Vocational Education The case of Sweden in a historical and international con-

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Ulf P. Lundgren Department of Education 07/10/2007 Uppsala University

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Content Introduction .............................................................................................................. 3 The basic questions in constructing vocational education ....................................... 4 A brief historical background................................................................................... 4 The reform of the seventies ...................................................................................... 7 From the seventies to the nineties ............................................................................ 9 The restructuring of Swedish education................................................................. 10 Political governing – changed conditions .............................................................. 11 New reforms of vocational education .................................................................... 14 Advanced vocational education ............................................................................. 16 Vocational education in the beginning of the new century.................................... 16 Comparative models in vocational education ........................................................ 18 Is there a lesson to learn? ....................................................................................... 22 References .............................................................................................................. 24

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Introduction Work and the life of work are rapidly changing as we are encountering a new economy. An economy where capital becomes more and more depending on edu-cation and research. The development of the economy relies on competence and on brain power. Hence, capital is in our competencies and the structure of compe-tencies; and not the least in our ability to identify, develop and use competence. In that endeavour vocational education1 is a key investment in future development. During the century passed has the production radically changed, which has cre-ated new demands on competencies in the working force. In its turn this has ac-centuated the importance of education and training for economic and social devel-opment. Three basic direction of the production has drifted from an agrarian economy over an industrial towards a knowledge economy. These changes give the background according to which the forming, reforming and expansion of vo-cational education are to be understood. We are now entering what has been called a new industrial revolution. The terms we use to label this new economy can be disputed. 2 What is harder to dispute is that we are entering a new type of production and economy, which demand new knowledge and new competencies. At the same time, we must realise that this change is not sweeping in or flooding in as a wave. History tells us that changes in economy and social life run parallel with stability, irrespective of how dramatic a specific change is. When entering the 20th century, the then modern society was an urban industrialised society, but for a long time there still was a rural, not in-dustrialised, society running in parallel with it. What can be called “knowledge workers”3, that is, those that work with develop-ment, administration and mediate knowledge, have increased in number since the sixties.4 The dominating part of salary costs in industrial enterprises tends to be costs for knowledge intensive investments and marketing. The direct costs for the basic production become a lesser part of the total economy in industry.5 Within the OECD-nations in 2002 were 40 percent of all employed in the manufacturing industry working with service and management,6 and the knowledge intensive markets counted for 20% of the gross surplus value.7 These tendencies have been special visible for the economically strong nations. 8

1 The terms vocational education and professional education will be used synonymous. 2 It has been labelled the learning society (OECD 2000), ”the new capitalism”, (Sennet, 2006), “the third industrial revolution” (Magnusson, 2000.) or ”the network society” (Castells, M 2006). 3 The concept was coined already in the sixties independent of each other by Fritz Machlup and Peter Druckner.. 4 Druckner, 2001. 5 Eliasson, 1993. 6 OECD. 2005. Page 166. 7 As knowledge intensive markets is counted post- and telecommunication, finance, insurances and trade (OECD. 2005. Page 166). 8 Source OECD: http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/381402335886

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The development in Sweden follows the same pattern with less working in tradi-tional industrial work and more working in service related work.9 Industry has ra-tionalised and moved to low-salary nations.10 Sweden has, compared with the other nations within OECD, most investments in knowledge production between 1994 and 2002 compared to investments in ma-chinery and tools. The proportion of education with GNP has been rather constant since 1975 with a peak connected to the upper-secondary school reforms in the seventies. With these changes towards increased globalisation and a knowledge economy education in general and vocational education in particular is of decisive impor-tance for the future. The questions about how organisations of and curricula con-struction for the forming of the future societal, cultural and working life are open. The basic questions in constructing vocational education There are four critical questions to be answered when constructing a system for vocational education. • How much of the education should be placed at working places and how much

in schools? • How much of the content should be general subjects and how much should be

vocational subjects? The answer on the first question is to some degree related to the answer on this question.

• What will the balance between the State (municipality), the employers and the employees in designing and carrying out the education?

• Who will pay for vocational education? The enterprises or by taxes? If we see to how these four questions have been answered over time and over sys-tems it seems as the answers to the two first questions reflect the production for which the education is intended to give competence, but also the economy in large. The answers to the two other questions reflect traditions going back to the forming of the vocational education. A brief historical background Vocational education in Sweden has as in most countries its roots in the craftsmen education. With the forming of industrial production the need for a more organ-ised vocational education was accentuated. At the end of th19th century schools for vocational education were established as Evening schools and Sunday schools. In the beginning of the 20th century specific industrial schools were established by the municipalities. These schools were in comparison with Evening and Sunday schools full-time schools. The fundamental question at this time was, if actual teaching should be carried out in the form of apprenticeship or be school based. The employers showed an interest for the apprenticeship model. It gave cheap la-bour. The labour unions on the other hand argued against using the students as unpaid labour force. An expansion of regular vocational schools, they meant, gave

9 Arvidsson & Ekstedt. 2006. 10 Today is for example 75 percent of all toys manufactured in world produced in China and 58 per cent of all clothes (Pitsilis., Woetzel & Wong, J. 2005.

