visual rhetoric essay on "poser!"
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An analysis of the YouTube video "Poser!" by WongFu Productions from a visual rhetoric standpoint. This essay explores themes of race and stereotypes in popular media and in new media.TRANSCRIPT
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Jillian Toda
Professor Kimokeo-Goes
Rhet-350C: Rhetoric, Visual Culture, and Film
12/15/10
Mocking and Resistance: Humor and Racial Performance in “Poser! The History and
Evolution of the Peace Sign”
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When asked how Wong Fu Productions, an independent production company, was
representing Asian Americans in their work, the group answered, “We want to show that APAs
(Asian/Pacific Islander Americans) are just normal people, and shouldn’t be stereotyped in the
media and should have proper representation” (Pacific Citizen, “From Online”). Friends and
coworkers Ted Fu, Philip Wang, and Wesley Chan make up the popular Wong Fu Productions
(WFP) that has released numerous videos over the past seven years. Their “mockumentary”
released on September 10th, 2009 titled “POSER! The History and Evolution of the ‘Peace
Sign,’” became an instant hit, with the most views of any of their videos in a single day (Wang,
“It’s okay to be a POSER”). The success of “POSER!” may be difficult to pinpoint, but through
an examination of its humor, visuals, and message, this essay will explore how the video
functions rhetorically.
“POSER!” acts as a cultural message for American society and the following
examination will investigate the ways in which this piece of rhetoric works. First, I will provide
contextual information about rhetorical strategies for viewing “POSER!” in order to ground this
text in a larger picture of rhetorical significance. By examining the video in terms of Cara
Finnegan’s strategies of production, composition, and reception, I argue that “POSER!”
functions as a powerful piece of rhetoric, whether intentional or not. The influence of the
mockumentary’s rhetoric, however, comprises several elements, including humor, race, and
persuasive message. While making a rhetorical analysis of the video, I will secondly discuss its
societal significance in terms of race representation in media. Combining rhetorical and racial
analyses, I will argue that Wong Fu Productions’ “POSER!” both reinforces racial stereotypes
through racial performance and challenges hegemonic ideals of Asian Americans through
rhetorical choices regarding its production and composition. All of these aspects work together
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and influence one another in the reception of “POSER! The History and Evolution of the ‘Peace
Sign’” by American society.
Rhetorical and Racial Modes of Analysis
In examining “POSER!,” there are several elements to be broken down in order to
understand how they cooperate and form a single, complex artifact. To do this, I will use three
of the five “critical approaches” set up by Finnegan’s “Studying Visual Modes of Public
Address” (252). The first approach will be in studying the production of the artifact, including
aspects such as medium, genre, and the rhetorical creators (Finnegan 253). Applying these
elements to the mockumentary will provide further context, as well as explain how and why the
artifact is composed and received by audiences the way it is.
My second approach of composition will interpret the actual “visual grammar” of the
text, which also contributes to the success of the reception of the artifact. By exploring themes,
color, content organization, and even historical knowledge, an idea forms of what the artifact
rhetorically achieves (254). Specific to “POSER!,” I will use this broad approach to examine
how the use of race is a rhetorical choice that holds much influence over the audience and its
reception. Reception is the study of audience response to a text that may include attitudes or
action derived from the artifact itself (259). I see the interpolation of the social factors of humor
and race in this rhetorical analysis to be crucial in forming a complete picture of what “POSER!”
offers society.
A race analysis specific to Asian American representation in media will be important to
my claim that “POSER!” both perpetuates and challenges dominant, White, normative ideas
about different races. Asian Americans have had limited representation in media, and are most
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commonly portrayed in the recurring roles of “young, passive adults at work in technology ads”
who are viewed as anti-social and working alone (Mastro and Stern 642-645). Such
representations relate back to other images that have circulated in society throughout history, in
which Asians and Asian Americans have been placed into “peripheral roles, fetishized as objects,
or portrayed as one-dimensional stereotypes” (Mok 186, 188). One popular stereotype is that all
Asians look alike, which groups together an array of diverse Asian ethnicities under the umbrella
term “Asian American” (Hamamoto 206; Mok 186). Indeed, this negative and ignorant thinking
has been normalized into societal thinking, as contemporary advertisements still continue to use
these notions (Angry Asian Man “Old Navy Commercial: All Asians—even Mannequins—look
alike?”). These hegemonic ideals of Asian Americans that are present in “POSER!” can be
further examined under a lens of rhetoric, race and humor in order to conclude how this
mockumentary is a form of resistance to these normative views. This analysis, divided into three
parts that follow the different sections of the mockumentary, is where I will now turn.
