ~~xitl~d 'q~oq !Jnln;ln pue

-ualyslug s!yl uiy~~m-sanlasuraqi suetonq Jaglo We 'slulmnnsu! uo<praqo.ti JO~ yspaau pol laam 01 XIV~I ur pa~depe pue paidop~ aq 01 FlllE

3susm~3ads ho~s!q ~e~nleo-s33e~!lie Jaqlo 30 Xelds!p pue 'uo!a~allo3 'uo!l -punoq IeuorssaJuos pue 'IwnlTns '3iisrnSutl passom aJayfiasTa palP~n>!lje -8lnxrs aq1 ~ap!suo3 L~a!rq ] '~aldaqs ayl lo uo!lsas ]Pug ;lql u1 -yooq ayl Xurouo?a p->?l!~od 30 seap! q3!q~ U! dm aqi JJJM !miuaA palsalajur lEyM pue lslly aql :siscj!i~v auepunm slow dl4u!uraas pue palyal Alas013 OM -siuaJaqpr? lem[ maJag!p jo su~a3no3 s!io!~1ed pue ?y!sads aql uf lsa~!u~ul uo n .~aldeq~ aq~ 30 JIP~ ITJ~ aql u~ 'sn3oJ Xru a~a~ -G raldey3 U! pasqnx!p apeur wawaAotu 1enisalpu! IeuopeuJsxu! ue ~o sefi ado~ng SSOI~V pue Xla sans! aJe asaql pue t~uaurualq9!lrrg aq130 pue u! ssausno!3suog 1~>!yde18 -11 u!1uaurua1q3yu~ aqr 30 Ma!n asoq~ 'uniuah osuw3 jo TOM ar(i puallra -034 aql paJaqe II!luesg!us!s sraqenrdem pue 's~a~o~dxa 's~o~.e&nou 3tura3o 01 pawre oqe uoslJaqoH .may1 rraaMiaq suoslredluo~ pue suo!is;l-uu03 ayl kq uayel~apun qahe~l a3uers!p-%uol 9% 'as~nos 10 palane11 sanpurayl s~a uo sa naM sz 'su~!rnl!lsu! urei%aJ pue 'TOM waur lenpnjpu! uo 'salde~ -qu!ql luaarna~q3qu~ Aum -3ylrJ1 q3ns bq pam~~~suos sm luawua1yfiyu3 u! 'pue-fioSsey3 pue 'uaap~aqtr 'qg~nqu~p~ u!-puel~ons UI s~ayu!yl3pv11 ayl nog alarlsnll! 01 pue-sxJqtlJa pur! 'seap! 'puuosrad SIT lo I(l!l!qom aql aaJj uo pasn30~ uos-JJaqoH '~uaurnaiqS!~u~ aql u! Amouom le~i!~odjo suois - 3~~~11, st~uaunraiq8r~w~ aql wjai Alas001 I JeqM leahaj ol IU~M I -parlcn -oa~?p leno!ieuJalu! aql Burssarzs u1 .par3auum Xpsols ~JE sanss! aql nq pae cal?qow t3!~~~Xp Bulql2Gos se ca~~ds ~ano Xlle3!qd~~%o?% Bu!yofi 'r(~o~~!perauo~ readde ktu-laldeq3 %u!mollqf aql ja 13dqns sqa-saseds luaurualy3rlug a43 lnoqP Bu!yu!qi u! ST Way3 'anq uJamoJ leuual 1~~30s pue savs ~ssot st! pua suo!l~auuo3 leuo!leusua~i~o ~alrsur e se (ar~al

weds Jam put m~d u! paJni!isnos X1an?13rr Bqauros gll!aa xn 01) lua~uualq%!luq ,pasodwo3apm slow e lnoqe Suryutq se InanrualyS!lug aql azlrr2o~x um a~ 'anom aqi uo s~aqdmolfqd lernleu ;s;r!rapunoq leuo!leu ~U~~~JSUPJI sa>ualag!p pua suo~l uroq SB TFM st 'suoles rryy~pld u! umom 'naw lesrpaur Buourc 'sa!~~uno3 -9auuo3 ie %w!qoo~ Xq Inq X~pqns!~~sd leno!ieu rro Bu!~s!su! Xq jou luam luaq!p u! sssrut?ioq Buowe pue uaanzlq auapuodsa~ios jo S~JOMBU ufa3 -~al@!lu3 Jql lnoqe Xrlnbu! 30 alnleu aqi pa81eyua Lpue3g1nsss spq uos

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Cb HOILVN 3~4. CIPIOATA QNV BAOBV

46 C H A P T E R T H R E S .

nationhood and the Republic of Letters. "How did this transnational con- federation of the learned make its peace with the nationalism that was often the key to its financial support?" 'If the citizens of the Republic of Letters refused their ultimate allegiance to their respective nations, to whom or what did 'they swear fealty?"'

