vol3.pdf

psychosoc ia l t r auma rehab i l i t a t i on work

VOLUME 3

Rehabilitation WorkPsychosocial Trauma

PSYCHOSOCIAL TRAUMA AND HUMAN RIGHTS PROGRAM

OF THE CENTER FOR INTEGRATIVE AND DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

OF THE UNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES (UP-CIDS-PST)MARCO PAA PUZON

WITH ELIZABETH PROTACIO-DE CASTRO

AND AGNES CAMACHO

Learning Experiences Studyon Civil-Society Peace Buildingin the Philippines

2005

UP-CIDS

LEARNING EXPERIENCES STUDY ON CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING IN THE PHILIPPINES

VOLUME 3: PSYCHOSOCIAL TRAUMA REHABILITATION WORK

Published by the UP Center for Integrative and Development Studies (UP CIDS)in partnership with the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP).

Copyright © 2005 the United Nations Development Programme Manila Office.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic ormechanical means including information storage and retrieval systems without permission from theUNDP and UP CIDS. Inquiries should be addressed to:

UP Center for Integrative and Development Studies, Bahay ng Alumni,University of the Philippines, Diliman, Quezon City 1101Tel/Fax: (632) 9293540 Email: [email protected]

United Nations Development Programme30/F Yuchengco Tower RCBC Plaza, 6819 Ayala Ave. cor. Sen Gil J. Puyat Ave.,Makati City 1226 PhilippinesTel: (632) 9010100 Fax (632) 9010200

The National Library of the Philippines CIP Data

Recommended entry:

Learning experiences study on civil-society peacebuilding in the Philippines.- - Diliman, Quezon

City : UP-CIDS, c2005.5v. ; cm.

CONTENTS: v.1. Framework and synthesis oflessons learned in civil-society peace building /Miriam Coronel Ferrer – v.2. National peacecoalitions / Josephine C. Dionisio – v.3.Psychosocial trauma rehabilitation work /Marco Puzon, Elizabeth Protacio-De Castro –v. 4. Peace education initiatives in Metro Manila /Loreta Castro, Jasmin Nario-Galace and KristineLesaca – v.5. Peace building experiences ofchurch-based organizations in the Philippines /Jovic Lobrigo and Sonia Imperial.

Published in partnership with the United NationsDevelopment Programme (UNDP).

1. Peace-building—Philippines.2. Peace-building—Case studies.3. Civil society—Philippines. I. UP Center forIntegrative and Development Studies (UP-CIDS).

JZ5538 303.69 2005 P061000334

ISBN 978-971-742-095-0 (vol. 1)ISBN 978-971-742-096-7 (vol. 2)ISBN 978-971-742-097-4 (vol. 3)ISBN 978-971-742-098-1 (vol. 4)ISBN 978-971-742-099-8 (vol. 5)

cover design Ernesto Enriquebook design and layout East Axis Creative

The opinions expressed herein are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect the views of the UNDP.

contents

vii list of acronyms

ix acknowledgments

xi list of interview

1 Introduction

11 pst study13 Consequences of Violence / Armed Conflict

24 The Evolution of Psychosocial Intervention in the Philippines

42 Psychosocial Interventions of Selected CSOs

70 Conclusion

79 learning modules : a journey for us all, peace building and psychosocial work87 part 1: understanding conflict situations and their consequences89 Introduction

91 Chapter One: Conflict, Structural Violence and Conflict Situations

91 Module 1: iba kayo, iba kami

95 Module 2: anong bali-balita?

101 Module 3: ang lumalaking bola ng kaguluhan

106 Chapter Two: Understanding the Consequences

106 Module 4: bowling na ang gamit ay bola’t bomba

109 Module 5: lamat ng bote

112 Module 6: sa isang bagtasan

119 Module 7: bumabangis ang halimaw

125 part 2: finding the psychosocial in peace building and addressing the consequencesof conflict

127 Introduction

129 Chapter Three: Psychosocial Help

129 Module 8: tulong!

137 Chapter Four: Addressing the Consequences

137 Module 9: kung sakali… paano na?

141 Module 10: muling pagbangon ng pamayanan

146 Module 11: muling pagtibay ng puso, damdamin at isipan

152 Module 12: muling pagsasaayos ng nasirang pagsasama

154 Module 13: muling pagbalik sa pamayanan

157 Chapter Five: Toward Convergence

157 Module 14: isa, dalawa, tatlo

159 part 3: preparing the journey—raising the sails161 Introduction

164 Chapter Six: Going to Journey

164 Module 15: mga bituin ng kapayapaan

165 Module 16: pagbabago

168 Module 17: pagwawakas at panimula

171 endnotes

179 references

185 appendices

vii

acronyms

AFP Armed Forces of the Philippines

AICM Appreciative Inquiry in Community Mobilization

ARMM Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao

ASG Abu Sayyaf Group

CAFGU Civilian Arned Forces Geographical Unit

CARHRIHL Comprehensive Agreement on the Respect of Human Rights and

International Humanitarian Law

CCF Christian Children’s Fund

CFSI Community and Family Services International

CIAC children in armed conflict

CNSP children in special need of protection

COP Community Outreach Program

CPP-NPA-NDF Communist Party of the Philippines-New People’s Army-National

Democratic Front

CRC Children’s Rehabilitation Center

CSOs civil society organizations

CVO Civilian Volunteers Organization

DSWD Department of Social Welfare and Development

FGDs focus group discussions

FLAG Free Legal Assistance Group

FTOs Foreign Terrorist Organizations

GOs government organizations

GRP Government of the Republic of the Philippines

HDI Human Development Index

IDPs internally displaced persons

IMT International Monitoring Team

ISHTR International Society for Health and Human Rights

IPs indigenous peoples

ISTGP Integrated Summer Group Therapy Program

KAPATID Kapisanan ng mga Kamag-anak ng mga Detenido

KIIs key informant interviews

MAG Medical Action Group

MERN Mindanao Emergency Response Network

MIMAROPA Mindoro-Marinduque-Palawan

MILF Moro Islamic Liberation Front

MNLF Moro National Liberation Front

MPC Mindanao People’s Caucus

L E A R N I N G E X P E R I E N C E S S T U D Y O N C I V I L - S O C I E T Y P E A C E B U I L D I N G

viii | A C R O N Y M S

NDFCAI-WED Notre Dame Foundation for Charitable Activities Inc.–Women in Enterprise

Development

NGOs non-government organizations

OCD Office of Civil Defense

OIC Organization of Islamic Conference

PCSUCS Philippine Coalition to Stop the Use of Children as Soldiers

PCTC Philippine Center on Transnational Crime

PDAP Philippine Development Assistance Program

PETA Philippine Educational Theater Association

PhilRights Philippine Human Rights Information Center

POs people’s organizations

PNRC Philippine National Red Cross

PMDF Philippine Disaster Management Forum

PRW psychosocial rehabilitation work

PSWDO Provincial Social Welfare and Development Office

PTSD post-traumatic stress disorder

RDCC Regional Disaster Coordinating Council

SAC Social Action Center

SCC CEREA-IPDS Southern Christian College Community Education, Research and

Extension Administration–Institute for Peace and Development Studies

SCF Save the Children Fund

SIPDM Summer Institute for Peace and Development Motivators

UATC United against Torture Coalition

UNMDP United Nations Multi-Donor Programme

UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund

UP CIDS PST Psychosocial Trauma and Human Rights Program, Center for Integrative

and Development Studies, University of the Philippines

ix

acknowledgments

This documentation work never would have been possible without the collaborative effort of

many individuals and organizations. On behalf of the UP CIDS PST, we would like to thank our

friends and colleagues from the following organizations for their participation in the research:

Christian Children’s Fund and the Nagdilaab Foundation in Basilan; Balik Kalipay, Balay Mindanao

Office, and the Southern Cotabato College Community Education, Research and Extension Ad-

ministration - Institute for Peace and Development Studies (SCC CEREA IPDS) and Notre Dame

Foundation for Charitable Activities Inc.–Women in Enterprise Development (NDFCAI-WED)

from Central Mindanao; and PASAKAMI (Federation of Mangyan Organizations) and the Social

Action Center (SAC) of the Vicariate of San Jose from Mindoro Occidental.

Special thanks also goes to the Mindoro Occidental Provincial Social Welfare and Develop-

ment Office, particularly to its sub-office in San Jose; Lorena dela Cruz, Balay Executive Director;

Flora Arellano of Polytechnic University of the Philippines Human Rights Center in Manila,

Elizabeth Protacio-de Castro and Agnes Camacho for their insights and comments on the draft,

and the rest of the family-team at PST—Omna, Mary Rose, Mike, July, Nora—whose support

throughout the project was invaluable.

The journey in making this work—our part in the five-volume Learning Experiences Study

(LES) on Civil Society Experiences in Peace Building —led to other journeys. Last but not the least,

we give our heartfelt thanks to Professor Miriam Coronel Ferrer of the University of the Philip-

pines, and to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), who had started this journey

and brought us to more journeys.

UP CIDS PST is proud to have documented the experience of generations of communities

that had experienced armed conflict and of peace builders of all genders, faiths and ages who

have painstakingly and selflessly rebuilt their lives and those of others. We would like to dedicate

this work to them and to the memory of CCF-Basilan Program Director Eliza del Puerto, who put

back smiles and laughter among children in Basilan. Travel in peace, Eliza.

xi

interviews

Flora Arellano of the Polytechnic University of the Philippines Human Rights Center

Manila, August 31, 2004.

Esperancita Hupida, Coordinator of the Nagdilaab Foundation

Isabela City, Basilan, June 2, 2004

Fr. Bert Layson, Immaculate Conception Parish

Pikit, Maguindanao, June 10, 2004.

PASAKAMI Chairman Juanito Lumawig

San Jose, Mindoro Occidental , June 30, 2004

Norman Novio, Program Coordinator

Social Services Commission, Apostolic Vicariate of San Jose

Mindoro Occidental, June 30, 2004

Lorena dela Cruz, Balay Executive Director,

Balay Head Office, Quezon City, August 30, 2004.

FGDs

“Documentation of Civil Society Experiences in Peace-Building” at the SCC Global House

in Midsayap, Cotabato from June 8 to 9, 2004, attended by representatives from the

Balay Mindanao Office, Balik Kalipay, the NDFCAI-WED and the SCC-CEREA-IPDS.

“Documentation of Civil Society Experiences in Peace-Building” at the Bishop Querexeta

Formation Center in Isabela City, Basilan from June 2-3, 2004, attended by representa-

tives from the Christian Children’s Fund–Basilan and the Nagdilaab Foundation, Inc.