“POSER!” as Perpetuator, Performance, and Resister
Against a sunny, blue-skied background, a prestigious building is shown in the opening
shot of “POSER!,” as a narrator describes the “Formosan Agency Of Broadening Ethnology,
also known as FAOBE.” Although at surface level, this video appears to be like any traditional
documentary, attention to the aspects of production make audiences realize that it is actually a
parody of the documentary-style genre, a mockumentary. In looking at the chosen medium that
WFP releases their videos—YouTube—“POSER!” is viewed as entertainment, due to the
humorous nature and the idea of YouTube as a leisure website. Also, depending upon whether
or not viewers are familiar with Wong Fu Productions, they may already know the group’s genre
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is humor, although this knowledge conforms to stereotypes of Asian men being funny and of
being technology savvy. Considering the medium and circulation space of the video, WFP
rhetorically communicates to audiences hints about their humorous work.
Since humor is both timely and defined by “highly personal tastes,” it is worth noting
how the race of WFP affected the production of “POSER!” in its jokes for an intended audience
(Dudden 9, 10). It is no coincidence that the abbreviation “FAOBE” is phonetically identical to
the term “fobby” which derives from FOB, or “fresh off the boat.” This term was originally
created in a derogatory manner, marking someone as being too “Asian” or “ethnic,” and was
rivaled by the opposite term “whitewashed” for being too assimilated (Pyke and Dang 149). In
the last few years, however, the term has been reclaimed by the Asian American community and
turned into a term of endearment reserved for intraracial use (Angry Asian Man “To fob with
love”; Pyke and Dang 159). The men of Wong Fu Productions know that they have a large
Asian American fan base, and their use of cultural humor reveals their targeted audience,
although it by no means limits non-Asian Americans from understanding the video. While being
inclusive of all races as possible audiences, WFP sets up an inside joke in the first shot of the
mockumentary, signaling the humorous genre of the video as well as targeting Asian Americans.
This subtlety demonstrates the first way in which WFP resists White, dominant culture by
asserting humor meant for one group in society into their video that is distributed through
mainstream society.
The following scenes of “POSER!” introduce the mockumentary’s experts in three
distinct sections of history, classification, and development, which can be viewed under the
approach of composition. Historian Dr. Dennis Tsai begins with a brief historical account of
how the peace sign became popularized, complete with a scene of an Asian couple in “Shanghai
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1941” posing for a “traditional” photo using the gesture, which mocks the documentary style of
using old video clips and suggests that Asians have endlessly been using the peace sign in
photos. Although this notion is problematic since it reinforces the idea of “it’s just the way
Asians are” when they pose for pictures, it also shows longevity and expertise in the act of
posing. Asian and Asian American expertise is a theme continually shown in the video, and is
also reflected in the choice of using Asian American actors as the three doctors. Again, these
roles present the contradiction of both hurting and helping images of Asian and Asian
Americans. Using Asian faces reiterates the stereotype of them being lab coat wearing scientists
who are unaffiliated with any friends or family (Mastro and Stern 642). Their mere visual
presence, however, breaks the norms of Asian and Asian American representation by allowing
them to take on positions of authority as the main characters; by increasing Asian American
representation, WFP challenges the lack of Asian faces in contemporary media. Furthermore,
the doctors’ speech in clear, intelligent English breaks stereotypes about all Asians having
accents or being foreigners, and—especially with Dr. Kim’s colloquial speech patterns, using
“totally” and “duh”—differentiates them from being Asian, but Asian American (Mok 186).
Racial stereotypes, music, and color designate the classification section’s composition.