For Daston, answers Lie in the intent af individuals to sustain interna- tional endeavor even when their nations were in con flict-correspondence between Sir Joseph Banks and his French counterparts and shared interests in mapping during the Wapolconic Wars being two such instances? An- swers are to be found in the many academies and institutions (discussed in the following chapter), in the emergence of new journals. and in the rise of the periodical press within the Enlightenment's public sphere. Rcginning in the mid-1680s with Pierre Bayle's trendsetting NouveIles de la RPpubIiquc des Lettres (News from the Republic of Letters), periodical publication and dissemination in other closely related genres such as the rnultivolnrne ency- clopedia characterized the Enlightenment as no other period. The number of French-language titles in Europe rose from fewer than 30 in 1710 to 167

by the 1780s. In Germany) 718 new titles appeared in the 1780s alone. 'lhesc new periodicals reflected a diversification of subject matter and shared in- terests in making new knowledge public. Letten made up a largc part OF the contents of many of the journal^.'^ Above all then, answers lie "in the volu- minous correspondence of its far-flung members."" The Republic of Letters was about cosmopolitan networks of individuals corresponding and of in - stitutions collaborating, It was not about nations affiliating.

What distinguished the Enlightenment man of letters? Voltaire saw him more as an encyclopedist than as the expert or specialist of modern par- lance, as a man of learning and, tmportantly, of science. He was also a man free to offer public criticism. In that, of course, there lay a difficuIty, for the demands of private patronage could compromise free expression of criti- cal opinion. Voltaire was dismissive of those who had to write to live. since such a status brought dependence on publishers and audiences. Better, he argued, to be among the "many men of letters who do not publish anything. They are probably the happiest of all. They are spared the humiliations that the profession of author sometimes bring with it. . . . They live in greater concord with each other, they enjoy sociabi tit y more, they are the judges while the others suffer judgment." l2

Not all writers htted this ro!e, Jvdging from thc position of the man of letters in Vottaire's France, we find that the ideal figure he portrayed was far from common. Taking as a guide the listings in La France Iitttraire, we can identify three groups of men of letters. For the first, writing activities were - - - - -- __ __. -

A B O V E A N D B E Y O N D T H E N A T I O N 47

backed up by income from another post, a title, or a benefice. Clerics, for exarnpIe. accounted for a b u t one in five literary men in France in the first

half of the eighteenth century. In the second, writing activity was linked to

professional endeavor of one sort or another-lawyers, physicians, profes- sors, and so on. in the third, the least Voltairean by type, were wrttets; under the protection of an influential patton. But what was true of France was not 50 of Germany-where the population of men of letters was twice as la-e by the 1780s as i t was in France-or of ItaIy There, the literary sommunitv was smaller in size and proportionately more clerical in membership until the last quarter of lthe eighteenth century."

I-.- ' , ; Such social and geographical differences within the Enlightenment Re- , .

public of Letters were paralleled by variation in the nature of letters and 'I

in the practices of letter writing. Analysis of letter writing as a social prac- tice must for any period distinguish between the texts, the participants, the activities, and the artifacts involved. In the Enlightenment. official genres ' of correspondence were quite different in their texts and putpose-but not ,

necessarily in their participants when men of letters held government po- : sitions-from epistolary formulae between learned men of independent I means who knew one another's work and interests but who had never met. In this latter case, certain conventions-"Esteemed Sir," *Your Respected Servant," and the like-needed to be employed to elicit the support of one's distant correspondents. T h e Voltairean image of the Enlightenment man of letters as a man of science did not always sit comfortably with such men's other respansibitities or with an individual's selfimage as, say, "Godly Naturalistn or "Moral Philosopher" (consider Diderot's self-cultivah-~ of his image as a "Man of Letters": for example, plate 3)!4 Letter writing be- tween women was by and Iarge different st~ll , in consequence of the differ- ent forms of sociability among women, who were often exduded by their gender (or expected to be 50) from public d i ~ c o u r s e . ~ What traveled was as much a reputation, a perception of social standing or of scientific prestige as

11 any clear conception of 'reason" or "truth."