“Documentation of Civil Society Experiences in Peace-Building” at the Sikatuna Hotel in

San Jose, Mindoro Occidental, from June 29 to 30, 2004, attended by representatives of

the Social Action Center of the Vicariate of San Jose, Provincial Social Work and Develop-

ment Office (San Jose sub-office) and PASAKAMI.

1

The end of the Marcos regime in February 1986 and the subsequent restoration of a demo-

cratic system of government ushered in a period of renewal in the history of the Philippines, a

country that has been plagued by armed conflicts. The nonviolent EDSA Revolution “brought

renewed hope to the people that the long-drawn armed conflict could be settled through peace-

ful means” (Protacio-DeCastro et al, 2000: 2). Finding a just and lasting end to the protracted

armed conflicts between government forces and various armed groups like the Communist Party

of the Philippines-New People’s Army-National Democratic Front (CPP-NPA-NDF) and the Moro

National Liberation Front (MNLF) became a major societal concern in the post-Marcos period.

This study, made by the Psychosocial Trauma and Human Rights Program (PST) of the

University of the University of the Philippines Center for Integrative and Development Studies

(UPCIDS), is part of the five-volume Learning Experiences Study (LES) on Civil Society Experi-

ences in Peace Building. It is a pioneering work documenting the experiences of Philippine civil

society organizations (CSOs) involved in addressing the psychosocial consequences of conflict or

violence.

Given the protracted and cyclical nature of armed conflict in the Philippines, a major chal-

lenge faced by society in general is the “healing of the less visible wounds of war (and), integrating

(the healing as part of) the process of transforming the violent nature of the conflict into a more

positive atmosphere amenable to the resolution of the root causes of the armed conflict” (ibid.,

3). In effect, this study documents efforts by CSOs to respond to this challenge. Despite the very

limited number of NGOs and academics doing actual psychosocial rehabilitation work (PRW) in

the Philippines, there is already a wealth of published and unpublished research on the effects

and consequences of armed conflict and violence on the community and on vulnerable groups,

like children, in particular.

In 1985, Elizabeth Protacio released a pioneering study on the effects of armed conflict on

children, which resulted in the establishment of the Children’s Rehabilitation Center (CRC). The

CRC was one of the first NGOs to develop psychosocial programs and services for children

affected, either directly or indirectly, by armed conflict (Protacio-Marcelino, 1985). The CRC

published the newsletter Children of the Storm, which featured articles on children and their

families. Featured articles ranged from descriptive cases of human rights violations committed

introduction

2 | I N T R O D U C T I O N


by armed groups to literary works by the CRC staff and children-survivors.

The formation of the PST at the UPCIDS in 1993 mainstreamed psychosocial trauma reha-

bilitation work in the academe. Since its inception, several researches on the effects and conse-

quences of torture, armed conflict and violence have been done. In 2000, the UPCIDS-PST

released a pioneering study on community participation in the recovery and reintegration of

children affected by the armed conflict. The study focused on three areas where armed conflict

between the AFP and the CPP-NPA had taken its heaviest toll and where various government

organizations (GOs), non-government organizations (NGOs), and people’s organizations (POs)

have applied their best resources and energies to mitigate the impact of armed conflict.

Most published material in the country consists of regional or provincial NGO profiles and

reports of services; community case studies; and papers on the themes, “children in armed

conflict” (CIAC) and internally displaced persons (IDPs). There is no comprehensive, nationwide

study on Philippine CSOs with programs to address the effects and consequences of violence and

armed conflict and the positive roles that these organizations have played in peace building.

Perhaps this situation corresponds to the very small number of organizations doing actual psy-

chosocial rehabilitation work (PRW) and conducting active research on the psychosocial aspect

of programs for CIAC and IDPs. In any case, this study attempts to fill the gap in the literature.

A review of the initiatives in the provinces of Basilan, Cotabato, and Mindoro Occidental

would show that different contexts have necessitated particular forms of intervention and have

led to different outcomes. All together, the organizations’ approaches helped us draw useful

insights and determine, to a certain extent, the various impacts of civil-society peace building on

war-affected communities and Philippine society at large.

The study aimed to:

document the psychosocial activities of Philippine CSOs in selected, conflict-affected,

areas from 1986 to 2004.

draw lessons from and tentatively evaluate the impact of these interventions on a)

policy-making, b) the ground-level situation, and c) the perception, attitude, and behav-

ior of primary stakeholders.

The Framework provided by Miriam Coronel Ferrer in Volume 1 described the Philippine

peace process as “anchored on the main agenda of finding a just and peaceful solution to the

armed conflicts,” an unfinished aspect of the of democratization set off by the downfall of the

autocratic Marcos regime. Sporadic eruption of conflict has “stalled development efforts, cre-

ated more suffering and trauma, and derailed the overall process of social and political reform.”

This study developed six categories/themes of peace building initiatives addressing the

psycho-social impact of armed conflict. These are:

V O L U M E 3 : P S Y C H O S O C I A L T R A U M A R E H A B I L I T A T I O N W O R K

I N T R O D U C T I O N |3

post-hostility physical and social reconstruction

psychosocial counseling and trauma relief

reconciliation and rebuilding social relationships

fact-finding and cease-fire monitoring missions

demobilization and reintegration of former combatants, and

conflict-prevention efforts.

The first five categories were developed from the types of peace building activities, accord-

ing to aims or objectives developed by Fisher et al 2000 (cited in Palm-Dalupan 2000), and

discussed in Volume 1. Participants of the focused group discussions (FGDs) in Midsayap, Cotabato,

suggested the addition of the last category/theme. Conflict prevention, as viewed by the FGD

participants in Midsayap, includes “everything.”1 The category, as a result, tended to overlap with

the other activities. However, a closer look into the activities placed by the participants under this

category indicated that their notion of conflict-prevention efforts included initiatives to advance

the communities’ right to their ancestral domain and other land rights, territorial governance and

self-determination, which are all objects of conflicting claims. Conflict prevention was thus added

as a separate category in recognition of this framing by the workshop participants. A reviewer

suggested that conflict prevention also includes practical measures to prevent escalation of

hostilities such as dialogues and agreements forged by the community with combatants and

efforts to prevent disadvantaged children in Cotabato and Maguindanao from joining armed

groups. Participating organizations, however, put the latter under the the category of “demobi-

lization and reintegration of former combatants.”

The UPCIDS-PST teams replaced the “truth commissions” category with “fact-finding, mercy

and cease-fire-monitoring missions” since these were the actual activities of the CSOs studied.

The participants largely understood the term, “truth commissions” to refer to the more familiar

fact-finding and cease-fire-monitoring missions that they had been involved in.2 The revised

category is reflective of what we find in the Philippine context.

The study utilized several qualitative research tools, among them, literature review, focus

group discussions (FGDs), case studies, and key informant interviews (KIIs). The adjoining

Cotabato-Maguindanao provinces in Central Mindanao; Basilan in Western Mindanao; and Mindoro

Occidental in the Luzon group of islands were selected as the study areas because these provinces

continue to experience armed conflict. The socioeconomic conditions, history, and the nature of

the conflict in the three study areas are provided on the next pages, along with a background on

the non-state armed groups that operate in the area and the CSOs that participated in the FGDs.

In each of the study areas, the research team conducted the necessary documentation,

collection, review and analysis of data, and one FGD that was participated in by representatives of



governmental and non-governmental institutions and other players, ranging from community

leaders to NGO or government social workers. The team also conducted KIIs with at least three

people from the local NGO and government communities. Moreover, in Basilan, the team ob-

served the Puhmalin Children’s Peace Festival that coincided with the visit to the target area. In

2005, the entire project team of the LES study held a validation workshop in Metro Manila. Some

respondents from the study areas attended this validation workshop.

In Basilan, the participating organizations in the study were the Isabela City-based Christian

Children’s Fund (CCF)-Basilan, and the Nagdilaab Foundation Inc. In Cotabato and Maguindanao,

the UP CIDS-PST research team collaborated with the Southern Christian College (SCC), particu-

larly its Community Education, Research and Extension Administration’s Institute for Peace and

Development Studies (CEREA-IPDS); the Notre Dame Foundation for Charitable Activities Inc.–

Women in Enterprise Development (NDFCAI-WED); Balik Kalipay; and the Mindanao Office of

the Balay, or the Balay Rehabilitation Center. In Mindoro Occidental, the Provincial Social Welfare

and Development Office (PSWDO) assisted the research team in identifying organizations to

participate in the study. Of the four that were originally identified, only two organizations, the

Federation of Mangyan Organizations (or the PASAKAMI) and the Social Action Center (SAC) of

the Vicariate of San Jose, participated in the study. Appendix 1 provides a brief background on

these organizations.

basilanBasilan island has a population of 332,828 and a total land area of 2,092 square kilometers (2000

data). It is rugged to moderately steep in the interior, with the coastal areas marked by hilly terrainplanted with coconut and rubber trees. With a predominantly Muslim population, Basilan is one of thefive provinces comprising the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). The provincialcapital city of Isabela, however, did not vote for inclusion in the ARMM. The six municipalities ofLamitan, Lantawan, Maluso, Sumisip, Tipo-Tipo, and Tuburan make up the province.

The NGOs that were chosen to participate in the study each have programs in Isabela City and inmost of the municipalities of the province. Public infrastructure and utilities like potable water, postalnetwork, and electricity, public education and health services are either nonexistent or underdevel-oped in many areas. One of the country’s 10 poorest provinces, Basilan held the distinction of beingthe country’s first and only island city for almost three decades until it was reorganized into a provincein 1973. For the most part, prior to 1973, government positions were held by non-Muslim politicians/bureaucrats.

Basilan’s strategic maritime location made it an attractive and convenient post for Spanish colonialdesigns on the Sulu Archipelago and the rest of Mindanao. The island was subjected to both thecontrol of the Sultanate of Sulu and the Spanish colonial government based in Zamboanga, withneither side, despite respective claims of sovereignty, effectively exercising complete hold. After the



establishment of a naval base in Isabela in the late 1800s, the Spanish gained a degree of control overthe northern part of Basilan, the traditional homeland of the indigenous Islamicized Yakan community.With no political superstructure, the Yakan engaged in clan warfare and were regarded as vassals ofthe Sultanate of Sulu. Ironically, the Yakan were first united in the 1880s under the rule of a Christianfugitive, who established himself as ruler of Basilan.

From the start of the American occupation until the late 1960s, migration of Christian ethno-linguistic groups to Basilan was encouraged. Large multinational companies such as BF Goodrich andthe American Rubber Company set up rubber plantations throughout the island. The influx of migrantsdisplaced many of the Yakan, who followed a way of life distinct from the Visayan and Chavacanomigrant-settlers. Nonetheless, the Yakan community underwent changes as a result of increasedcontact with the Christian residents, decades of armed conflict, and the rise of Islamic fundamentalistgroups/movements on the island.