After Dr. Tsai’s explanation of “photographic posing accents” (PPAs), which continues the
mocking of documentaries and scholarly-sounding acronyms, the taxonomist walks the audience
through PPAs of White, Black, and Asian people in the “Office of Ethnic Mannerisms” (OEM).
With a clipboard in hand, Dr. Kim is presented as an expert, although her feminized qualities—
language use, haircut, dangling earrings—unfortunately present her as the object of the male
gaze, whether that be by Asian or non-Asian men. The music in the background is light, bouncy,
and feminine, which can be viewed as perpetuating the “cute Asian girl” stereotype (Mok, 191-
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192). As she turns to examining the PPA-ing subjects, however, the audience’s gaze shifts from
Dr. Kim to those people behind the glass window, transferring the view of Dr. Kim as object to
an authority figure that has power over her subjects. While the gaze used here perpetuates
normative views of Asian women, the shift of Dr. Kim to a person with power suggests the
breaking of such stereotypical thinking.
The performance of racial stereotypes couples with music as Dr. Kim classifies them.
The first shot of the White people is behind a white-framed glass window that resembles a
portrait frame, directing the audience gaze. The bright, sterile, white room and background
behind the subjects points the gaze solely on them. As Dr. Kim describes how White people do
their PPAs, acoustic music begins playing, stereotyping them as much as their visual actions and
appearance. As two Black people come into the examination room, a stereotypically funky jam
replaces the acoustic music. The Black subjects are both wearing shades of blue, with this
“cool” color alluding to their cool attitudes and behavior when using the peace sign. As the
White and Black people show off their respective PPAs, stereotypes of each race are
emphasized, as Whites like bunny ears and rock music while Blacks like utilizing material
objects (“bling”). Seeing how several racial stereotypes play out for multiple races, viewers are
invited to laugh at the over-exaggeration of these performances emphasized by music and the
light tone of Dr. Kim, who even introduces the Asians by saying they “by far, have the most
extensive collection of poses. It’s actually super-duper hard to keep up.”
Dr. Kim also mentions that these PPAs are used by both Asians and Asian Americans,
differentiating the terms, and again challenging the notion of all Asian-looking people being the
same (Mok 186). How this scene resists this misconception is notable. As the doctor goes
through the many different gestures of Asians, some of the names used to describe them
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reference social knowledge specific to Western culture such as “the mantel,” “the Peak-a-Boo,”
“vogue,” “the Thinker,” and “Home Alone.” It is not in the physical gestures themselves, but in
the naming (taxonomy) of the PPAs, that this scene of “POSER!” actually asserts the
Westernized and “American” identities of Dr. Kim and the Asian Americans in the room,
allowing non-Asian viewers to connect with the Asians through cultural references rather than
being distanced by “Otherizing” racial stereotypes. Additionally, the connections set up by
cultural tropes is strengthened by the presence of humor, which abstractly, but competently
appeals to the “perceptual responses of the audience” and making the blatant stereotypes more
digestible (Sternthal and Craig 13).
Finishing its racial stereotyping of others in the research and development scene, the
mockumentary continues its humor through mocking the “self” using the racial performativity of
Asians. Dr. Julio Gonzalez discusses the important job of “CGIs—cute girl innovators” as
creators of new PPAs, which also highlights the Asian and/or Asian American woman as
stereotypically small—physically as well as by age—and funny by use of bizarre gestures.
There is, however, the token Asian guy (“cute guy innovator”) in this scene, although he is
feminized by his job of posing in cutesy photos, especially in contrast to Dr. Gonzalez who is
presented as the authority figure and older in age than the CGIs. The cute guy innovator
conforms to stereotypes of Asian men as being effeminate, but is also the goofy character that
brings much humor to the scene (Mok 191). In fact, all of the CGIs are presented as cute, funny,
and conforming to stereotypes of Asians and Asian Americans.