L These facts of social and geographical variation do not weaken the idea

I (and ideal) of the Republic of Letters as a way of thinking about the En- I

R lightcnrnent as a dynamic transnational phenomenon. Indeed, the opposite

i is nhe case. They remind us of the need to be attentive to social, episternic, and geographical detail, to recognize both "the social grounding" of dif- ferent genres of letter^,'^ and the located and specific nature-the "geo-

I graphical groundingn-of those "networks of networks" makin$ up the Enlightenment 3 cosmopolitan public sphere. And they raise new possibili- ties methodologicalIy, given that different epistolary practices heIp reveal

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5 0 C H A P T E R T H R E E

Book Geographies: Translating and Receiving Enlightenment Knowledge

Book history is an established if reta~ively recent field of scholarly inquiry, even if the term and its variant, the history of the book, is misleading. What is covered by it is not just the history of books but the "social and cultural history of communication by print . . . how ideas were transmitted through print and how exposure to the printed word affected the thought and be- havior of mankind during the last five hundred years."33 A number of in- fluential, now almost canonical texts have shown how printing changed the nature of culture and have heIped pose questions regarding the history of books and printing as a social history-and a social geography." By whom were books produced? For whom? Were books equally available or the pre- serve of a few? How did books and print culture move through society? Who were the audiences? Where were they? How were books read-silently in private, aloud ta others? Robert Darnton's model of the "communications circuit" has achieved prominence as one way of addressing these issues. Darnton proposed this model as a way. of tracing the cyclical life history of a book or other printed work: from author to publisher (if the bookseller does not assume that role) to printer to shipper to bookseller to reader and,

f since authors respond to their audiences, back to the author.15 Darnton's r

work on the Encyciop6dfe has traced the urban and social geography of that I work's ownership and readership throughout France-an example to which

I return in chapter 8. In doing so, of course, he mapped then an urban- provincial geography of Enlightenment in stark contrast to his more recent "narrow" or "deflationary" view that the Enlightenment was an eIite and philosophical movement centered upon early eighteenth-century Paris.26 Issues of publishing history-the production part of the communications circuit-have been accompanied by work on the reception of print in differ- ent contexts and new questions concerning reviewing cultures and reading practices in different countries and social spaces." "us book history, and Darnton's formative role within it, has become a key element in explaining the Enlightenment's literary and smial contours.28

What, then, of book geography and its variant, the geography of the book? Is it useful in thinking about the Enlightenment geographically? 'She term, we should remember, is not a new one. In their L'upparition du livre, arguably the bible of book history, Febvre and Martin considered *the geog- raphy of the book" to include printers' journeys, the locational geographies of publishing, and the diffusion of the printed word in the Slav countries, the New World, and the Far E a ~ t . ~ Initial use of the term thus incorpo-

A B O V E A N D B E Y O N D THE W A T l O N 51

rated questions of location and of movement compatible with viewing the Enlightenment in terms of sites of knowledge making and the mobility of people, ideas, and artifacts. My use ofthe term here is designed to extend its

to cover the reception of books and printed media, and to em- phasize the movement of texts between the sites and social spaces in which books were read, reviewed, and acted upon in the Enlightenment. n e dif- ference between book history and book geography is, I suggest, more one of approach than of substance. Where the hrst kooks at temporal dimensions, the second addresses the spatial, PO include the displacement of texts, read- ing, and reviewing practices in different physical and social spaces and the questions of meaning and epistemic significance that arise from such mat- ters of geography. Humboldt's Mexican work as an Enlightenment geogta- pher, for example, was read differently-and in consequence Hurnboldt as a whoIe was seen quite differentIy-by British, French, Spanish, and German re~ iewers .~ My use of the term "book geographies" thus echoes Rupkc's re- marks on "geographies of reviewing," Secord's attention to the "geographies of reading," which charts Chambers's Vestiges in its different social and geo- graphical spaces with reference to sources that highlight its private read- ing and not alone its public reviewing, and Secordk wider interests in the study of those communicative practices by which knowledge r n o v e s ? ~ u s understood, *book geographies" can illuminate the Enlightenment's mak- ing, movement, and reception as productive activities in different social and epistemic spaces-points returned to in chapter 8 in looking at books of geography.