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also a more qualified working force. There were now rules and institutions for – that is a clearing system – for distributing responsibilities and costs for appren-ticeship education. Thus the will of the enterprises to engage in apprenticeship education in a large scale was low.” 11 After the First World War one fundamental discussion concerning vocational edu-cation was the legal regulation of apprenticeship. The employers union was against such a regulation as they were afraid of the economic burden. The conse-quence was that no legal regulations were formed, like as it was done in Germany and in Denmark. The question of legal regulation is a crucial one in the 19th century. The industrial forerunner England developed a vocational education that was private and thus not centralised and regulated. The control over vocational education that the em-ployers had had with the guilds vanished at the end of the 19th century. But who should pay? There were four solutions discernable to this question: 1. The costs were covered by taxes. 2. The employers negotiated between themselves and formed contracts which

gave some form of guarantee for the investments. 3. The costs for vocational education were investments in shaping a recruitment

base. 4. The old apprenticeship system was re-established.12 “According to our way of seeing came the size of nations, degree of backwardness (competition pressure from precursors) and the historically inherited structure of production to decide the path of development taken. But even national character-istics played in, as we can see, in the determination of the elements that came to dominate the solution of the problem of vocational education.”13 In England the private solution was the principle. In Germany a regulation system was established with control over the apprenticeship system. Denmark and Swe-den developed rather similar system, which by time became different. At the turn of the 19th century the pedagogical debate in general was rather inten-sive. During the twenties and the thirties vocational education became an instru-ment for lowering the unemployment and thus an integrated part of the labour policies. Industrial schools were one such measure giving an full time education in specially equipped schools. The contract between the employers and the unions in the thirties about appren-ticeship salaries was on such a level that it lowered the incitement for small and middle sized enterprises to employ apprentices.

11 Olofsson 2005. Page. 58. My translation. 12 Pettersson Undated. Page 4. 13 Op. Cit. Page 4. My translation.

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In Denmark there was an apprentice law 1937 that regulated the cooperation be-tween the State, the employers and the employees. The time for apprenticeship was lowered and some general subjects as Danish and arithmetic were introduced. In Germany, which had a more regulated education, the dual system was devel-oped.14 Dual means that part of the education is located at working places and part at schools. It should be noted that in spite of the fact that since the thirties the women were in majority in vocational education the discussion was concentrated on the education of the men. One reason was that the men dominated the industrial sector. In 1938 the employers union and the labours union signed a contract agreeing on certain actions on the labour market. This contract15 confirmed a consensus, an agreement that had an important impact for the development of the economy and the labour market. In line with this contract a committee for vocational education was established. A regulation over labour market contracts was preferred by both the unions and the employers and not legislation. In 1944 a special council for vo-cational education (representing employers and employed) and a national board for vocational education were established. The problems in the twenties and thirties to find a solution in order to stimulate economic growth can be descried as twofold. One was to handle the recurrent conflicts on the labour market. The other was to establish longer planning hori-zons for the development of industry. In this latter solution vocational education was an ingredient. Another problem was to avoid “free riders”, that is, to use in-vestments that competing companies could use by raising salaries and thus attract competence. The handling of the first problem was to establish a regulated system for vocational education and a council for handling the relation between education and work and employers and employee. It took time before vocational education expanded. At the mid forties 15.000 stu-dents were examined most of them had followed part time courses. At the time of the reform of the seventies the number was 100.000 and now the majority took full time courses. Table 1. Number of examined in vocational education for industrial and handi-craft work in public and private schools (number of women in parenthesis)16 Year 1950 1960 1970 Number 5 665 (no statistic) 14 932 (3 180) 31 899 (5 760)

The number of student that fulfilled the education directed towards industrial work dominated and this domination increased for each decade.

14 Cf. Thelen 2001. 15 This contract was signed at Saltjöbaden outside Stockholm and is named after the place. The ideal of the contract is called the spirit of Saltsjöbaden (Saltsjöbadsandan) that existed into the six-ties. 16 Source: Nilsson & Svärd, 1991.

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Table 2. Total number examined in vocational education in public and private schools (number of women in parenthesis. Year 1950 1960 1970 Number 15 512 (no statistic) 41 850 (22 647) 100 020 (58 604)

During the period 1950 to 1970 there is a substantial increase in exams from voca-tional education; the number doubled over six times. This period reflects what has been called the golden ages of the Swedish industrial society. The economy grows and so do mass consumption, mass production17 and mass education.18 In the sixties the National Agency for Vocational Education was amalgamated with the National Board of Education. The state regulation increased. “Vocational education was thought to facilitate rationalisations, a fast technical development and a high degree of refinement within production – all to make it possible to increase the export volume and material rise of living standard. But vocational education was also seen as a measure for recruiting women to indus-trial work.”19 The changes within production as well as the access to labour continued to be cen-tral issues concerning organisation, content and degree of vocational education. The central issue was the balance between education at the work places and in schools as well as the influence by the actors concerned. The reform of the seventies The Parliament of 1970 decided to reform the entire upper secondary school sys-tem20 by amalgamating the three existing study lines - the academic lines (gym-nasium), the continuation lines (fackskola – commerce, health care, office) and vocational lines (yrkesskola). The new school form was called the gymnasium school and in the first phase the reform was to be understood as an organisational reform more than an actual integration of teacher staff and physical space. One background to this reform was the comprehensive reform movement of the entire school system that started in 1940 and ended with the constitution of a nine-year comprehensive and compulsory school in 1962. The basic educational system was by this reform unified after twenty-two years of committee work and experi-mentation. The reforms of the seventies were both an implementation of a new curriculum for the compulsory school and the change of the upper secondary school system to a unified upper secondary school system. In doing that the entire school system from primary to tertiary was unified. The consequence for voca-tional education was that it became a part of the school system and thus a part of the politics of education more than the labour market politics.

