visions of victory
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Visions of Victory
Visions of Victory explores the views of eight leaders of the major bel-
ligerents in World War II – Hitler, Mussolini, Tojo, Chiang Kai-shek,
Stalin, Churchill, de Gaulle, and Roosevelt – and compares their visions
of the future assuming their side emerged victorious. While the leaders pri-
marily focused their attention on strategies for fighting and winning thewar, these strategies were often shaped by their aspirations and hopes for
the future. Weinberg assesses how subsequent events were impacted by
their decisions and examines how their visions for the future changed and
evolved throughout the war. What emerges is a startling picture of post-
war worlds: Besides the extermination of the Jews, Hitler intended for all
the Slavs to die off and for the Germans to inhabit all of eastern Europe.
Both Mussolini and Hitler intended to have extensive colonies in Africa.
Churchill hoped to see the reemergence of the British and French Empires.De Gaulle wanted to annex the northwest corner of Italy (but Truman
forced him to back down). Stalin wanted control of eastern Europe, and
he got it. Roosevelt’s vision of the future was the closest to being fulfilled,
including, importantly, the establishment of the United Nations. Aston-
ishing in its synthesis and scope, Weinberg’s comparison of the individual
portraits of the wartime leaders is a highly original and compelling study
of history that might have been.
Gerhard L. Weinberg is Professor Emeritus of History at the University
of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. He is the author of numerous books and
articles on the origins and course of World War II, including A World at
Arms: A Global History of World War II (Cambridge, 1994), which won
the George Louis Beer Prize of the American Historical Association, and
Germany, Hitler, and World War II (Cambridge, 1995).
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Visions of Victory
the hopes of eight
world war ii leaders
Gerhard L. WeinbergUniversity of North Carolina, Chapel Hill
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cambridge university press
Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, S ao Paulo
Cambridge University Press
40 West 20th Street, New York, ny 10011-4211, usa
www.cambridge.org
Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521852548
C Gerhard L. Weinberg 2005
This book is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception
and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
no reproduction of any part may take place without
the written permission of Cambridge University Press.
First published 2005
Printed in the United States of America
A catalog record for this publication is available from the British Library.
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Weinberg, Gerhard L.
Visions of victory : The Hopes of Eight World War II Leaders / Gerhard L. Weinberg.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
isbn 0-521-85254-4 (hardback)
1. World War, 1939–1945 – Biography. 2. Heads of state – Biography. i. Title.
d736.w46 2005
940.530922–dc22 2005000785
isbn-13 978-0-521-85254-8 hardback
isbn-10 0-521-85254-4 hardback
Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for
the persistence or accuracy of urls for external or
third-party Internet Web sites referred to in this book
and does not guarantee that any content on such
Web sites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.
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To my students
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CONTENTS
List of Maps • ix
Preface • xi
Maps • xvii
Introduction • 1
1. Adolf Hitler • 5
2. Benito Mussolini • 39
3. Tojo Hideki • 57
4. Chiang Kai-shek • 77
5. Josef Stalin • 95
6. Winston Churchill • 135
7. Charles de Gaulle • 161
8. Franklin D. Roosevelt • 175
9. The Real Postwar World • 211
Notes • 235
Bibliography • 267
Index • 285
vii
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LIST OF MAPS
European Frontiers 1919–39 page xvii Northern Europe June 1941 xviii
Polish-Soviet Border xix
Polish-German Border xx
Africa 1939 xxi
Pacific Area in 1939 xxii–xxiii
Division of Asia xxiv
ix
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PREFACE
When working on my general history of World War II, I was in-trigued by what appeared to me at the time to be a highly un-
usual concept of Charles de Gaulle, the leader of the Free French
movement. He evidently wanted the southern portion of the Ital-
ian colony of Libya annexed after victory to what was then French
Equatorial Africa. The area involved is desert, with one oasis. At
the time, France already controlled most of the Sahara Desert; why
acquire more desert? Into what sort of vision of the postwar world
held by de Gaulle did such an annexation fit? It was this question
that led me to the idea of looking at the postwar visions of major
leaders of World War II.