Consider the central role of translation in spreading the Enlighten- ment. Translation as a practice reflected the transformation of the bookand printing industries across Europe. Enlightenment Europe's great centers

for translation were Paris, London, and, after 1760, Leipzig. Smaller centers included Amsterdam, Zurich, Hamburg. Lisbon, Naples, Edinburgh, Co- penhagen, Dublin, Saint Petersburg. Stockholm, and Berlin. In Gottingen. by far the most Anglophile of German universities, professors and students there came into contact with British coIleagues and English books more regularIy than was the case in other German towns. It was largely through translations that Voltaire found a readership in Budapest, Adam Smith an audience in Lisbon as well as in Naples, and so The history of transla- tion in the Enlightenment is mainly a history of the reIationship between French and English, the first the Republic of Letters' lingua franca, the sec-

ond only rising to prominence later in the eighteenth century. Almost every important Edghtenment work not originally written in French was trans- lated into it. When poIitica1 economists in Naples read the works of Scots,

years later to a Parisian chemist friend, and afier his own shipboard mea- surements of the Gulf Stream using a thermometer, part of Franklin's 1785

letter illustrates my more genera[ claims about seeing the Enlightenment geographically as a matter of networks.

It appearing strange to me that there should be such a difference between

two places, scarce a day's run asunder, especially when the merchant ships are generally deeper laden, and more weakly managed than the packets, and had from London the whole length of the river and channel to run before they left the land of England, while the packets had only to go from Fal- mouth, I could not but think the fact misunderstood or misrepresented. There happened then to be in London, a Nantucket sea-captain of my ac- quaintance, to whom I communicated the affair. He told me he believed the fact might be true; but the difference was owing to this, that the Rhode- Island captains were acquainted with the gulf stream, which those of the English packets were not. We are well acquainted with that stream, says he, because in our pursuit ofwhales, which keep near the tides of it, but are not to be met with in i t , we run down along the sides, and frequently cross i t to change our side: and in crossing have sometimes met and spoke with those packets, who were in the middle of it, and stemming it. We have informed them that they were sternrnlng a current, that was against them to the

value of three miles an hour; and advised them to cross it and get out of it;

but they were too wise to be counselled by simple American fishermen. When the winds are but light, he added, they are carried back by the current more than they are forwarded by the wind: and if the wind be good, the sub- traction of 70 miles a day from their course is of some importance. 3 then ob-

served that it was a pity no notice was taken of this current upon the charts.

and requested him to mark it out for me, which he readiIy complied with, adding directions for avoiding it in sailing from Europe to North-America. I procored i t to be engraved by order from the general post-ofice, on the old chart of the Atlantic, at Mount and Page's, Tower-hill; and copies were sent down to Falrnouth for the captains of the packets, who slighted it however; but it is since printed in France, of which edition I hereto annex a copy.S5

My point is a simple one. What may matter more than claiming that Enlightenment knowledge moved above and beyond the nation is to show

hoxwhe~e , and E?_yhat_Efbz it moved-through personal contact and cor- respondence, in books and in articles in learned journals, in conversations in taverns, and through the mobility of instruments whose results could be used to make local claims travel. For Franklin, the question "how and where was oceanographic and navigational knowledge made in the Entight- enment?" would allow different answers: at sea, as ships crossed the ocean and one another's path, even if English captains refused to acknowledge the

A A N D B E Y O N D T H E N A T Z O N

,,periential knowledge of their American counterparts whose navigational practices were based on natural observation-whale watching; on a map, produced in a London tavern as a result of the verbal testimony of a Nan- tucket sailor (and allowing for the fact that the map in question was later *lighted by its intended audience); in Paris as a letter received; and in Phila- delphia as an article read by fellow members opening their Transactions.

Terms such as "Republic of Letters" and "network" as a social, intellec- tual, and geographical conception thus help describe the Enlightenment's traffic. Terms like "transIation," "mediationP "reception: and "appropria-

- - - tion" may help better explain it. As others - . have indicated,Cthe i5nIighi&A

{Gnt-in thh sense emerges as a periodof intellectual mobility when "a gen- ; I era1 transformation of different kinds of knowledge into different forms of : 1 knowledge took place, of the world of knowledge into society and sites of '

and vice versa."d~n -/ developing my claim; that the ~ n l i ~ h t e n m e n t understood did not "float free" and that what was nnder-

stood by its knowledge was made. moved, and received differently, it is ap- 1 ~ropriate to turn to the variety of IocaIes, institutions, and spatial settings in which the Enlightenment was grounded.