Constructions of racial identities have been enforced “as social devices that mark
boundaries of inclusion and exclusion” in society, and can be seen in “POSER!” as performative,
or internalized within those who are racially marginalized from the mainstream public (Lei 160;
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Pyke and Dang 151). Mocking Asians and Asian Americans allows WFP to take part in racial
performativity by writing, producing, and circulating a video about “Asianness” and what Asians
do. In knowing that “POSER!” is a mockumentary, though, audiences infer that WFP is making
fun of the racial stereotyping that is occurring throughout the video, knowing that identities are
much more complex than photo posing and race. Hegemonic ideals of dominant society regulate
the identities of, and racialize, people of color, causing performance to become one’s identity
(Lei 179). In this scene of “POSER!,” the CGIs showcase wacky poses, but posing can be
interpreted as not only a gesture, but as a signifier of race and identity (minus the “cute animal
poses”) for viewers to either categorize or identify with. Thus, racial performance in “POSER!”
that is based on stereotypes mocks the racial “self” in order to present WFP’s message in a more
palatable package.
In exploring the final scene of “POSER!,” the audiences’ reception of the work are vital
in assessing the persuasive success of the video. Whether intentional or not, WFP created this
mockumentary with a purpose and message for audiences to accept. At the end of the research
and development segment, Dr. Gonzalez discusses failed PPAs as part of the creative process,
save for one particular gesture familiar to all Asians and Asian Americans: the “slanty eyes.” He
explicitly says that, “it is not okay to do this pose,” and as the light background music cuts off to
dead, serious silence, Dr. Gonzalez states, “it’s racist.” This message is clear, but reflects the
larger, more disguised message of the overall mockumentary that challenges dominant ways of
thinking as well as racism that continues in popular media (Disgrasian “Joe Jonas: Look Me in
the Chink-Eyes”). Since such blatant forms of racism like the “slanty eyes” are widely known to
be unacceptable (except among celebrities), this statement is humorous in that it creatively
incorporates something serious into the ridiculous scenario of PPAs and CGIs. As “POSER!”
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makes fun of Asians Americans, it simultaneously demands respect for them by viewers through
subtle messages.
Further investigation on how the mockumentary is received by audiences deserves more
attention, specifically in the concluding section on FAOBE’s “educational outreach program.”
The doctors explain that the program “brings together different ethnic groups to share their
cultural PPAs” as shots of Black and White and Asian people interacting are displayed. Each
group is portrayed as being complete amateurs at performing each other’s PPAs, with the Black
people showing White people how to utilize material items for posing, and Asian people
showing the Black people cute posing gestures. These three races are shown posing together,
presenting a hopeful image of a diverse, integrated social landscape. Audiences are persuaded
that this cross-cultural, cross-racial interaction is positive, resisting social norms that “otherize”
different races. From the perspectives of non-Asian American viewers of “POSER!,” this
message of racial inclusivity and interaction breaks stereotypes of Asians being cliquey, while
Asian American viewers see the need to interact interracially.
A production aspect of examining the creators’ relationships can also be noteworthy to
the analysis of audience reception. Fans of WFP know that the group continually tries to
represent Asian Americans in their videos, so having people of different races is eye-catching
visually and conceptually since there exist misconceptions of Asians and Blacks hating one
another (Hamamoto 174-175; Kim and Lee 631, 633). Knowing that WFP are Asian Americans
who have relationships with people of different races lets the audience identify with them since
they likely have interracial friendships, as well as builds a stronger image of interracial coalition-
building (Kim and Lee 633). Although not all races were represented, “POSER!” functions as a
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positive image of cross-racial interaction and empowering piece of rhetoric for Asian Americans
in contemporary media.
Humor and Persuasion: POSER! As Challenging Hegemonic Norms
Philip Wang, who wrote “POSER!,” expressed on the Wong Fu Productions website that
he was “concerned that people would think the content was racist” (WFP, 2009). Indeed, as I
have examined, the video emphasizes racial stereotypes, but the purpose of the mockumentary
sets out to do more than just make fun of everyone. Making fun of people, in fact, gives
“POSER!” its purpose in that it communicates to the audience that WFP can laugh at themselves
as Asian Americans. Through this lens of humor and laughter, WFP invites people of other races
to also laugh at themselves so that they can all share in the laughter together. By noting how
ridiculous and invalid stereotypes of oneself are, one can more easily understand how stereotypes
of racial others are equally dismal and inaccurate. Similarly, the power of laughter in media is
significant to gaining audience acceptance, especially with controversial issues such as race.