17 Magnusson 1999. 18 Cf. Coombs 1968. 19 Olofsson 2005. Page. 70. My translation. 20 In Sweden the nine-year comprehensive school starts at sevens years of age. The upper secon-dary school system was at that time three years long from sixteen to nineteen for the academic lines and two year long for vocational lines.

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This decision trigged of debates around the balance between vocational subjects and general subjects in the curriculum and the balance of responsibility between the state and employers. The fundamental questions in these debates were of course the classical ones around the overwhelming goals for vocational education: Should the dominating teaching be in vocational or general subjects? 21 The reform of 1971 meant that the main part of the education was located to school in where machinery and tools for training were invested by the state. It had another consequence as it was a shift from vocational education as a professional education, where the student leaving education was fully prepared for work, to an education that prepared for further professional education. 22 In Sweden this model for vocational education can be characterized as “coopera-tive structure for decisions, coordinated teaching in school forms, a step by step wider educational content and small components of apprentice and work place education. An essential premise is hence that this model for education has its bases in well-organised and hard centralised actor organisations, and in a strat-egy for high productivity and increased mobility in working life forced by a soli-darity salary policy aiming at increase the international competitiveness.”23 The cooperative state was visible by the fact that the parties on the labour market had their representatives in the board for the state agency for vocational education since it was established in 1944. At the same time the State was the strongest part. In comparison to Denmark the Swedish State took over time a more and more firm grasp over vocational education by clearly integrate vocational education as a part of the upper secondary school system. This “schooling” of vocational education had the important background in the changes of production. “New and expansive machinery equipment, an extended di-vision of labour and more intensive work pace framed the space for supervision of apprentices close to production. Changes in the organisation of work in line with taylorism, where not only systematic specialisation but also the piece rate were central parts made it more difficult to find manager and workers that could give time for instruction.”24 In the integrated upper secondary school of the seventies the vocational part em-braced 22 two-year lines. The lines in their turn consisted all together of 40 branches. And to that can be added special courses. Thus, the vocational system of the seventies was hence rather complicated.25

21 Olofsson 2005. Page. 55. 22 SOU 1986:2. 23 . Olofsson 2005 Page 83. My translation Cf J.:. Op.cit. Page. 27. 23 Nilsson & Svärd 1991. 23 Magnusson 1999. 24 Op. Cit. Page 101. My translation. 25 SOU 1986: 2..

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From the seventies to the nineties In 1975 Sweden had a peak in the after war economic development. The Swedish industry had expanding production, The Swedish “krona”26 was highly valuated while the competing nations went down in a low trade cycle. Sweden was a first ranked industrial nation. After that the growth rate has gone down.27 “The Swedish model”28 worked well when growth was stable. Basic elements in the model were salary policies built on a solidarity principle, progressive taxes, public saving and governing of stock markets.29 When production changed this model became problematic. The combination of the salary policy and progressive taxes gave little of return from investments in education. Education was free and the individual did not have to pay for education. But the loss of incentives for edu-cation was in the long run hazardous for the supply of competence. The basic industries, like wharfs, steel and tree industry faced structural reorgani-sations. The new electronic technology was used in making the production more efficient and new competencies were called for. In 1976 a committee was established given the task to work out a proposal for a re-form of the upper secondary school system. In 1981 the result was published.30 The suggestions from the committee were not taken by the government and the parliament. Instead an experimental period started. A new committee was established focussing vocational education. The final report was published in 1986.31 In this it was suggested a three-year long vocational edu-cation in which: - The vocational part should be carried out within three semesters - The education in working places had to increase and be 10% the first year and

60% the third and last year. - Apprentice education for small and specific professions or for students that live

far away from a vocational schools. - Costs for the school located education should be covered by public resources. - Costs for the education on working places were to be covered by enterprises. - The syllabi ought to build on a module system that was competence based in

order to be bricks in a recurrent educational system. In order to study the possibilities and the effects of having a substantial part of the education at working places an experimental period started in 1988 with 6.000 stu-dent places. During the two following years the number increased to 10.000 and 11.000 student places. A committee was established to evaluate the experiment. 32 The idea behind was to find answers on the questions:

26 At that time 1 dollar was about 10 krona. Today 1 dollar is about 7 krona. 27 Cf. Schön 2007. 28 Trädgårdh 2007. 29 Schön 2007. Page 486. 30 SOU 1981:86. 31 SOU 1986: 2. 32 SOU 1992: 25.

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- How is the access to the working place education depending on business and trade cycles and local enterprises?