The province has been struggling to recover from the war between the Marcos government and theMoro National Liberation Front (MNLF) in the early and mid-1970s. The signing of a peace agreementbetween the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the MNLF in 1996 furtherstrengthened efforts along this line. However, some areas of Basilan remain as a main area of opera-tions of other anti-government forces. One of these antigovernment forces is the Al-Harakatul Islamiyaor the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG). Although it professes to fight for an independent Islamic homeland inthe southern Philippines, the armed group is notorious for its criminal activities like kidnapping forransom, extortion, assassination, and bombings. From the rugged interior of the island, the ASGdescends on towns and villages with a sizeable Christian population. The armed group is documentedto have recruited into their ranks, young (below 18 years old) members of the Tausug, Samal, andYakan cultural communities.

Ranked second on the U.S. list of so-called Foreign Terrorist Organizations (FTOs) in 2002, the ASGwas founded sometime in 1991 by Abdurajak Abubakar Janjalani. He was killed in a clash withPhilippine police in northern Basilan in December 1998. Khaddafy Janjalani, his younger brother,assumed the leadership of the ASG which, government observers say, has splintered into smallercommands based on geographical location.

In 2001, the ASG took hostages from a resort island in Palawan and brought them to Basilan. Theyattacked Lamitan town and took more hostages as they retreated into the interior. The group’sspokesman, Aldam Tilao, more popularly known as Abu Sabaya, was reportedly killed in an encounterwith the Philippine Navy off the coast of the Zamboanga Peninsula in 2002.

Another armed group based in the province is the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), whose unitsin Basilan operate mainly in the municipality of Tipo-Tipo and the outlying Tapiantana Islands. Governmentofficials and the military leadership suspect tactical alliances and collaboration between the MILF,which operates mainly in Central Mindanao, and the ASG. The MILF has denied this link and hassigned a special agreement with the government to cooperate in tracking down criminal groups.Smaller armed groups, or the so-called “Lost Command” groups operating in the province, includeformer MNLF members-turned-bandits, kidnap-for-ransom gangs, pirates, and other lawlesselements.



cotabato / maguindanaoThe predominantly Christian province of Cotabato and its predominantly Muslim-populated neigh-

bor, Maguindanao, are primarily agricultural lands planted to rice, corn, coconuts, bananas, and cas-sava. The Pulangi River, which flows through part of both provinces, and its tributaries support inlandfishing. Maguindanao is generally flat and low, with mountains rising in the southwest. Marshlandsoccupy a portion of its border with Cotabato province, whose terrain varies from extensive mountainhighlands to flat and fertile plains. The chartered city of Cotabato serves as the principal commercial,social, and educational center for Maguindanao and the rest of the Central Mindanao area.

Maguindanao has a population of 801,102 and a total land area of 5,425 square kilometers. It is oneof the country’s 10 poorest provinces and is part of the ARMM. The NGOs chosen by the UPCIDS-PSTresearch team are operating programs in Shariff Aguak, the provincial capital, and in twelve of thetwenty-seven municipalities of the province. These are the municipalities of Ampatuan, Barira, Buldon,Buluan, Datu Montawal (Pagagawan), Datu Odin Sinsuat (Dinaig), Datu Piang, Matanog, Pagalungan,Parang, Sultan Kudarat (Nuling), Sultan sa Barongis (Lambayong). Many of these areas were once orare still under the MILF sphere of influence or control. One of the NGOs also has programs in CotabatoCity.

Larger and more populated than Maguindanao, Cotabato province has a total land area of 6,565square kilometers and a population of 958,643. The province is composed of the City of Kidapawan,the provincial capital, and seventeen municipalities. The province, previously called North Cotabato,was renamed Cotabato in 1983. Unlike Maguindanao, the province did not opt to join the ARMM in1991 and it again voted against inclusion in the expanded ARMM in the 2001 referendum.

The NGOs who participated in the study have completed and are operating projects in the munici-palities of Carmen, Matalam, and in the so-called PALMA Complex, comprising the towns of Pigcawayan,Alamada, Libungan, Midsayap, and Aleosan.

Along with the province of Sultan Kudarat, Maguindanao and (North) Cotabato were carved outfrom the original Cotabato province by Presidential Decree No. 341 dated November 22, 1973, Creat-ing the Provinces of North Cotabato, Maguindanao and Sultan Kudarat, because “the many conflictingpolitical, social and economic interests that have limited the progress of the province must be resolvedin order to promote the stability and accelerate the development of Cotabato… .” Of these threeprovinces, only Maguindanao remains predominantly Muslim.

Conflicting political, social, and economic interests run deep in the history of the Central Mindanaoregion. As early as the 1590s, the Spanish attempted to conquer the areas around the Pulangi River,which they called the Rio Grande de Mindanao. However, the independent and competing principali-ties in the lower and upper valleys, among them the Sultanates of Maguindanao and Buayan,resisted. In 1854, the Spanish succeeded in establishing a politico-military district in the area but theyexercised very little control outside their naval base in Polloc and their garrisons in the principalities ortribes whom they were able to put under their control. In 1899, the Americans began their militaryoccupation of Mindanao. By 1903, the Pulangi River valley and surrounding areas were organized andadministered as a single political unit.



The American colonial government and its successor governments encouraged the migration ofChristians from the Visayas and Luzon regions to the province and elsewhere in Mindanao. “Thiseventually caused social friction. Some of the Christian settlers, familiar with the land titling system,aggressively grabbed lands, displacing the less educated Muslims” (Vitug and Gloria, 2000: 113). Alsodisplaced were members of the other ethnic communities in the Cotabato area, including the Manoboand its subtribes. At the same time, some Christian tenants and non-Muslim communities sufferedfrom the abuses of Muslim landed elites (Gomez, 2000: 109).

The collusion of two different and competing sociopolitical and economic systems at work amongthe Muslims and Christian farmers is an important root cause of the conflict (ibid., 168). By the late1960s and early 1970s, the situation had resulted in fierce fighting in Cotabato between Muslimarmed groups and vigilante groups organized by Christian politicians and the Philippine military. Notlong after, a larger war was waged by the MNLF in North Cotabato, Maguindanao, and many otherprovinces in Mindanao.

Even after the signing of the 1996 GRP-MNLF peace agreement, Central Mindanao continued to bebesieged by periods of armed hostility between the government and the ascendant MILF. Founded in1984 and led by Islamic scholar Sheik Hashim Salamat until his death in 2003, the MILF leadershipbroke away from the MNLF. Compared to the more secular and Tausug-dominated MNLF, a significantpart of the MILF’s leadership descended from the aristocratic and religious elites of Maguindanaonsociety. The MILF promoted Islam and the preservation of Islamic society as the overarching frame ofits struggle for national self-determination.

Although a ceasefire agreement was signed between the Ramos administration and the MILF in1997, the Central Mindanao region became the scene of intense fighting in 1997, 2000, and 2001. InFebruary 2003, President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and her former Defense secretary Angelo Reyeslaunched another offensive against MILF camps in the Maguindanao-Cotabato area purportedly toquash lawless elements allegedly being protected by the armed group. Like the previous eruption ofhostilities, the fighting created massive displacement and all its attendant problems.

Before the eruption of hostilities with the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) in 2000, the MILFhad five major camps and ten other subcamps in Ampatuan, Buldon, Buluan, Datu Piang, Pagalungan,Sultan Kudarat, Sultan sa Barongis, and Upi. Among the major camps were Camp Abubakar As-siddique, which also served as its general headquarters, and Camp Darulaman. Both camps are spreadover the municipalities of Barira and Buldon and are embedded in the local communities. The westernhalf of Cotabato province is also considered a traditional MILF stronghold. It hosted Camps RajahMuda and Madriagao in Pikit, Camp Usman in Carmen, and the subcamps in Aleosan, Kabacan, andMatalam.

Although the MILF lost their main camps in Maguindanao and Cotabato during the 2000 militaryoperations, the MILF still maintains a formidable presence in these two provinces and many otherareas in Mindanao.



mindoro occidentalMindoro Island was governed as a single province until 1950 when it was politically subdivided into

Mindoro Occidental and Mindoro Oriental. It falls under the Southern Tagalog administrative region,and the newly organized MIMAROPA (Mindoro-Marinduque-Palawan) sub-grouping.

Separated from Mindoro Oriental by a mountain range running northwest to south across thecentral portion of the island, the province has wider lowlands and flat lands along the coast. Rice andcorn are the main products of Mindoro Occidental. The province also engages in fishing, mangoproduction, and the tobacco industry. Despite its rich marine and highland ecosystems, MindoroOccidental’s ecotourism potential, is underdeveloped, although this socio economic thrust is slowlygaining support from the local government units (LGUs).

Mindoro Occidental is dotted with smaller islands off its northern and southernmost portions. It hasa total land area of 5,879 square kilometers and a population of 380,250. The province is divided intoeleven municipalities, namely Abra de Ilog, Calintaan, Looc, Lubang, Magsaysay, Paluan, Rizal, Sablayan,San Jose, Santa Cruz, and Mamburao, which also serves as the provincial capital. Given the greatdistance between Mamburao and the southern municipalities, the provincial government has estab-lished sub-offices in San Jose.

Mindoro Island is the traditional homeland of at least eight ethnolinguistic groups known collectivelyas the Mangyan tribes. Described as shy, withdrawn, reliable, unwarlike and non-confrontationalpeople, they live mainly on subsistence farming. “Characteristically, the Mangyan avoid trouble at allcosts, even losing territory they have long occupied.” (Servano, 2003) Inhabiting the highland areas ofthe two Mindoro provinces, each of the eight recognized groups—the Alangan, Bangon, Tau-buid(Batangan), Buhid, Hanunoo, Iraya, Ratagnon, and Tadyawan—have a distinct language and culture.Intensive migration by other ethnolinguistic groups like the Tagalog, Visayan, and Ilocano during theAmerican and post-independence periods, forced the Mangyan to retreat even farther into the moun-tainous interior. “Wily lowlanders time and again have tricked the Mangyan into dubious debts,barters, (and) labor contracts, and often succeeded in displacing the natives from their ancestraldomain with the use of spurious land titles.”(Ibid.)