In my work on this project, I have again been indebted to the
William R. Kenan Jr. Charitable Trust. A period as scholar in resi-
dence at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum providedtime and support for my work, though nothing in this book repre-
sents the views of the museum or its council. The librarians at the
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill have been as patient
and helpful as always. Any errors and shortcomings are, of course,
my own.
xi
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xii • Preface
To assist the reader who would like to pursue the issues touched
on in the text further, I have tried to provide sources in English
wherever possible. If it looks at first as if numerous citations are
to a collection with a German title, the big series Dokumente zur
Deutschlandpolitik, it is important to note that the documents from
British and American archives reproduced in this collection invari-
ably appear in the original English and with proper archival refer-
ences. The broader context of the war can be followed in my A World
at Arms: A Global History of World War II, where relevant published
and unpublished sources are provided in considerable detail and my
many debts to institutions and individuals are acknowledged. In thetext, the spellings and names of places are generally those used at
the time. Thus, the colonies of European powers appear under their
old names, Chinese names have not been altered to the new sys-
tem, and Japanese names are in the Japanese form, with the family
name first.
If the focus in this work is on a small number of individuals at
the top of their respective states, there are two reasons for this. The
first is what I would call the intrinsic fascination of the leaders of the
major powers involved in the greatest war in history. There are many
biographies and other studies of them and their activities, but none
that compares their views of the future assuming their side of the war
emerged victorious. The second reason is that, especially in wartime,
the urgent demands of the conflict almost automatically make theindividual at the top more important and, in terms of the society
that the individual leads, more powerful. This was most certainly
the case during World War II.
Whatever rivalries existed in National Socialist Germany, there
can be no doubt that the major decisions on policy were made
by Adolf Hitler himself. Benito Mussolini was obliged to defer
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Preface • xiii
minimally to those elements that had enabled him to assume power,
but not only did he resent them, he generally kept them out of the
decision-making process – until they succeeded in removing him
from office. Tojo Hideki, as Chapter 3 demonstrates, was not in the
dictatorial position that Hitler and Mussolini held, but he played an
important role in the complicated way decisions were arrived at in
Tokyo all the same. After the great purges, there was certainly no
one in the Soviet Union who could imagine an internal challenge
to the absolute dominance of Josef Stalin. It should be remembered
that when assuming the office of prime minister, Winston Churchill
also insisted on creating and holding the office of minister of de-fence. He did this so that he could work either directly with the
military chiefs of staff or do so through an intermediary, General
Hastings Ismay, whom he had chosen himself. Charles de Gaulle in
a real sense personified as well as led the Free French movement.
Franklin D. Roosevelt carefully emphasized his constitutional role
as commander-in-chief, and no one in the political or military hi-
erarchy of the United States had any doubts about that. When he
agreed with proposals submitted to him, he would note in the mar-
gin, after the initials of the proposer, “OK FDR.” But if he disagreed,
the typed indication of his disapproval would be followed by his full
signature with “Commander-in-Chief” typed underneath.
The leaders of World War II belligerents were in practice limited
by the human and material resources at their disposal as well as bythe geographic factors that often made some choices either impos-
sible or especially inviting. What I have found striking is the ex-
tent to which each of the leaders examined here tended to assume
that limitations of human and material resources could be coped
with by careful planning, the assistance of associated powers, and,
in the final analysis, by sheer determination and will-power. The
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xiv • Preface
occasionally voiced view that the Allies won the war by sheer num-
bers of men, planes, ships, and tanks would have come as astonish-
ing news to the British pilots in the Battle of Britain, the Red Army
soldiers fighting in the streets of Stalingrad, and the sailors on the
three American aircraft carriers coping with the six Japanese car-
riers in June of 1942. The English Channel was equally wide and
stormy for the Germans at the height of their victories in 1940 as it
was for the Allies as they planned an invasion of northwest Europe
in 1943 and 1944. Certainly both resources and geography had to be
taken into account; what is so interesting is that in the urgencies of a
desperate war all leaders concentrated on aims first and strove to har-ness resources and strategic decisions to them. It was the hundreds
of millions of ordinary people across the globe who fought, suffered,
labored, and died in the war, and they were the ones who had to
live, and work out the best adjustments that circumstances allowed,
in the postwar world that was so largely not of their own making.
It was also by no means precisely the postwar world that the leaders
studied here wanted or expected, but the aspirations that they held
during the great conflict are surely worthy of some attention.
The world created by the war is still very much the world in which
we live. Decisions and the outcomes of battles in places that few
can identify today have shaped our world. In many ways the suc-
cesses and the failures of the years of fighting have created the issues
that confront the governments of our own time. It is true that onecan now travel under the English Channel on a train, but the her-
itage of choices made by World War II leaders continues to affect
the relations of Britain with France and other states on the conti-
nent. The position of the United States in the world and the mul-
titude of newly independent countries in the United Nations – it-
self a wartime creation – are both examples of developments that
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Preface • xv
cannot be understood unless their origins in World War II are taken
into consideration. This book is designed to assist in that process of
understanding.