- What are the effects concerning recruitment? - Can the quality be guaranteed? - Are there good supervisors on the working places? - Are there good contracts between employers and schools? - What are the economical consequences? The answers given by the evaluation showed that local traditions and local coop-eration was of vital importance. Change in trade cycle had an impact and the re-cruitment patterns did not change. 33 The committee suggested an implementation 1987/88. The government hesitated and suggested in a bill a period of experiments with a three-year vocational educa-tion. 34 Thus the model for reforms that dominated the eighties can be described as succes-sive series of local experiments testing various models.35 In 1991 the parliament decided to reform the entire upper secondary school sys-tem. For the vocational education one expert group was established, consisting of the parties on the labour market. Linked to the group were several reference groups. In directives the word recurrent education was used. The idea was that vo-cational education on the secondary level should be a first step in a recurrent edu-cation system. The need for competence in industry is mentioned as well as the in-ternationalisation of production. The electronic technology was also a motive for discussing education in a perspective of life long undertaking. The economic changes which begun in the seventies, seemed at the end of the eighties to be over. The industry had gone through a period of large restructuring measures. The wharf industry was now a memory. The number of qualified work had increased. The deregulation of credit markets gave a credit expansion. With increasing profit the stock market and real estate market expanded. In the begin-ning of the nineties came a backlash with a financial crisis. During the eighties several committees worked with plans for changing the educa-tional system. Changes in production, the forming of a multicultural society with immigration, a growing knowledge economy, changes in the knowledge mass with electronic technology, new access to information are reasons behind the demands on change. In the beginning of the nineties the entire school system was restruc-tured and during the nineties the educational system went through the most radical changes in modern time.

The restructuring of Swedish education The background to the restructuring of education in Sweden that started in the nineties and continued into the 21th century is of decisive importance for under-

33 SOU 1989:90; SOU 1989:106. 34 Prop. 1987/88: 102. 35 Prop. 1983/84: 116.

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standing the structure and direction of the reforms suggested and implemented. Thus, the presentation of changes of vocational education has to begin with a gen-eral description of changed conditions for political governing of education. Political governing – changed conditions Public education came to be a part of the Swedish welfare project and perhaps the most prominent example of it. During the expansion of the modern welfare systems in the fifties and onward political governing and political administration of reforms were relatively straightforward. Decision-makers ascribed the goals, defined according to priorities and provided resources that, it was assumed, would guarantee their attainment. The various sectors appeared as possible instruments for reaching the political goals. If the administration failed the blame was often ascribed to shortcomings in the original plan. These problems, it was argued, could be solved at the next stage. One consequence of the after-war expansion was that central policymaking and planning became important. During this period there were rather close connections between above all central educational administration, but also politicians, and educational research. By systematic use of research, an accumulation of knowledge was assumed to prevent failures. Established within the educational planning was the sign mark of the modern world; social engineering and the rational paradigm. In the 1970s there was, as discussed earlier, a change in conditions for educational policy. Despite reforms and resource allocations for development, the system did not deliver what it promised. In 1986 a parliamentary committee was settled down with the task to develop guidelines for the governing of schools and the division of responsibility between different levels: national, municipal and school level.36 The Parliament took a decision in principle to develop a more decentralized system grounded in goal and result and by reduced rules. This included a responsibility for municipalities to decide how to organize the local school system according to given goals. However, the state remained responsible for national curriculum motivated by keeping one for all equal system. Besides this the Parliament laid down rules regarding school plans on municipal and local level. In relation to the, at the time, planned three year budget cycle the National Agency was to present a comprehensive evaluation of the education system to which the Government had to respond to by national development plan. This was followed by a decision in 1990 that transferred the salary negotiations for all school personnel from the State to the municipality. The same year the minister of education presented a bill on division of responsibility for the public school system. As a consequence the earlier decided principles were established and a more clear-cut division between on the one hand the national and municipal level and on the other hand the political and the executive spheres was formed in this bill. State subsidies to the municipalities were to be given as lump sums and it’s up to them to decide how to use them in order to fulfill the demands given in the Education Act, national curricula and syllabi. This meant an abolishment of earlier detailed regulation with special

36 DuRietz, Lundgren & Wennås 1987.

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grants. Lately direct federal grants, for example to support the development of schools and teachers’ ICT-competence and to increase personnel per child ratio, have been reintroduced. Municipalities also got the responsibility for teachers’ in-service training. With the change from governing by rules to management by objectives and results followed an increased emphasis on follow-up reports and evaluations. Every level now has to evaluate the work on their level of responsibility and to contribute with requested data to higher levels. It is important to point out that policies aiming at decentralization and “marketization” were not limited to education alone.37 Rather the crisis was a sign of problems concerning the whole public sector and the modern welfare state. Greater dependence of global economy and international co-operation and agreements, the development of new communication technologies with consequences for the labour market and the transition from the industrial society to a service and knowledge society all promoted to changed relations between policy, labour market and economy. In addition the better-educated citizen called for enhanced influence on social affairs and the formation of their own lives. The criticism of the welfare state focused on the lacking ability of governing and of not being efficient enough and the overload of tasks. In addition the inflexible growing and to costly state bureaucracy and the expert ruling “leaving civil society with small possibilities for intervention and participation” were criticized. The Swedish model with a strong public sector was under attack and, as pointed at before, considered rather as a problem than an effective instrument for distribution of welfare and social change. One important change concerned the relationship between national policy and the control of the national economy. The possibilities of financing reforms by increase of taxes, which partly could be done during the period of expansion, were limited in a more global economy. With an increasing dependence on the international economy the managing of the national economy and the incentives for growth changed in nature.38 The trend to economic internationalism and globalization gave other frames for investments. New reforms had to be financed by economic growth. At the same time the transformation from a labor market structured by in-dustrial production to a market structured by service production and knowledge and new information technologies put new and increased demands on education. The changed conditions enhanced on the one hand the request for recurrent educa-tion and life long learning and on the other hand employees’ need for further quali-fication and career possibilities. Here there is a dilemma. How to finance reforms and expansion of education in a more global economy where new resources are not that easy to mobilize by increasing taxes Further expansion had to be financed in new ways and by higher productivity and this called for reforms following not ear-lier well-tramped tracks. Another change concerned the conditions for politics and administration. During the seventies and eighties the governing subject – the government and the central administration – became weaker and fragmented. The longstanding social democ-ratic governing was challenged and fragile coalitions, sometimes under conserva-