The island is also the site of the protracted conflict between the government and the CPP-NPA. In2001, AFP sources reported that the two Mindoro provinces were fast becoming communist bases inthe Southern Tagalog region, saying that the CPP-NPA had established more armed fronts on MindoroIsland. The military also claimed that the rebel group was recruiting Mangyans into their ranks.3

Human-rights violations committed against civilians accompanied AFP operations against insur-gents. These included arbitrary detention, destruction and divestment of property, harassment, physi-cal assault, torture, and the economic dislocation of nineteen families. In July 2003, members of the204th Infantry Battalion of the Philippine Army massacred a Mangyan family in Magsaysay. A pregnantmother and her two young children were among those killed in the incident. Troop deploymentincreased in early 2004, affecting both the Mangyan and migrant Christian upland farming communi-ties in Abra de Ilog, Mamburao, and Paluan.



Mindoro Occidental was ranked 55th of seventy-seven province in the 2003 Human DevelopmentIndex (HDI). Government officials argue that the continued presence of the insurgents in theprovince does not only pose danger to the people but also adversely affects their socioeconomicactivities.”4 However, for some local residents, there are other sources of troubles in Mindoro Occi-dental. While the insurgency problem has severely affected the highland agricultural communitiesparticularly the Mangyan groups, it was not seen by the non-Mangyans as serious a problemcompared to the state of elite politics and alleged corruption in the provincial bureaucracy.5 Theinsurgency problem provided an expanded and confusing dimension to the intense political andeconomic rivalry between the two leading political families of the province, with the units of the CPP-NPA and Philippine military described as “pawns” in the squabble for social control.

PST study

13

PST studyThe physical destruction of communities is perhaps the most

obvious impact of armed conflict. War destroys homes, schools

and basic infrastructure such as roads, bridges, community markets, health centers, and electric-

ity. Places of worship like mosques and churches, and revered burial sites are desecrated. State

services are disrupted and productive assets such as livestock, farm implements and seeds are

lost. Worse, civilians are killed or injured. “Little or no distinction is drawn between men with or

without weapons, and women, children, the elderly and the sick are not spared.” (Loughry and

Ager, 2001: 32)

According to figures from the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD), the

series of armed confrontations between government forces and the MILF during the first quarter

of 2003 affected 415,233 persons or 82,012 families. The DSWD also reported that since the onset

of the conflict in January 2003, the number of dead totaled 238 and the injured at 184, with 5,846

houses and properties totally damaged, and 1,262 more suffering partial damage.

Balay’s critical review of most displacement concluded that the targeting of noncombatants

is “not incidental but central to the modus operandi of what has been termed as ‘total’ war at the

grassroots level.” Families are separated, exposing children and the elderly to greater risks. Their

homes are destroyed, and their means of livelihood lost or disrupted. Dislocation continues even

after the displaced families have returned to their homes or resettled in a new area.

According to the report of a July 2003 investigative mission in 13 conflict-affected commu-

nities in Central Mindanao:

There (was) a general feeling of fear and insecurity among many evacuees who

returned to their villages. Some residents claimed in interviews that they were forced

to return to their communities even if there was no bilateral ceasefire yet at the time.

The return was imposed upon the evacuees (and was accompanied by) promises,

persuasion and threats such as stopping relief supply in the evacuation centers,

bulldozing the centers, non-provision of core shelters and even physical harm.

Having returned to their villages, the former evacuees found themselves fac-

ing even graver problems. Whatever (was) left of their farms was under water due to

floods. They hardly had any source of livelihood. Source of potable water was scarce.

violence / armed conflictconsequences of

14 | P S T S T U D Y


Hunger and outbreak of disease followed them, not unlike in the evacuation cen-

ters. (Anasarias, 2004b: 25)

The experience of armed conflict and displacement affects not only individuals and families

but also entire communities who endure “collective suffering.” Armed conflict tests and damages

the effectiveness of socio-cultural institutions, threatening to destroy the “protective factor” that

communities attach on group solidarity and collective security. This may trigger mistrust, social

tension and discord, which, if left unchecked, may ultimately lead to community distress. “As a

traumatic event weighs down on the psychosocial well-being of groups, peoples and communi-

ties, its impact should be also understood in the context of its social, political, economic, and

cultural dimensions and indicators.” (Anasarias, 2004c: 27, 15)

The many psychosocial consequences of armed conflict are organized in the left column of

Table 1, and the corresponding interventions are found on the right.

Table 1 Psychosocial Consequences of Violence /

Armed Conflict Category of Activities to Address Consequence

• Deprivation of, and limited or no access to basic services

• Social restrictions on mobility and communication • Economic dislocation and disruption of livelihood

sources • Breakdown of traditional sociopolitical institutions

Post-hostility physical and social reconstruction

• The interrelated experience of loss, separation and exploitation leading to chronic uncertainty and increased vulnerability and trauma

Psychosocial counseling and trauma relief

• Lack of confidence, mistrust and hatred for other ethno-linguistic groups, and the destruction of social relationships

Reconciliation and rebuilding social relationships

• Prolonged sense of injustice and restriction on information

Fact-finding, mercy, and cease-fire-monitoring missions

• Recruitment into the armed group Demobilization and reintegration of former combatants

• Deepening of pre-existing conflicts and generation of new ones

Conflict prevention efforts

C O N S E Q U E N C E S O F V I O L E N C E / A R M E D C O N F L I C T | 15


deprivation of and limited or no access to basic needs

During fighting, communities that previously survived on their own become dependent on

external assistance for their daily needs. They suffer from being cut off from their sources of

livelihood and basic utilities.

Evacuees such as those from the affected Maguindanaon and Christian communities in

Cotabato and Maguindanao bring only what they can carry to the safety of evacuation centers.

Other groups, like the Yakan community in Basilan, prefer to stay at the homes of extended family

members or to flee deeper into the forests. This was illustrated in the case of some Mangyan

tribes in Mindoro and the indigenous Isneg and Aggay groups displaced from Marag Valley in the

Cagayan Valley-Apayao area in the late 1980s and early 1990s.

Government evacuation centers are often inadequately prepared and equipped to accom-

modate the huge number of displaced families seeking protection and assistance. During the

armed confrontation between the CPP-NPA and AFP in the Cantomanyog, Candoni, and

Manlocahoc areas in Sipalay, Negros Occidental in the second half of the1990s, the living condi-

tions were so bad that some families “sought shelter elsewhere because they believed that they

were going to die in the evacuation centers” (Protacio-de Castro, p. 38). The displaced families

who hid in the forests of Apayao did not fare any better. The food blockades imposed by the

military forced the people to scrounge for food. Wild root crops and other edible plants became

the staple source of nutrition and streams, the main source of drinking water. Children suffered

from malnutrition and weakened immune systems, making them susceptible to diseases like

measles (ibid., p. 37).

During the military operations to capture MILF camps in 2000, tens of thousands of refugees

fled to the poblacion or town center of Pikit. The evacuees had to contend with food shortages,

delayed deliveries, and inadequate rations. Their pitched tents covered the entire plaza, the

school grounds and the surrounding areas. The farm animals like carabaos and goats that they

managed to bring along were placed near the drainage. Sanitation was very poor. Things were

worse when it rained.6

Like the evacuees, the members of the communities hosting the evacuation camps put up

with many things. For example, when the military controlled a major highway-crossing in Cen-

tral Mindanao in 2000, the supply of gas and kerosene ran out in the stations and the prices of

commodities skyrocketed. People panicked as the supply of rice available in the market dwindled

(Layson, 2004: 6).

During hostilities, schools are forced to close down since the buildings are either used as

evacuation centers or destroyed during the armed operations (Protacio-de Castro, p. 37). The

resources of the local government health units or centers are stretched to the limit, medical



supplies or equipment are often inadequate, and supplies invariably arrive late. The people,

particularly the children, suffer from various communicable but otherwise preventable diseases

such as bronchopneumonia, respiratory tract infections, intestinal parasites, malaria, skin le-

sions, typhoid and conjunctivitis. Health conditions are aggravated by the poor living conditions.

Measles is a major cause of death among children while adults suffer from amoebiasis, tuberculo-

sis, anemia, heart failure, hypertension, peptic ulcers, endemic goiter, and liver failure (ibid., p. 38).

social restrictions on mobility and communication

Enforced social restrictions on mobility in areas of armed operations are done through

blockades and the imposition of curfew hours. Checkpoints and detachments are established in

strategic areas such as thoroughfares. People are subjected to searches and the arbitrary confis-

cation of goods and personal belongings that are suspected to be supplies for the armed groups

(ibid., p. 40). Some members of the military or paramilitary units manning these checkpoints and

detachments commit various HRVs such as harassment and torture of suspected supporters or

militia of the other armed groups.

Blockades prevent the entry of outside help and badly needed medical and food supplies to

the area. During the conflict in Marag Valley and in Sipalay in Negros, people leaving the area

even as evacuees were prevented from seeking shelter on the accusation that they were CPP-NPA

supporters or militia (ibid., p. 41).

Restrictions on communication are also imposed. “Some affected civilians set the restric-

tions on communication themselves for fear that frequent communication would make the

military suspicious” (ibid.). The military demands the cooperation from the leaders of the com-

munities or the barangay captains to report the presence of suspected NPA units or personnel in

their respective areas and not to conduct any meetings or assemblies without prior approval

from the local military command or civilian authorities. These restrictions imposed by the mili-

tary prompt people to stay away from each other, and make them mistrustful or suspicious of

other people in their community and outsiders who come to their areas (ibid., p. 42).

A case study on the conflict in Digos, Davao del Sur, claims that the military and the CHDF

had control over information that people obtained and deliberately attempted to sow fear among

the communities that the NPA would conduct another attack (ibid.). In Sipalay and Candoni,

leaflets justifying the killing of NPA members and hurling accusations against progressive organi-

zations as collaborators of the NPA were distributed in the communities (ibid.).

People living in the crowded evacuation areas also face many social restrictions on mobility

and communication. Children and young people are prevented from freely engaging in play,



sports, and other recreational activities. In the Sipalay and Candoni evacuation centers, it was

reported that the children of the displaced families, who were mainly from underprivileged

farming communities or the hinterland areas, had to withstand the discrimination by members

of the host community (ibid., p.41). The restrictions dictated by life in the evacuation centers, fear

and shame affected the overall development of the children.

economic dislocation and disruption of livelihood sources

Counterinsurgency operations disrupt the strong ties the people have to the land, their main

source of food and livelihood. Homes, farms and the basic infrastructure for the operation of

small-scale businesses are destroyed. Income and productive assets like livestock, farm tools and

other implements are lost. Crops are left behind unharvested, or the planting season passes

without people working the farms. Immobilized by armed conflict and confronted with a war-

induced crop failure, the families are left with very little or no alternative source of livelihood.

They may also refuse to return to their places of origin for security and economic reasons.