Wong Fu Productions sidesteps most of this difficulty by employing humor as a rhetorical device
that allows audiences to better relate to the video in a more agreeing mood than a serious
documentary would. By distracting audiences with entertainment and amusement, their
reception of the mockumentary’s message is well-received rather than met with contestation
(Sternthal and Craig 14). Thus, “POSER!” breaks down stereotypes held between races through
its humor.
Beyond racial stereotyping, “POSER!” is a rhetorical artifact that empowers the general
youth population and, more specifically, the Asian American community. Through its use of
young people, a targeted age group of ages 13-30 was implied in the video, which is consistent
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with American values of who can make change—such as greater racial equity—happen in
society. While the video included mostly Asian American characters, White and Black people
were also present, promoting cooperative, interracial relationships among everyone. It is
important to note that Latin@s, Native Americans, and Arab Americans were not represented in
the video, but that this may be yet another way that the mockumentary conforms to mainstream
media representation. With large Asian American representation, though, the video both
reinforces stereotypes of Asians and Asian Americans, as well as challenges their lack of
representation in dominant culture.
This mockumentary sets up several contradictions, illustrating the complexity of issues of
race and culture, even within a humorous setting. While classifying White, Black, and Asian
people as having distinct cultural styles for posing that were some inherent “ethnic mannerisms,”
the last scene shows these racial performances crumbling, as each group share their gestures for
someone of any race to perform. Racial performance, although set up as fact in the first half of
the video, is refuted in the ending, demonstrating the inaccuracy of racial stereotypes and
performances. Asians and Asian Americans were portrayed to fit the stereotypes of bookish and
smart experts, as well as the cute girls posing for pictures. At both ends of the stereotype
spectrum, however, these representations simultaneously challenged hegemonic norms in
dominant society that doesn’t allow Asian faces to preside in prominent media, which makes
“POSER!” and WFP examples of how Asian Americans can be portrayed in the mainstream.
Through the Wong Fu Productions mockumentary short, “POSER! The History and
Evolution of the ‘Peace Sign,’” circulation of a message of cultural acceptance, as well as
increased visibility of Asian Americans in media are achieved. Humor is the key component of
the video’s success in persuading audiences of different races of the importance of interracial
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relationships and questioning of racial performances. Through the power of laughter in this
mockumentary, WFP invites others to laugh with them as they make fun of Asians and Asian
Americans, allowing for bonds of humor to bring viewers—Asian and non-Asian—together in
identification with recognizing and embracing differences. Although the video may not reach all
ethnic identities, it is still constitutive rhetoric that brings a large part of the Asian American
community together in solidarity for a part of Asian American identity. Viewed through the
lenses of production, composition, and reception, with elements of race and humor analyses,
“POSER!” functions in the greater society as a counterdiscourse to dominant ideals that
marginalize Asian Americans and other people of color from representation in media and
mainstream culture. When asked what messages they wished to convey in their films, the men of
Wong Fu Productions replied, “we just want to tell good stories in a good way” (Pacific Citizen
“From Online Filmmakers to Entrepreneurs”). Their growing, interracial fanbase would
enthusiastically agree that Wong Fu is achieving just that.
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Works Cited
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Finnegan, Cara A. “Studying Visual Modes of Public Address: Lewis Hine’s Progressive-Era
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Hamamoto, Darell Y. Monitored Peril: Asian Americans and the Politics of TV Representation.
Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994.
Kim, Claire Jean and Taeku Lee. “Interracial Politics: Asian Americans and Other Communities
of Color.” PS: Political Science and Politics 34.3 (Sept. 2001): 631-637.
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Boys.”” Anthropology & Education Quarterly 34.2 (2003): 158-181.
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reftab/36/title/From_Online_Filmmakers_to_Entrepreneurs/Default.aspx>.
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Sternthal, Brian and C. Samuel Craig. “Humor in Advertising.” The Journal of Marketing 37.4
(Oct. 1973): 12-18.
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14 Dec. 2010. <http://disgrasian.com/2009/03/joe-jonas-look-me-in-the-chink-eyes/>.
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be-a-poser/>.
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