37 Cf. Weiler, 1990. In Granheim & Lundgren 1990. 38 OECD. 2001.

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tive governing, but mostly under social democratic governing were formed. At the same time several new political parties made entrance in the parliament. It has been argued that the classical ability of a government to be strong, to be able to re-ject demands were lost in the seventies. This, in its turn, had as a consequence an increasing sensitivity to lobbying and powers pressure, which led to an overload of demands on decision-makers. We could also notice a differentiation process within the state apparatus itself. Specialization and division of labour tended to split up the administrative organization increasing the risk of losing the overall perspective that is necessary for rational decision-making. It became more and more evident during the eighties and the nineties that earlier planning models couldn’t be used. The expectations of increased efficiency and productivity called for a new policy discourse in which objectives could be expressed in concrete and evaluative terms. To be able to control the development towards politically defined goals, the central body must be capable of ranking goals, making priorities and identifying alterna-tive actions that are best adjusted to given economic conditions. Neither the politi-cal leadership nor the central administration were set up to deal with this within the Swedish model. In sum restructuring can be regarded as a way of adjusting to problem of the welfare state and as a way of restoring the state legitimacy and a symbolic reconstruction of existing institutions.39 In this sense restructuring is rather an answer to problems involved in high-modern society than a point of de-parture for societal change or for example school development. Within education policy the restructuring has however foremost been discussed in relation to three motives: increased democracy, higher efficiency and enhanced professionalism. With the democracy motive arguments for a renewal of democ-ratic influence both in terms of participating governance and freedom of choice were put forward. By decentralization and deregulation the political decisions were meant to be taken closer to where education is taking place. Further parental and student influence were considered an important part of letting civil society getting a say in educational matters. The concept of participating governance was used to highlight the importance of strengthening thighs between central and local levels involving politicians, civil servants, school staff, students and students’ parents. Participating governance is pointing at the same time to nationally formed goals and results and to the local scope of action for different groups of actors. In this sense it can be regarded as an attempt to increase agency and to empower earlier marginalized groups through redefined roles. The freedom of choice strategy were meant not only to increase the individuals right to chose within and between schools, but also to handle what was considered a dysfunctional bureaucratic, mo-nopolistic state. The power of competition was considered to promote school de-velopment. In this way the democracy motive is related to the efficiency motive. The new goal system, the introduction of grade criteria, quality indicator and qual-ity reports can be considered as examples of this. In short it can be seen as a way to enhance legitimacy for education through division of responsibility. The basis of the professional motive can be found in that changes in knowledge, volume and structure demand more professional autonomy and control over educational con-tent and methods for learning.

39 Lindensjö & Lundgren 2000.

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These motives are of course, intertwined. Irrespective of motives, restructuring puts in focus the balance between on the one hand the state, the market and the civil society and on the other hand the political and the professional power and control over education. Further decentralization means a change in instruments for political governing. Basically there are four sets of instrument for political govern-ing of educational systems: the legal, the economic, the ideological and the evalua-tion system.40 The movement towards decentralization and more of market compe-tition means to weaken the governing by resources. By that follows a deregulation, or at least a re-regulation. What remains for the center in a decentralized system is then to strengthen the ideological system and the evaluation system, i.e. to perform governing by goals and control of results, if the educational system is to serve the purpose to promote equality and to reproduce a common value-base. Hence the demand for accountability has paved way for politics of evaluation41. And this is valid for the entire education system from early child education to higher educa-tion. New reforms of vocational education The same year as the decision on the decentralization of the entire school system was taken a new three-year long upper secondary school system was introduced. The motives behind are in principles the same as discussed behind the reconstruction of the system. This year there was a change in government. A social democratic government was replaced by a coalition of opposite parties. They introduced an independent system parallel to the public. If the school was approved they were financed by public money almost as much as the cost for a student in the public system. This reform opened up also for private vocational schools that were established within enterprises.42 Before the experimentation period with the three-year long vocational line in the upper secondary school was over the government sent a bill to the parliament sug-gesting a reformation of the entire school system. The parliament followed the bill and in 1992/1993 the new reform was implemented. The year 1994/1995 was the last year of the old system. Within the upper secondary school system there exited in the period 1945 – 1965 special technical four-year long schools that gave a spe-cific exam as engineer. In the reform of the seventies this type of vocational educa-tion became one special four year line mostly located in the old technical schools. With this reform of the nineties they disappeared. The technical oriented education was formed within the natural science programme.43 The structure of the new upper secondary school was a lowering of the number of alternatives. The system had 16 national programmes. Of these could 14 be classi-fied as at least vocational oriented. And the branches within lines were reduced from 40 to 30. The technical industrial education was organised in six various sec-tors within one programme – the industrial programme. This programme was di-vided the second year in four branches. Besides these national programmes there

40 Lundgren 1981. 41 Cf. Lundgren 2003. In Haug & Scwandt 2003. 42 One example is Volvo another example is ABB. 43 The educational system is presented at http://skolnet.skolverket.se/polopoly/utbsys-eng/