These consequences were reflected in the 2001 social assessment survey by the World Bank

on 400 internally displayed people (IDPs) from resettlement, evacuation, and rehabilitation sites

in the towns of Kabacan, Carmen, and Pikit (World Bank, 2001: 11). Uncertain peace and security,

loss of homes and livelihood, and the establishment of a livelihood source in the new domicile

areas were the top reasons for the respondents’ decision not to return to their place of origin.

About 75 percent of the respondents who still had plans to return to their place of origin wanted

to go back because it is their place of birth and a farm awaited their return.

The effects of armed conflict on the economic outlook of the affected community linger long

after the outbreak of hostilities. In Sipalay, “uncertainty of the situation caused the people to be

hesitant in investing in long-term socioeconomic activities” (Protacio-de Castro, p. 44). Fears

include the recurrence of violence, the absence of security on land tenure and the unproductive

outlook that such socioeconomic projects were doomed to be short-lived.

breakdown of traditional sociopolitical institutions

Armed conflict directly affects traditional socio-political institutions, namely the family,

school, and government units, all of which serve as external support systems for individuals,

groups and communities. As internal resources break down, individuals tend to rely on these

sociopolitical support systems, which are likewise weakened by the circumstances of war. Mutual



support systems are either dispersed or exhausted, even in communities that remain intact.

There would be individuals separated from their family and friends for months (World Bank

Report, p. 13). War and its circumstances unsettle the family “which suffers most when significant

adults fail to perform their specified roles as they are acutely affected by stress, disruption of

routines, and displacement” (Protacio-de Castro, p. 37). The family’s experience of death or

prolonged periods of separation, loss of a secure economic base, the remoteness of opportuni-

ties, lack of capabilities, and weak prospects of recovery especially in a situation of recurring

conflicts, wreak havoc on family well-being.

As mentioned earlier, war disrupts the functioning of educational institutions. Schools are

converted into evacuation centers for prolonged periods of time and teachers fail to report due

to worsening security problems (ibid., p.44).

War also disrupts the functions of the local government units (LGUs) which, under devolu-

tion, are responsible for delivering basic services such as health and education. The influx of

refugees and the large wave of needs to accommodate them strain the meager resources of these

LGUs. In some cases, the barangay governments—the basic unit of the Philippine political sys-

tem– ceased operating in their respective areas. Since 1998, between five and nine of the inland

barangays of Lantawan in Basilan have been virtual ghost towns due to the strong presence of

ASG units and fierce military operations in these areas.7 The affected families from the interior

settled along the coastal areas, including Atong-Atong, the seat of the municipal government,

although Lantawan officials mainly operated in the nearby former municipality of Isabela.8

At the peak of the campaigns against the CPP-NPA, in some areas in Negros, the military

assumed control over the LGUs and designated some of its officers as LGU officials (Protacio-de

Castro, p. 45). The military also required the barangay units in Marag to engage in counterinsurgency

activities. Local men were recruited into paramilitary units like the Civilian Home Defense Force

(CHDF). Fearful of being suspected of being “communist supporters,” the residents did not

initiate meetings that were not sanctioned by the barangay captain, or local or military officials

(ibid.). Impositions like these have been experienced in many other communities in the Philippines.

loss, separation, and exploitation leading to chronic uncertaintyand increased vulnerability and trauma

The interrelated experience of loss, separation, and exploitation are the direct result of

violence and the cumulative hardships experienced by an individual or community caught in

conflict situations. People learn to cope with losing members of their family and relatives, their

homes and possessions, and means of livelihood. They are separated from family members,



relatives, other people and things of importance to them, such as the land they till and their

homelands. Deprived of a safe and secure environment, children lose their trust in the environ-

ment and in significant adults. Social support systems like the family, community, schools, and

local governments become unreliable and uncertain (ibid., p. 47). With no recourse, many get

involved in situations where they are further abused and exploited.

Fear becomes the predominant factor in the lives of the people. The sporadic and protracted

nature of armed conflict in the Philippines means that “refugees and displaced people are return-

ing to situations of ongoing uncertainty and insecurity ” (World Bank Report, p. 13). Uncertainty

becomes chronic. The following narrative of a villager who temporarily settled in Kabacan sums

up the effects of chronic uncertainty:

Evacuation and conflict (are) very tiring. Whenever new armed groups enter our

communities, tensions immediately mount. The community becomes unstable even

if violent confrontations do not occur yet. We are always in a constant state of alertness

and our deep fright prevents us from engaging in farming or other forms of livelihood.

At any rate, gunfire erupts and we are forced to leave everything.(ibid., p. 12)

People who have experienced armed conflict may demonstrate “intense anger, grief, mourn-

ing, anxiety, or hostility due to damage done to their domain and their separation from their

community resources” (Anasarias, 2004c: 27). Adjustment difficulties at the time of their forced

exodus may not necessarily indicate trauma or any medical illness (ibid., p. 16). For example, the

accumulated effect of being deprived of basic needs, of having only limited access to education,

and living in an unstable environment may delay the development of the cognitive, affective, and

behavioral aspects of children, but these could not be readily diagnosed or identified as trauma.

Nonetheless, “there are individuals (who) may be afflicted by post-traumatic stress disorder

(PTSD) or other related psychological or behavioral condition as a result of their exposure to a

traumatic incident” (ibid., pp. 16, 27). One example is an 11 year-old Maguindanaon boy who

developed a speech impediment and resorted to eating soil after a bomb exploded near his boat

during an aerial attack in May 2000 (Puzon, 2003: 1).

Chronic uncertainty also affects the individual and collective commitment to work for peaceful

and lasting solutions to the conflict.

lack of confidence, breeding of mistrust and hatred

The chronic uncertainty and increased vulnerability can lead to lack of confidence in other

people. Mistrust and hatred in and between divergent communities fester. The young and im-



pressionable members of the community are not spared:

After being asked whether he would treat a Muslim if he ever became a doctor,

a Christian pupil expressed hatred, saying that he would even kill him. In response

to the same question, a Muslim pupil faced his Christian classmate and said, “Never.

I will also kill you!” (Ibid., p.1)

Displacements also occur not just because people want to escape the fighting but also

because they have to take cover from their neighbors who are perceived to be different. Throughout

and after the eruption of fighting between government and rebel troops in Basilan, Maguindanao,

Cotabato, and other areas in Mindanao, there were movements across villages and even within

villages or barangays of Christians and Muslims who tried to distance themselves from the other

(World Bank Report, p. 18). In many areas, “residents have settled (in) areas where they can seek

protection (in) their own ethnolinguistic group” (ibid.) The Mangyan groups of Mindoro have

further isolated themselves in the interior, away from the damuong (non-Mangyan).

Even if group polarization does not lead to outright conflict, “it frequently encourages a

marked lack of empathy or understanding between these groups.” (Stewart, 1198: 111). The

absence of an effective mediating authority aggravates the situation. Small differences are mag-

nified and accumulate, leading to further polarization and intransigence. In extreme cases, bitter

blood feuds ensue drawing in the involvement of bigger players like the Armed Forces of the

Philippines (AFP), MILF and political clans, with disastrous results.

prolonged sense of injustice

The negativity, resentment, and desire for revenge felt by individuals and communities that

were victimized by government or non-state armed forces cannot be assuaged, unless they are

allowed to confront and reckon with the past. “In an environment where there is no acknowledg-

ment of or accountability for past violent events, tensions among former disputants persist.”

(International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 1998) The failure to bring justice

to many victims of human rights violations during the Marcos regime has generated a prolonged

sense of injustice and an underlying mistrust and lack of confidence in the government in many

communities in Basilan, Cotabato, Mindoro and elsewhere.

The mobilization of cultural resources is crucial for a community to recover from its suffer-

ing or losses resulting from armed conflict. “It is a fundamental premise that what victims of

terror and the upheavals of the war experience is a function of what these events mean to them,

or come to mean.” (Loughry and Ager, 2001: 36) Given the tenacity of social memory—which



contains views of history, cultural identity, and the communal and individual pride of being a

Yakan, Mangyan, or Christian—biased perceptions can develop in time and override reality. This

is especially so if social restrictions on information are enforced.

Fear, mistrust and biased perception of the contending forces can stall the process of na-

tional reconciliation and social development. Furthermore, as localized conflicts are correctly or

incorrectly interpreted in terms of ideological, historical and cultural narratives of conflicts

between diverse communities, there is the dangerous consequence of drawing the government

and the opposition armed groups into the picture, resulting in a larger conflagration.

recruitment into the armed group

Recruitment of vulnerable groups like children and indigenous peoples (IPs) into armed

groups is one consequence of violence/armed conflict. This is especially so in areas of protracted

armed conflict where there is constant recruitment. Local men are recruited into paramilitary

groups like the CAFGU and Civilian Volunteers Organization (CVO) to supposedly assist the AFP

in counterinsurgency operations. Some became ruthless vigilante groups and fanatical sects,

such as those that mushroomed among Christian and IP communities in Mindanao during the

1970s and 1980s.

Despite pronouncements and directives from both the MILF and the CPP-NPA that they do

not recruit children into their ranks, the media and NGOs working in conflict areas report and

confirm the existence of child soldiers in the field (Philippine Coalition to Stop the Use of Child

Soldiers, 2004: 4). The UPCIDS-PST documented cases of girl child-soldiers in the ranks of the

CPP-NPA and MILF. While the actual number of child soldiers in the Philippines is not known,

cases studies and military sources indicate that “majority of the NPA combatants killed in encoun-

ters and many of the MILF casualties during the government offensives were inexperienced

recruits aged eighteen and below” (ibid., p. 9). Peculiar to the Philippine context is the phenom-

enon of “part-time” child soldiers, or children who join the armed groups but do not necessarily

stop going to school unless they are asked to go on “tours of duty” that last anywhere between ten

and ninety days (ibid., p. 6).

The communities victimized by violence, injustice, oppression and neglect may come to

accept as truth that violence is the only remaining solution. As such, recruitment into the armed

groups perpetuates the culture of violence that has persisted in many areas in Mindanao. Gun

ownership and membership into an armed group are viewed as providing a sense of individual

and collective security and prestige, or as an act of religious duty.

The consequences of recruitment on the individual and collective are just as complex as the



sociocultural, political, and economic factors that lead people to join armed groups. However,

regardless of gender or age or amount of physical or mental training, a combatant is not spared

the danger of death or serious physical injuries and the grave psychological effects of direct or

indirect participation in the conflict.

deepening of preexisting conflicts and generation of new ones

It is claimed that tensions over land rights and use of resources between Christians and

Muslims in Cotabato have been a “cause of recent localized fighting that is magnified when the

bigger armed groups cast these localized conflicts in the context of their bigger narratives and

recruit the local protagonists to fight in the name of the bigger war” (World Bank Report, p. 19).