Over a period of forty-five years of teaching, my students, both
undergraduate and graduate, have inspired, challenged, and cheered
me. It is to them that this book is dedicated.
Efland, North Carolina, July 2004
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G R E A T
B R I T A I N
H O L L A N D
S W I T Z E R L A N D
D E N M A R K
S W E D E N
E S T O N I A
L A T V I A
T e s
i n
H U N G A
R Y
G
UM
B E L G I U M
L
.
A L B A N I A
B U L G A R I A
TU R Y
T U R K E Y
G
R E E C E
R O M A N I A
Y U
G O S L
A V I A
G
RM
G E R M A N Y
P
O L A N D
E u r o p e a n
F r o
n t i e r s 1 9 1 9 –
3 9
U . S . S .
R .
F R A N C E
S P A I N
L I T H U
A N I A
M e m e l
D a n z i g
L
I T
A
L Y
P O R T U G A
L
A U S
T R I A
Z
S
C Z E C H
O S L O V A K I A
T h e A x i s
O c c u p i e d b y G e r m a n y
1 9
3 8 – 3 9
O c c u p i e d b y P o l a n d
1 9
3 8
O c c u p i e d b y H u n g a r y
1 9
3 8 – 3 9
ˆ
N O R W A Y
xvii
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B E L G I U M
H O L L A
N D B r e m e n
V e g e s a c k
H a m b u r g
L ü b e c k
R o s t o c k
Berlin
Stettin
KolbergRastenburg
KönigsbergGdyniaD a n z i g
S t u t t h o f
Pärnü
Riga
Haapsalu
Tallinn
Libava
Memel
KielHELIGOLAND
DENMARK
Vederso Aarhus
Backebo
Gothenburg
Stockholm
Hangö
Turku HelsinkiTerioki
P o r v o o
North Sea
M a l m
o
N a r v a K r
o n s t a d t
L e n i n g r a d
Kuhmo
SuomussalmiKARELIA
P o r k k a
l a
V i i p u r i
LakeLadoga
V o g e l s a n g
BORNHOLM
P e e n e m
ü n d e
S w i n e
m ü n d
e
B a l t i c S
e a
C o p e n h a g e n
O d e n s e
Arendal
Kristiansand
Stavanger
Haugesund
S k a g e r r
a k
Taelvag
Bergen
Vermork
Lake RjukanTinnsjo
Oslo
Hamar
Maloy Andalsnes
Alesund
SHETLANDISLANDSBRITISH
Trondheim
Mosjoen
Glomfjord
Bodo
N a r v i k
BardufossHarstad
LOFOTENISLANDS
Tromso
Kaafjord
Gällivare
LuleaKemi
BanakPetsamoPetsamo
Altafjord
Arctic Ocean
North Cape
Murmansk
KOLAPENINSULA
S
W
E
D
E
N
N
O
R
W
A
Y
F
I
N
L
A
N
D
GREATER GERMANY
K a t t e g a t
SOVIETUNION
Namsos
NorwegianSea
AtlanticOcean
G u l f o f F i n l
a nd
A r c t i c C i r c l e
G u
l f
o f B
o t h n i a
Northern Europe June 1941
xviii
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S a n R i v e r
R i v e r
The Polish-Soviet Border
International boundaries to September 1, 1939
Curzon Line, with
A B Extensions into Eastern GaliciaDemarcation line established by the Nazi-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact, August 23, 1939 (Molotov-Ribbentrop Line)
KaliningradM
a r i a m p o l e
Tilsit
Memel
•(Königsberg) G d a ´ n
s k
( D a n z i
g )
Bialystok•
•Wilno
(Vilnius)
•Minsk
•PinskWarsaw•
P O L A N D
•Lublin
A
BLvovKraków•
H U N G A R Y
B A L T I C
S E
A L I T H U A N I A
Vistula
C Z E
C H O S L
O VA K I A
R O M A N I A
•Brzesc(Brest)
B u g R
i v e
r
U
S
S
R
N i e m e n
R i v e r
•
•
•
Polish-Soviet boundary since 1945
P R U S S I A
E A S T•
•
CA R PAT H O - U K R A I N
E
xix
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Katowice
Opole
(Oppeln)
Wroclaw(Breslau)
Zgorzelec
(Görlitz)
Poznan
Berlin
P O L A N D
Gdynia
Gdansk(Danzig)
Cieszyn(Teschen)
G E R M A N Y
Szczecin
(Stettin)
E a s
t e r n L
O WE R
N e i s s e
R i v e rS I L E
S I A
U
P P E R
L u s
a t
i a n
N e
i s s e
R i
v e r
Rügen
C Z E
C H
O
S
L O
V A K I A
Kolobrzeg(Kolberg)
Shipsk
(Stolpmunde)
P O
M E R A
N
I A
B A L T I C S E
A
The Polish-German Border
Polish-German Boundary 1921–39 since 1945
E A S T
P R U S S I A
Tilsit•
Kaliningrad(Königsberg)
•
Oder R i v e r
•Memel
xx
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LI Y
E
1 9 1 9
19 19
1 9 1 9
1 9 1 9
1 9 2 5
1 9 2 4
AL ERIA
LIBYA
TUNISIA
.