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was space for local formed programmes. The parliament decided at the end of the nineties that technical education became a separate programme. 44 Concerning the balance between general and vocational subject the decision was that all programmes should have common courses in nine subjects. 45 For each vo-cational programme there were courses that gave the programme its character and were specific for each programme. For vocational education the consequence of the reform was that they were pro-longed and included more of general education. During the three years the relation between vocational subjects and general subject were 1330 teaching hours for vo-cational subjects/courses and teaching hours for 920 general subjects/courses. Of the total study time at least 15% would be located to working places. The municipalities had by law the duty to offer upper secondary education to every youth. For the student that did not have pre-requisites for studies in the upper sec-ondary school a special programme was constructed – the individual programme. The ambition was here to raise the competence in order to make it possible to enter an ordinary programme. As the labour market changed there were few opportuni-ties for student to get a work without exam from the upper secondary school sys-tem. Thus nearly all in a age cohort entered the upper secondary school. Around 85% of an age cohort finished after four years. The political motives for an extension of general subjects can be summarized in the following points: - The general level of knowledge had to be adjusted to the growth of knowledge

society. Basic knowledge is important in a society where the knowledge mass is constantly changing both concerning content and structure but also concern-ing its access.

- Increased internationalisation means demands on language skill. - The environmental challenges mean that each citizen need basic understanding

in natural sciences. - The goals for upper secondary education must be to bring good basic knowledge

both in general subjects as well as in vocational subjects. - Working life demand good basic knowledge in general subjects as well as in vo-

cational subjects. - The possibilities to go on to tertiary studies must be real. Thus it is important

that vocational education furnish with a good general base for further studies. - From an equality perspective it is of importance that everyone have a common

knowledge base.

During the nineties the curriculum46 was more and more and course built. With the decision of a new curriculum adjusted to the goal oriented governing of education a system was introduced with study points. The motive was that it should give

44 Prop. 1997/98: 169; Bill 1997/98: 169. 45 They were Swedish, English, Civics, mathematics, natural science, sport, aesthetics , individual choice and specific work (an investigation and report). 46 Prop. 1992/93. 250; Bill 1992/93: 250.

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more flexibility. The study points should correspond to the number of guaranteed teaching hours.47 The students were given the study point after finished course.

Advanced vocational education Between 1996-2001 a pilot project concerning advanced Vocational Education and Training(AVET)48 The project studied form new courses and new educational forms for vocational education after the upper secondary school system and for adults. This was a response to demands on higher vocational education. The ten-dency, as shown has been that upper secondary vocational education had become more general in nature responding to societal changes. At the same time the pro-duction demands new knowledge and new skills. Advanced vocational education is thus a form of tertiary education on top of the vocational education given in up-per secondary schools. The results of the pilot project were pointed out the need for such an education and AVET was made permanent. In 2002 a special agency was established - The Swedish Agency of Advanced Vocational Education with the responsibility to “draw up guidelines and contribute to development, approve applications, to make grants and to supervise and follow up the courses”.49 Te AVET is a post-secondary education and responding to competence demands in working life. One third of the teaching is carried out in actual working places. This means that the education is worked out and carried out in close cooperation with enterprises, but also with other institutions of tertiary education as colleges and universities as well as education within municipalities. “The courses that receive the Agency's approval are intended to correspond to the actual requirements of the employment market. However, there are no restrictions on the enterprises regard-ing in which sector KY(AVET) is to be provided. The courses will be open both to those who have recently finished upper secondary school and to people who are already employed and wish to develop their skills within a specific area.”50

The AVET education period can be between 1 to 3 years. A course consisting of 40 weeks or more will result in a degree.

Vocational education in the beginning of the new century In May 2000 the government decided to establish a parliamentary committee given the task to deliver a plan for a reform of the upper secondary education system in-cluding vocational training. The outcome of the committee was a report in which the entrances to the system should be reduced to eight sectors: 51

• Service sector • Individual and society sector • Culture and communication sector

47 With this curriculum a new time schedule was introduced. The state gave for all subjects guaran-teed teaching time that the municipalities had to deliver. Each school or municipality could give more teaching hour if this was necessary for reaching the goals. 48 In Swedish Kvalificerad yrkesutbildning/KY/ see http://www.ky.se/ 49 http://www.ky.se/ 50 Op. Cit. 51 SOU 2002: 120.

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• Economy and society sector • Construction and property sector • Nature and social sector • Technology and production sector • Technology and design sector

The proposal from the committee built on successive choices. “After a broad en-trance in each sector follows a successive specialisation by choosing blocs: Each sector is organised in at least five parts, one sector bloc, one direction bloc, one deepening bloc, the individual choice and an examination study. Each students studies encloses also, as today general courses, which as long as it is possible will be integrated with the studies in the bloc, but they will not be included in the blocs.” 52