The deepening of preexisting sources of tension, such as competing claims over land ownership,

creates and increases more tension and perpetuates its effects onto the next generation. The

large-scale militarization of Mindanao in the 1970s, including the rise of state-endorsed “fanatical

sects” and other paramilitary groups in the counterinsurgency campaigns and the activities of the

Presidential Assistance on National Minorities (PANAMIN) in the IP homelands, “rather than

solving problems, created new ones, sucking more and more of Mindanao society into the vortex

of intensified violence” (May, 1992: 142).

Left unaddressed, the consequences generated by wars and violence take on a life of their

own, “not least through the spillage of weapons from war zones to other social arenas” (Loughry

and Ager, 2001: 31). The proliferation of cheap and portable weapons is one of the factors

supporting recruitment of child soldiers. Also, there is the reported entry of the drug trade in the

insurgency or secessionist movements. “The drug lords can finance the activities of these rebel

groups to create social unrest or sow terror in order to shift government attention from the drug

trade to this problem.” (Philippine Center on Transnational Crime, 2002)

Internal political struggles among the insurgent and secessionist groups have also affected

the arena of conflict, with new players coming out of the war factory and laboratory of violence.

For example, the so-called Lost Command groups that emerged from the MNLF are engaged in

kidnap-for-ransom activities and hijacking. “The real danger in insurgency-affected areas, say

some peace advocates, is the breakdown of law and order that paves the way for the rise of

criminal and predatory gangs.” (Gutierrez, 2000: 289) The AFP accuses the MILF of coddling

organized crime syndicates in the villages under its control. Kidnapping is described as a commu-

nity activity where, according to the testimonies of the victims, different families are involved in

specific tasks ranging from taking charge of the cooking and security chores to negotiating for

ransom (ibid.). The military, for its part, is also accused of providing protection to these gangs. In



February 2003, the military attacked the MILF’s Buliok complex in the municipalities of

Maguindanao and Cotabato purportedly to run after the Pentagon Gang, which operates with

impunity in Central Mindanao.

24

the need for a holistic, integrated and participatory psychosocial approaches

In the Philippines and in many other countries of the South, “structural poverty and injustice,

falling commodity prices, unbridled environmental exploitation and landlessness are all linked to

the withering away of traditional self-sufficient ways of life” (Loughry and Ager, 2001: 48). Even if

the threat of renewed escalation of armed conflict is stamped out by the conclusion of a peace

accord, the root causes of the armed conflict and its host of effects and consequences, if not

addressed, exert a potent, cumulative, and inhibiting effect on social development and the achieve-

ment of lasting peace.

why holistic, integrated and participatory?

Political violence is damaging to community resources. According to the United Kingdom-

based Psychosocial Working Group, these resources can be categorized into three interrelated

and interconnected types: human capacity, social ecology, and culture and values. Human capac-

ity includes the “mental, emotional, and physical health and well-being of community members,

the skills and knowledge of the people, their households and livelihoods” (Alger and Strang cited

in Anasarias, 2004c: 15). Social ecology encompasses relations “within families, peer groups,

religious and cultural institutions, and links with civic and political authorities” (ibid., p.15).

Armed conflict also disrupts the culture and values of a community, “leading to a sense of

violation of human rights and undermining cultural values, belief, practices, and self-determina-

tion” (ibid., p. 16). Kaloy Anasarias of Balay elaborates:

Hence, any impact on the economic and social resources, … would subsequently

take its toll on the relationships and well-being of community members, and vice-

the evolution ofpsychosocial interventionin the philippines

T H E E V O L U T I O N O F P S Y C H O S O C I A L I N T E R V E N T I O N I N T H E P H I L I P P I N E S | 25


PST study

versa. For instance, the burning of crops and destruction of farms due to air strikes

may be seen not only as an attack on physical resources, but on the symbol and way

of life that gives meaning to the loves of the affected population. For indigenous

peoples, the destruction of land, plants and animals is a desecration of the spiritual

domain that is connected to their humanity. The destruction of lands and religious

shrines and places of worships may leave a gaping wound in the ‘collective conscious-

ness’ of an affected community. The inability of civilians to go on with their produc-

tive existence and practice their rituals and customs due to military offensives may

also bring about certain feelings of resentment, rancor and hostility. (ibid.)

Given this perspective on the consequences of armed conflict, many of the NGOs and CSOs

working with the affected communities think of peace, democracy and development as holistic

and integrated concerns.

The Community Education, Research, and Extension Administration-Institute for Peace and

Development (CEREA-IPDS) of the Southern Christian Colleges (SCC), for example, believes that

peace is not just the absence of violence, but the presence of justice and human dignity. Develop-

ment is an interrelated process calling for self-reliance, social justice, and economic growth,

which are attainable through people’s participation. Liberation is the natural consequence of the

process. One mission of the CEREA-IPDS is the propagation of the culture of peace or “the

peaceful resolution of conflicts and genuine people’s development through a contextual, liberat-

ing, empowering, and relevant education that is faith-rooted and responsive to people’s needs.”

The Nagdilaab Foundation also believes that the commitment to peace building and devel-

opment has to be done in partnership with the communities. Inter-religious activities and dia-

logue form the core of its initiatives on peace and development.9 For its part Balay believes that

the “peoples’ movement for a just and humane community rests on a population that is fit in

terms of the most accepted indicators for social well-being and thus capable of managing their

own lives as well as the affairs of the community.”10 The organization believes in preserving and

nurturing the social bedrock by restoring the well-being of those who actively contributed to

organized people’s actions. In effect, a holistic approach gives attention to the range of issues

faced by the affected population and the context of their experiences. Integration is achieved

through a rights- and community-based approach that is sensitive to gender, children and cul-

ture; works within existent community structures and social network; uses local resources; and

incorporates local knowledge, skills and mechanisms for healing. Also, the importance of a

participatory approach cannot be overstated.



why psychosocial?

Political violence has complex psychological and social effects (Loughry and Ager, 2001:76).

Psychological effects mean “those experiences that affect emotions, behaviour, thoughts, memory

and learning ability, and how a situation may be perceived and understood” (ibid. p. 75) Social

effects refer to “how diverse experiences of war alter people’s relationships to each other, (includ-

ing the) economic dimension” (ibid., p. 76). These two effects constantly influence each other.

The term “psychosocial” underlines the interrelatedness and interconnectedness of the psycho-

logical and social effects of political violence.

This understanding of the interconnectedness and interrelatedness of the psychological and

social effects of armed conflict form the core beliefs of organizations doing psychosocial reha-

bilitation work (PRW) in the country. Even in its early years, the CRC saw PRW as part of an

“alternative that would focus on the rural areas, propagate a rehabilitation technology geared

toward the elimination of the causes of psychosocial problems, and prioritize the prevention of

emotional and psychological problems over the use of curative treatment measure” (CRC, 1994:

1-2). Balay, meanwhile, believes that a person’s mental health and overall well-being are directly

related to his or her social environment. Balay points to a psychosocial continuum, which should

be protected from disruption such as internal displacement. “What makes Balay’s work a pio-

neering one is its holistically packaged psychosocial character as expressed in its curative, pre-

ventive, and proactive components…” (de la Cruz, 2004a: 15).

The marriage of the psychological and the social, implies that each person is made up of an

integration of the mind, body, spirit, and the social world, and that healing is a process of transi-

tion toward greater meaning, balance, connectedness and wholeness, both within the individual

and among individuals and their environment (Philippine Coalition to Stop the Use of Child

Soldiers, 2003).

Psychosocial intervention can be defined as an “attempt to positively influence human devel-

opment by addressing the negative impact of social factors on people’s thoughts and behavior”

(ibid.). Such an intervention also aims to “ameliorate the effects of negative thoughts and behav-

ior on the social environment through facilitating activities that encourage positive interaction

among thought, behavior and the social world” (ibid.). As such, PRW is not just about counseling

or therapy. In terms of disarmament, demobilization, rehabilitation, and reintegration (DDRR) of

CIAC, it implies that any program should always consider the social world, and that any recovery

program must always involve the community and the family.

In the global arena, the UNICEF and the Joint Committee on Education of the UNESCO in

1993 called for the prioritization of psychosocial trauma counseling and education for peace. As

such, psychosocial programs have become part of the standard work of UNICEF, whose country



program reports include a separate heading for psychosocial activities (UNESCO cited in Pupavac,

2000). Considered vital for rebuilding communities that have been ravaged by armed conflict and

violence, psychosocial intervention has become “very popular with donors” (ibid.). For the

UNESCO, more than a decade later and “despite its popularity, there is both uncertainty over the

nature of psychosocial intervention and a lack of analysis and proper evaluation of its benefits.

Although the term is frequently used today and appears in many humanitarian aid programs, its

meaning is assumed. The term is not defined in aid documents, and aid agency staff express

confusion over its meaning and what activities constitute psychosocial intervention” (ibid.).

the development of psychosocial rehabilitation work (PRW)in war-affected communities in the philippines

Since the 1980s, CSOs, including church-based organizations, NGOs and people’s organiza-

tions (POs) have been working to develop and deliver programmed responses. Activities along

psychosocial intervention ranged from trauma counseling, nonviolent conflict resolution pro-

grams, life skills to education and self-esteem-building initiatives (ibid.). “These services have

been initiated and implemented in spite of overwhelming constraints faced by NGOs due to

organizational limitations, the lukewarm response or cooperation of local government officials,

or being caught in the ideological debates between and within the contending parties” (Protacio-

de Castro, p. 2-3).

The CRC, Balay, UPCIDS-PST, Tabang Mindanaw, the Mindanao Emergency Response Net-

work (MERN), Nagdilaab Foundation, the Christian Children’s Fund in Basilan, Balik Kalipay, and

the Social Action Center of the Apostolic Vicariate of San Jose are the NGOs advocating and

doing PRW in the Philippines covered in the study (see boxed profiles).

Eight themes have been identified to help aid the discussion. Under each theme, some

historical data are given as illustrations.

PRW as a response to emerging needs and realities brought about by the changing

political context in post-1986 Philippines

PRW as a response to the needs of IDPs and other sectors

PRW as a result of the dynamic experimentation on methodology, frameworks, and

approaches

PRW as affected by the ideological divide among Philippine NGOs and other factors

The evolution of mercy missions and psychosocial interventions

Promoting and mainstreaming of PRW

The role of research



Efforts toward a regional and interagency coordinated response

PRW evolved as a response to emerging needs and realities brought about

by the changing political contexts in the immediate post-1986 period

Among the first NGOs to develop psychosocial rehabilitation programs in the Philippines

were the CRC and the Balay Rehabilitation Center, established respectively, in June and Septem-

ber 1985. The CRC was set up as an institution “focused on helping children and their families

who suffer emotional, psychological, and health problems due to arrests, torture, forcible dis-

placements, strafing, massacres, and other forms of human rights violations” (Acuna, 1988: 55).