.
SP. MOROCCO
G
SIERRALEONE
M
O O C C
1923 internationalone
E YPT1922 independent
kingdom
A L -
EGYPTIAN
DA
Ifni (Sp.)
Cabinda (Port
Walvis Bay(to U. of S.Afr.)
1920 Br.
MAURITANIA French 1920
IVORYOAST
FR
NIGER
MALI
North
South
Chad
R I O
E O
LIBERIA
GOLD
AND
ZILANDUNION F
SOUTH AFRICADominion
Comoro Is.(Fr.)
Alabra Is.(Br.)
Princip(Port.)
Sao Tom(Port.)
E Q U A T O R I A L
A F R
I C A
E
M A D
A G A S C A R
Athiopia)
EA
A S I A
E U R O P E
Pemba
Zanzibar
Pemba
Zanzibar
Africa, 1939
British Possessions
French Possessions
Spanish Possessions
uese Possessions
Possessions
Independent states
Former German territories placed byLeague of Nations under mandates, 192
Boundary with date of establishment1 1
xxi
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UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS
OUTER MONGOLIA
Sinkiang M A N C
H U R I
A
( M A N C H
U K U O
)
CHINA
Tibet
INDIA
BURMA
Mandalayandalay
Mandalay
Chungking
Canton
Saigon
TH IL NTHAILAND
PALAU
DUTCH EASTINDIES
FR.INDO-CHINA
MALAYA
Borneo
Ceylon
Celebes Sea
JavaTimor
Singapore
PHILIPPINESSouthChina
Sea
Hainan
Formosa
(Taiwan)Hong Kong
Manila
Mindanao
S u m a t r a
S t r a i t o f M a l a c c a
D a r w i n
Perth
A U S T R A L I A
I N D I A N O C E A N
SydneyMelbourne
Brisbane
NewCaledonia
Coral Sea
PortMoresby
NEW HEBRIDES
Guadalcanal
NewBritain
Ponape
New IrelandRabaul
BougainvilleSOLOMONISLANDS
NEW
GUINE
NEWGUINEA
Eniwetok
WakeIslandMARIANA
ISLANDS
CAROLINE ISLANDS
GuamSaipanRota.
Iwo Jima B U R
M A R O A D
Okinawa
EastChina
Sea
Tokyo
JAPANKOREAYellow
Sea
ShanghaiRYUKYUISLANDS
Sea of Japan
Hokkaido
SAKHALIN
ISLAND
Sea of Okhotsk
K U R I L
I S L A
N D S
K A M
C H
A T K A
B I S M AR C K AR C H I P E L AG O
Honshu
ikokuShikoku
Kyushu
Tasmania
Luzon
Pacific Area in 1939
xxii
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Alaska
Attu
Kiska
MidwayIslands
Pearl Harbor
Oahu
ChristmasIs.
Samoa
FIJITahiti
NEW ZEALAND
Auckland
Kwajalein
Tarawa
GILBERT ISLANDS
MARSHALLISLANDS
HAWAIIAN
ISLANDS
P A C I F I C O C E A N
M E X I C O
Los Angeles
San Francisco
UNITED STATESP A C I F I C O C E A N
CANADA
Bering Sea
C a l i f o
r n i a
ALEU T I A N I S L A N D
S
0 500 1,000 miles
0 500 1,000 kilometers
xxiii
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P
R O P O S E D D I V I S I O N O F
O P E R A T I O N A L Z O N E S
D E C E M B E R , 1 9 4 1
J a p a n e s e p r o p o s a l
O K W p r o p o s a l
F u r t h e s t G e r m a n a n d
J a p a n e s e a d v a n c e s
d u r i n g t h e w a r .
S c a l e i n m i l e s
0
5 0 0
1 0 0 0
7 0 °
K U Z B A S S
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A L
Y E N I S E I R I V E R
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I N
A
I N
D I
A
A F G
H A N I S T
A N
I R A
N U R A L
I R O N O R E
B G
xxiv
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