The idea behind the successive choices was to give a better base for the actual choice of blocs and courses. Some courses would be direct oriented for university studies and some would be clearly vocational oriented. However, irrespective of chosen bloc the studies would give basic competence for tertiary education. The motives for this division in sectors were: • To counteract sex segregating learning contexts. All sector s was planned to at-

tract an even proportion of girls and boys. • Increase the number of student taking natural science subjects by offering more

entrances and directions. • Combine brad and specialised education and thereby respond to demands from

enterprises of broader competence and specialised professions. • .Create a base for life-long learning. • Give space for local variations. • Increase the students control over their educational career. The proposal from the committee did not result in a decision in favour of the pro-posal. Instead the bill delivered to the parliament was directed towards small ad-justments of the existing upper secondary school system. 53 ”The changes sug-gested aim at modernisations within the frames for the upper secondary pro-gramme of today. The government has chosen to propose eleven important sugges-tions in order to develop the quality of the upper secondary school system without the heavy work on all levels that a radical organisational sector reform would have meant.” 54 Concerning vocational education it was suggested that a special council – The delegation for vocational education55 – was established with the parties on the la-bour market. The task was to work for increased development and higher quality. The National Agency for Education was given the task to form a proposal for a new apprentice education. And the government suggested that local cooperation

52 Op. cit. Page 216. My translation. 53 Prop. 2003/2004: 140. 54 Op.cit. Pages 13-14. My translation. 55 Yrkesutbildningsdelegation.

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between municipalities and parties on the labour market should be compulsory. The implementation of these changes was planned to the 1 of July 2007. In the fall 2006 the results of the election was a new government. The social democrats were defeated and replaced by a four party coalition. The Liberal party took over the ministry of education. In February 2007 the new government gives the task to an commissioner to work out a proposal for the future structure of the upper secondary school system. The task is: • Give a proposal concerning national programmes. • Make clear what programmes that are academic in nature and what pro-

grammes are vocational nature. • Propose how the apprentice education is to be formed. The government points out that vocational education has been too theoretical and must in the future give more space for vocational courses. “Vocational oriented programmes shall have a high quality, give skills for the pro-fession and be attractive for students with the ambition to go directly out in work-ing life or continuous professional education after the upper secondary. The edu-cation can also prepare for tertiary education at universities and give basic com-petence for studies at universities and colleges. In order to develop quality must time for character subjects and vocational courses increase.” The educational minister has started series of work in order to create a base for re-forms of the educational systems. The 19 of September 200756 the former social democratic minister of public health in an article invite the Liberal party to coop-erate on a new structure of the upper secondary school system admitting the for-mer government made some mistakes.

Comparative models in vocational education Simplified we can see at least three different models for vocational education at the upper secondary level (16 - 19 years of age).57 Am industrial linked model • Legal regulated. Apprentice education laws. • Collective contracts. • High standardisation of the education. • Well developed cooperation between enterprises and parties on the labour

market. Examples: Denmark, Germany and Austria.

56 Johannson 2007.. 57 The distinction is taken and modified from Olofsson 2005. Page 13.

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A State regulated model • School placed vocational education • Integrated educational organisation. • National curricula with space for local influence. • Integrated educational organisation. • Influence from the parties on the labour market. Examples: France, Norway and Sweden A voluntary model • Emphasis on general education • Integrated educational organisation. • Local influence. Differentiation. • Vocational education voluntary for enterprises. Examples: Great Britain and USA.

In the first two models have the state and the parties on the labour market played an essential role. In the third model it is up to the enterprises to take a responsibil-ity. Changes of demands as a consequence of modern production processes seem to increase the interest for the parties on the labour market to cooperate. There are various models for how theses collaborations are formed and legislated. In France there is a labour law built on anticipatory measures. The employer pre-pares a vocational plan, which is discussed with the employees. According to the law management has to consult the employees least once a year about the devel-opment of employment and qualifications within the enterprise. The works council can also conduct or initiate studies by external consultants about needed qualifica-tions. In Finland there is a law that representation from unions to be informed and consulted about the plans for vocational education. The idea is that the parties can negotiate about how qualifications are to be identified and responded to in educa-tion. Furthermore, the employers are obliged to present an annual plan for voca-tional education. In the Netherlands vocational education is legally a social matter and is regulated within the frames of right of co-determination. Employers are obliged to obtain approval from the employees. The relation between law and col-lective agreement is of importance as the responsible actors can, when negotiating react to new demands from the market. In Sweden, as discussed, there is a long tradition of cooperation between employers and unions. Since 1982 there is a col-lective agreement mandating the employers and employee to cooperate on various topics, vocational education is one of those important areas. It is obligatory for both parties to make an educational program in accordance with future qualifica-tion need. In Great Britain the law does not present legally binding guidelines on how the cooperation between the partie are to be carried out. On the other hand collective agreements play a role in shaping industrial relations, especially then for

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continuing vocational training. The National Vocational Qualifications (NVQs), a certification system, has been introduced. It translates the qualification needs to national performance standards. In Germany there has been of tradition firm regu-lations concerning responsibility based in the apprentice education and firm voca-tional and technical lines. In the brief examples above we can see that there are variations in degree of regu-lations. On one hand regulated models and on the other unregulated model for vo-cational and technical education. In its turn regulated models can sees as being of two kinds.58 Regulated models Enterprise oriented • Apprentice regulated. • Collective agreements. • High standardisation Example: The German dual system. Public regulated • Mainly school located. • Influences of the parties on the labour market. • High standardisation. Example: Upper secondary system in Sweden. Unregulated model • Oriented towards general subjects • Limited elements of vocational training. • Limited influences from parties on the labour market. • Low standardisation. Example: Great Britain and USA. Education carried out in regulated system is organised in cooperation with working life and often have the parties on the labour market an influence over the organisa-tion and content. The relation the life of work is small or non existing in the non regulated systems and the school based education is the responsibility the public or private schools. The dual system in Germany is perhaps the best example of a regulated enterprise oriented system, where the students are at working places three to four days and in