Balay was primarily established to provide immediate documentation, medical and legal services

to political detainees who suffered from torture, and to facilitate their reentry into society.

The history of these two organizations is a dynamic “coming together” of professionals in

various fields like psychology, child education and social work, and of concerned citizens wanting

to help victims of human-rights violations. Founders of both the CRC and Balay shared a

background of having close bonds with relatives and supporters of people incarcerated or killed

by the Marcos regime. Political prisoners released from detention had special needs but there

were no programs to respond to these needs and those of their families, including their children.

The democratic space opened up in 1986 helped social-development workers realize the need for

a more integrated approach. PRW was thus essentially an offshoot of the evolving approaches to

broaden the advocacy for civil and political rights and respond to pressing needs of a special class

of people. It is a product of “coming to terms” by NGOs and civil societies with the social realities

of the post-martial law period.

The CRC limited its programs to addressing the needs of children affected by political vio-

lence, particularly the children of political prisoners. The CRC’s inception came about from the

firm resolve of two former political detainees, Alex Marcelino and Elizabeth Protacio, to do

something about the troubling psychosocial behavior manifested by children of political detain-

ees. The NGO began in 1985 as part of the Welfare Committee of the Kapisanan ng mga Kamag-

anak ng mga Detenido (KAPATID), an organization of relatives of political prisoners in the

Philippines. With five members, the CRC organized play/group activities for thirteen children,

counseling and discussion sessions in two detention centers in Metro Manila (de la Paz, 1995: 14).

Within a year, the CRC established its separate identity from KAPATID. After the release of a

significant numbers of the political prisoners by then President Corazon Aquino, the CRC was

requested by reunited families for support in their adjustment to a new life as a family. The

number of its child-clients increased to 145 (ibid., pp. 14-15). Understaffed, the young service

institution solved the problem by tapping psychiatrists, doctors, nurses, psychologists and social



workers as consultants. Student volunteers were mobilized in program implementation.

The Balay Rehabilitation Center was first called the Philippine Center for the Treatment and

Rehabilitation of Torture Victims. Balay was founded under the auspices of the late Senator Jose

Diokno, outspoken Marcos critic and former political prisoner, and Dr. Mita Pardo de Tavera who

became Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD) secretary during the Aquino

administration. In 1986, it was renamed the Balay Rehabilitation Center. The organization initially

provided legal assistance through the Free Legal Assistance Group (FLAG), which Diokno estab-

lished after his release from prison in 1974. Services were soon extended to include scholarships

and loans for livelihood projects for former political prisoners and their family members. Through

the efforts of Pardo de Tavera, psychological help through counseling and medical assistance

became one of the core programs of the NGO and these were provided through the voluntary

participation of health professionals (Balay at www.balay.org).

It must be noted that the political prisoners often came from conflict areas. They included

captured militia or members of the CPP-NPA, members of political organizations, grassroots-

based and student activist groups that were declared subversive by the Marcos regime. In a way,

the psychosocial services offered to them and their families were a “respite” from the violence

that marred their lives. The question that accompanied the situation was how to find a way to

reintegrate them into society so they could rebuild their personal and family life. Notwithstanding

the stigma placed on the term “rehabilitation,” both the CRC and Balay adopted the term in

recognition of the socio-economic-cultural rights that needed to accompany the partial recogni-

tion of the civil and political rights of those victimized by the dictatorship.

PRW as a response to the needs of IDPs and other sectors

The fall of the Marcos regime did not bring about the hoped for national reconciliation and

peaceful settlement of the conflict. Since 1987, both the CRC and later Balay, had to respond to

new waves of militarization and fighting between the government and the different armed anti-

state groups. The accompanying displacement of communities was massive.

The CRC expanded its mandate to include victims of open fighting. During its first three years

of operation, the CRC served about 3,500 children throughout the country—a fraction of the

estimated 170,184 children affected by armed conflict in 1988 (Acuna, 1988:55). One of the first

areas reached by the CRC was Cagayan Valley, where heavy militarization directed at flushing out

CPP-NPA camps took place in the late 1980s. The CRC also serviced the Davao provinces in

Southern Mindanao, Albay in the Bicol Region, and Bacolod and Iloilo in the Visayas. Services

offered by the CRC included the provision of medical supplies, food and clothing, workshops on

health and nutrition, counseling and play therapy. In these areas, the CRC also conducted fact-



finding missions. In 1988, the CRC established its first regional center in Davao, where the intense

fighting between the AFP and its paramilitary groups on the one hand, and the CPP-NPA on the

other, had displaced many families. Several other centers in the Bicol region in 1989, on Panay

Island in 1990, and Negros Island in 1991 followed. Major natural disasters such as the earthquake

in Northern Luzon in 1990 and the eruption of Mount Pinatubo in Central Luzon in 1991, and the

rising phenomenon of child abuse and child prostitution, moved the CRC to respond. It eventu-

ally included in its clientele the survivors of these natural calamities and social ills.

The CRC delivered psychosocial rehabilitation services through its Community Outreach

Program (COP). The COPs also gave local service institutions and POs assistance in the establish-

ment of similar programs for children caught in the crossfire. Grassroots workers were trained

and developed as facilitators for the activities, and eventually as volunteer “counselors” — a move

that sought to strengthen the community’s capacity to cope with crisis situations (Gobrin and

Guan, 1996). The CRC conducted its COPs among displaced families in Zamboanga del Sur,

General Luna in the Bondoc Peninsula in Quezon, and the Marag Valley area along the Cagayan

Valley-Kalinga Apayao border. Entry to many of the affected areas was difficult since the AFP and

the CAFGUs in the area treated NGO workers with suspicion and readily equated them with the

CPP-NPA (ibid., pp. 24-25).

In 1992, Balay considered extending its rehabilitation service to IDPs, but it was only after

1995 that the organization was able to do so. Balay extended its psychosocial rehabilitation

services to IDPs in Iloilo, Negros, Tacloban and Basilan. It tapped the services of caregivers, health

professionals, lawyers, human-rights activists, and social workers to work either as volunteers or

full-time staff. While former political prisoners who pass certain requirements may continue to

avail themselves of services, Balay has since defined traumatized victims of internal displacement

as its primary clients. These include those victimized by “development aggression” or families

moved out of their settlements to give way to development projects. Given the seriousness of the

armed-conflict in Mindanao and to make operations easier, it set up three regional offices on the

island, covering the western, central, and southern regions. Currently, Balay’s Mindanao office

and only regional center is in Kidapawan City, Cotabato.

PRW is a result of dynamic experimentation on methodology, frameworks,

and approaches

Central to the development of PRW is knowing the limits of the biomedical model dominant

in Western health and health care-delivery systems (CRC, 1994: 1). The medical practitioner-

oriented and institution-centered approach was seen by the CRC as inadequate in analyzing and

responding to the psychosocial problems faced by Filipino children of war and their families. The



CRC realized this limitation as early as 1987—several years before the UNICEF and the Joint

Committee on Education of UNESCO called for the prioritization of psychosocial trauma coun-

seling. The workshops on health and nutrition it conducted during its relief missions in 1987

highlighted the use of readily available herbal medicine (Acuna, 1988: 59). NGOs and members

of the academe endeavored to develop an indigenous psychology suited to the needs of Filipino

children and families affected by political violence (Domingo, 1993: 4).

Balay saw that on many occasions, the use of and reliance on psychological tools such as

psychiatric diagnostic checklists in evaluating the impact of a disaster in a community, led to the

“clinical” interpretation of the survivors’ responses to traumatic events (Anasarias, 2004c: 16).

This has helped de-emphasize the material and social factors contributory to collective and

individual suffering. It encouraged “curative intervention” instead of an integrated psychological

response among groups and communities (ibid.). Critics also argued that a “clinical” approach,

which is generally abstracted within a medical or sickness framework, does not necessarily con-

sider social or cultural dimensions of the effects of armed conflict. Neither does it include strat-

egies for addressing the long-term issues such as socioeconomic integration.

The years 1987 to 1989 were a period of experimentation in methodology for the two early

NGOs involved in PRW. The CRC looked at different frameworks and approaches in analyzing

and responding to the problems faced by children of war and their families. The NGO noted that

the concepts of stress and coping, family systems approach, and Filipino Psychology significantly

contributed to building a healthy relationship between the CRC and its clients and to the effective

delivery of its psychosocial programs (Domingo, 1993: 4). Along the way came the realization of

the importance of involving the family in the healing process.

The CRC paved the way for the interdisciplinary synthesis of the different approaches in

child protection work. An example is the integration of theater arts and creative skills into psy-

chosocial work. In developing their Treatment and Rehabilitation (TR) Program, the CRC tapped

the expertise and experience of institutions like the Philippine Educational Theater Association

(PETA). The PETA helped develop a curriculum for facilitating, observing and developing basic

integrated art skills. The use of this approach proved more effective than a topic-based approach

in group therapy, and generated a higher level of interest among young participants (Acuna, 1988:

56).

Through its TR Program, the CRC provided skills to the affected children and their families to

help them adjust to new life situations. These came in the form of individual or group therapy

programs supplemented by support programs for families. Rather than a directive type of work,

the TR Program is facilitative in nature (Malabed, 1993: 12). Part of the TR Program was an annual

summer program for parents and children that complemented the group therapy programs.

The program had three components: children’s activities, parent’s activities, and joint par-



ents-children activities. One of its objectives is to give the child-client an opportunity to integrate

with other children-clients and their families with similar experiences. In 1988, the CRC was

mainly using a center- and home-based approach to therapy and rehabilitation. The Integrated

Summer Group Therapy Program (ISTGP) was seen to lay the groundwork for future commu-

nity-based approaches. In support of these programs, the CRC also provided for the medical,

educational, and nutritional needs of the children and income-generating projects for parents

(Acuna, 1988: 57). (For more about this annual summer program, see Sample Program of CRC:

Integrated Summer Group Therapy Program (ISGTP) in Appendix Two.)

Balay utilizes what it calls the Appreciative Inquiry in Community Mobilization (AICM)— or

the application of partnership-building processes with stakeholders that encourages the com-

munity to build on available resources and capacities. The approach led to positive breakthroughs

in community-based psychosocial rehabilitation and mass intervention (de la Cruz, 2004b: 2,11).

Balay provides a wide range of services that aim to rehabilitate and empower its partner-

beneficiaries. Aside from debriefing, counseling, therapy, immediate relief and medical services,

it provides livelihood support, educational assistance for youth and children, capability enhance-

ment trainings and human-rights education. It also conducts public-awareness activities and

policy research, advocacy and campaign, among others.