58 Taken and modified from Olofsson 2005. Page 162.

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school one to two days a week. It has its background in “handicraft chambers” es-tablished at the end of the 19th century. They were established in order get the en-terprises engaged in vocational education. By their work became the conditions for the participation rather similar and that in its turn made the enterprises more in-clined to participate in the financing. To this it must be added a certification sys-tem that inform about the qualifications achieved at the end of vocational educa-tion. The German educational system (which is a federation with differences between the “länder” is generally speaking a system where the student early have to chose study career (around the age of 10 – 11). Thus means that the student following a vocational education has made the choice at the end of the primary school system. The consequence is that social background has a significant impact for choice of study programme. 59 The German vocational education system is directed towards well defined profes-sional areas, in all around 350 different educational programmes of three to three and a half year long. With time a reduction has been done. At the beginning of the seventies there were around 600 programmes. The development has gone more and more towards professional areas then specific professions. There have been argu-ments that the system has had problems to adjust to changed conditions. Beside the dual system there are specific vocational education for health care, trade and econ-omy. The dual system means that a large proportion of an age cohort continuous to sec-ondary education. As an example the year 2000 91% took an exam. Within the other countries in OECD the same number was 77%.60 The relation to the work also means that the transmission to work after ended education is high. To summarize there are four distinguishing features in the German dual system: 61 • The differentiation between working place education and school based educa-

tion. • Regulations by law and collective agreements. The costs are distributed be-

tween the state, enterprises and the apprentices. • A close relation between employers and employee. • An emphasis on vocational skills and rules for certification. USA delivers an example of an un regulated vocational education, where the edu-cation on the secondary level is general in character. There are three directions on the secondary level: a college preparation, a general and a vocational direction. The vocational oriented has a rather low attendance; around 10% of an age cohort. In combination with a low degree of apprentices education (around 0,16%), thisd means that the enterprises have to pay rather high costs for internal work educa-tion. The enterprises spend much on personal education but little go to education for the working force under 25 years.

59 Cf. Shavit & Blossfeld 1993. 60 OECD. 2002. 61 Olofsson 2005. Page 166.

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Is there a lesson to learn? Vocational education develops in the interplay between general education, life of work and demands from production. In the introduction four questions to be an-swered were formulated: • How much of the education should be placed at working places and how much

in schools? • How much of the content should be general subjects and how much should be

vocational subjects? The answer on the first question is to some degree related to the answer on this question.

• What will the balance between the State (municipality), the employers and the employees in designing and carrying out the education?

• Who will pay for vocational education? The enterprises or by taxes? We can see how these questions have been given various answers over time and nations reflecting both traditions and production. The Swedish case shows that the vocational education has developed first parallel with the educational system. With the modernisation of education and with mass education vocational education was integrated in the public school system and be-came an integrated part of the upper secondary school system. This pattern I snow changing with changed economy and changed production and new demands on vocational education there is a tendency to place the education again out in work-ing places. Apprentice education is coming back. In one way it can be looked upon as a return to older forms. On the other hand in the conditions for education and the changes in macro-economic policies the new challenges and demands are so different from earlier that a return is more a dream than a reality. Rather there is some new formed. “The changes in macro-economic policy (or regime) are, in turn, associated with fundamental changes in the economic structure. It is possible to discern a long-term pattern where periods rich in innovations - transformation periods - have been succeeded by periods of rationalisation of existing means of production. These periods have had a duration of about 20-25 years each. Each of the different periods is characterised by differences in several areas, including labour demand. Transformation periods, in which new products, methods of production and distri-bution, and organisation of work are introduced, demand is shifted towards skilled labour. During rationalisation periods, with increasing international competition, demand is shifted towards less skilled (and less costly) labour. (Schön 2000) The periods are also characterised by different length of the planning horizon. In transformation periods, and particularly in the beginning of such a period, the de-gree of uncertainty is high. Several new products and methods are available but it is impossible to say which ones are competitive in the long run. Planning and in-vestment is uncertain, tend to have a short range perspective, and is speculative. A large number of actors are involved. As a hypothesis, the diversity of VET models in the 1950's (a period of transformation) could be interpreted as a response to the uncertainty - and to the opportunities it demonstrated. A similar development seems to have taken place in the late 1980's and during the 1990's, another period of transformation. As some of the novelties prove their worth while others disap-

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pear, the uncertainty diminishes. When transformation progressively turns into ra-tionalisation, planning tends to become more long range. Some of the previous ac-tors have disappeared and the remaining ones tend to become bigger. Tentatively, the convergence of VET models in the 1960's and 1970's towards more school-based programmes and, perhaps even the modest beginnings of vocational train-ing in more systematic forms in several countries in the early 1920's (two periods of rationalisation) could be interpreted in such a framework.”62 If we compare the development in Europe and the US the lesson to be learnt seems to be to balance three conditions contributing to the growth of qualified vocational education:63 • The political and economic context must permit a high degree of long term

planning and investments. • The cooperation between employers and employee must build on confidence

and long term relations. • The economy must be open changes in the world around. • Education should to a substantial extent be located in working places. • As much as possible should general subjects be integrated with vocational sub-

jects and courses. This means for example that that the mathematics lessons should be applied when leaning the work; language training can be done in the working places.

62 Nilsson 2003. Page 13. My translation. 63 See Olofsson 2005. Page 28.

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