Balay maintains that to facilitate peace-building initiatives among IDPs, organizations sup-

porting IDPs should create avenues for the implementation of programs that go beyond raising

awareness levels and stress debriefing activities. As such, there is need for integrated and com-

prehensive programs (de la Paz, 2004: 33). Indeed, central to the NGO’s work experience is its

“holistically packaged psychosocial character as expressed in its curative, preventive and proac-

tive components” (de la Cruz, 2004a: 34).

The experience of the CRC, Balay and all the other NGOs shows that PRW as practiced in the

Philippines has been an unending learning and unlearning process. For example, a 1994 case

study of the psychosocial work of the CRC-Negros in a relocation site in Namulo, Binalbagan,

Negros Occidental reported that the absence of a comprehensive treatment plan was regarded as

the major weakness of the project. It noted the tendency of the community to either not identify

psychosocial health as a need because it is not understood well, or to consider psychosocial

problems less severe or less life-threatening as to warrant serious attention” (Camacho-de la

Cruz and Camacho, 1994: 9,11) The CRC nevertheless learned from these mistakes and limita-

tions and continued to enhance its service programs.

PRW practitioners were to first to point out to the need to ensure the safety and psychosocial

well-being of the caregivers, given the highly stressful nature of their work, high turnover rates,

and the threats they receive from sectors of society that have branded them as sympathizers of

the CPP-NPA. Addressing these needs would ensure the sustainability of programs and increase



the scope of its services. In 2000, the UPCIDS-PST noted that consciousness in caring for caregivers

was already fast gaining ground among NGOs (Protacio-de Castro, p. 60).

effects of the ideological divide on PRW

Since a number of the pioneers and people employed or volunteering in PRW-oriented

organizations were either involved in the struggle against tyranny and were previously affiliated

with underground groups such as the CPP-NPA, developments in the insurgency movement had

repercussions on PRW in the country.11 The split of several large staff and territorial party units

from the central leadership of the CPP-NPA in mid-1993 affected development and human rights

organizations. NGO workers identified or allied with groups that left the CPP could not provide

psychosocial intervention in areas under the control or influence of the CPP leadership. More-

over, funding resources of the institutions were affected. Funding agencies cut down on grants

for various reasons, including the fear that social development-oriented institutions were fronts

of the insurgency movement. The ideological divide also bred personality feuds among people

working in the field of psychosocial intervention work and this resulted in hatakan ng lubid or

tug-of-war over people, areas of operation, and resources.

Some of the organizations involved in PRW had internal management problems and, along

with the effects of the ideological divide, these translated into lulls in the provision of services and

operations of organizations like the CRC and Balay. Many of the organizations and individuals

involved in PRW have realized the importance of not being identified with any political party or

particular ideology. One of the core issues confronted was the question of exclusivity of provision

of psychosocial services. Because of belief in a particular ideology, some organizations refused to

extend services to children or families of military or paramilitary personnel.

evolution of mercy missions and psychosocial interventions

Organized mission proved an important part of PRW in the Cantomanyog area in Negros,

Marag Valley, and Rano in Davao del Sur. The relief missions required a high level of coordination

and the pooling of resources of all the groups involved (Protacio-de Castro, p. 52). Three types of

missions have been developed: relief mission, or the delivery of basic services to meet the basic

survival needs of the distressed evacuees; medical mission to provide medical care and first aid,

nutritional support, emergency referrals, and in some cases, exhumation and other forensic

investigations; and fact-finding mission, which involves investigation or gathering of facts on

reported cases of HRVs (ibid.).

The conditions, severity of HRVs and the extent of the conflict in Marag Valley popularized



the term mercy mission, which has come to cover all types of assistance given to affected com-

munities, including psychosocial first aid to children and the commencement of livelihood projects.

Often associated with the church or religious groups, mercy missions evolved as an emergency

relief operation strategy. With considerable time, planning, coordination, and community in-

volvement, mercy missions have proven to be most effective in delivering services even at the

height of military operations. These emergency relief operations seek to meet standards of im-

mediacy, adequacy and quality.

In recent years, another form of mission, the cease-fire-monitoring mission, has taken shape

as a grassroots-based mechanism to stave off war in their communities, report breaches of the

truce and, in general, reduce irritants to the ceasefire implementation (Mindanao People’s Cau-

cus/Initiatives for International Dialogue, 2003). This civil society-type of intervention grew as a

consequence of the interest of the community to keep the ceasefire forged between the govern-

ment and the MILF in place. The cease-fire-monitoring missions were organized by the Bantay

Ceasefire (Ceasefire Watch), a network of CSOs led by the Mindanao People’s Caucus and the

Initiatives for International Development (IID). More than twenty NGOs, POs and coalitions have

joined the Bantay Ceasefire, which fields monitors alongside the government-MILF monitoring

teams. Two of the many organizations that have participated in the series of Bantay Ceasefire

missions are Balik Kalipay and Balay, which provided psychosocial first aid to the communities.

promoting and mainstreaming prw

Appreciation of psychosocial work and support took time. In the 1990s, many of the NGOs

still had to harmonize their operating systems with the requirements of the job and to make the

necessary structural changes. How to promote psychosocial management was still being learned.

Since the 1990s, PRW-oriented NGOs began to promote and mainstream psychosocial work

in governmental and civil society organizations, locally and internationally. Through the so-

called Our Unified Task: Rehabilitation for Empowerment and Change (OUTREACH), the CRC

shared with other childcare workers its experience in psychosocial service. Among the topics

discussed in the course were children in crisis and their common responses to stress, child

developmental theories and developmental milestones, casework processes and methodologies.

Its culminating activity was a visit to the CRC-Panay Regional Office to observe the actual imple-

mentation of psychosocial service in the Philippine context.

In 1993, the CRC reported:

Then and now, we tried our best to respond by giving trainings and orientation

on psychosocial help and child development in the context of armed conflict. These,

however, remain limited depending on the schedules of the staff trainers.



The CRC was invited to share its experience in Sri Lanka in 1992. In 1995, it conducted an

international training course on psychosocial service for children-victims of state violence.

The move to mainstream PRW in other programs or organizations, train and develop more

PRW practitioners was also intended to ease the demands on the pioneering groups. The NGOs,

for their part, felt they needed to go beyond referrals and to expand their mandates to include the

provision of psychosocial services. For example, the Iligan City-based Balay Integrated Rehabili-

tation Center for Total Human Development (BIRTHDEV) more or less developed its PRW along

the same lines as CRC and Balay. Initially, they referred children of political detainees and

relatives of children of victims of human rights violations for assistance. After joining medical and

fact-finding missions conducted in areas in Mindanao that have experienced displacement in the

late 1990s, BIRTHDEV has since included, among its programs, community-based counseling,

and rehabilitation and reintegration programs focusing on the psychosocial aspect (Philippine

Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soliders, 2003).

Balay was one of the institutions that responded to the needs of the displaced communities

in Central Mindanao during the 2000 outbreak in hostilities. It decided to concentrate its efforts

in the embattled region, but still made its response teams available for deployment. For example,

Balay provided psychosocial intervention for the survivors of the ASG siege of downtown Lamitan

in 2001, where Christian captives in the villages of Balobo in Lamitan and Golden Harvest in

Lantawan were beheaded. The organization subsequently provided training for staff and caregivers

of the Nagdilaab Foundation, its partner organization in Basilan. Nagdilaab now provides its own

psychosocial services for the province.

Nagdilaab Foundation’s staff, then working for the Women’s Desk of the Isabela Foundation,

provided crisis intervention and healing for the widows of the armed conflict in Basilan. Describ-

ing themselves as “trained out of the situation,” the staff further strengthened their capabilities by

tapping the resources and learning from the experience of Balay.18

Tabang Mindanaw, a consortium of business, church, and media foundations, started in 1988

as a response to the food crisis caused by the El Niño drought. In response to the massive

evacuations in Central Mindanao in 2000, the organization has since developed various peace and

development programs, including the provision of psychosocial services especially in Central

Mindanao areas affected by the 2000 fighting. Their programs include the Integrated Emergency

Health Management Program (IEHMP), which provides humanitarian assistance to IDPs; and the

Integrated Return and Rehabilitation Program (IRRP), a comprehensive human development

program integrated with the peace process and with LGUs, Christian and Muslim religious lead-

ers, NGOs, GOs, the AFP and even the MILF as collaborative partners.

Two strategies that have greatly helped in the mainstreaming of PRW are the provision of

training and continued advocacy. For example, the UPCIDS-PST encourages the “development



of human resources in the field of research and direct service through its various training pro-

grams and workshops in line with the mandate of the University to educate, train, and equip

people with necessary skills and knowledge” (UPCIDS-PST Brochure).

Balay has an equally vibrant advocacy program. The organization’s advocacy program unit

manages the website, produces a newsletter, the Balitang Balay, and other information materi-

als. It also lobbies for the passage of laws and the adoption of executive policies for the humani-

tarian protection of IDPs. Under the umbrella of its advocacy program are other tasks, such as

alliance-building, promotion of solidarity, and networking with and among local and interna-

tional NGOs and bodies. Human-rights education; workshops on the rights of children and IDPs;

and the conduct and release of occasional studies on displacement toward the development of

appropriate psychological intervention approaches for uprooted peoples are all part of its port-

folio. Balay’s advocacy program forms a vital and integral part in the organization’s other pro-

grams, such as its integrated rehabilitation program and its program to promote children as

zones of peace. The NGO’s advocacy efforts have won international recognition, particularly by

the Representative of the United Nations Secretary-General on IDPs, Mr. Francis Deng, who

welcomed the initiative taken by the NGO to translate the “Manual on Field Practice in Interna-

tional Displacement” into several languages. The translated manuals were launched in Davao City

and Cotabato in late November 2002.13

To strengthen its impact on promoting welfare and well-being of IDPs, Balay maintains

contact with other organizations through the use of modern technology. It assigns staff members

to regularly attend meetings of various networks. It submits documented reports to the members

of the GRP and MILF peace panels and members of its local and international networks. Balay is

a member of networks like the Council for the Welfare of Children (CWC), Mindanao People’s

Caucus (MPC), Peace Educators Network (PEN), Philippine Disaster Management Forum (PDMF),

United Against Torture Coalition (UATC), the International Society for Health and Human Rights

(ISHHR), and Sulong CARHRIHL.14 Its active participation in the Bantay Ceasefire missions is

proof of the recognition of the need to provide psychosocial services to affected populations.

Based on Balay’s experience, the role of advocacy for psychosocial development response

and peace-building can be summed up by the following points:

The advocacy program has become an indispensable and facilitative tool in the empow-

erment and mobilization of IDPs, whose needs have already been provided or answered

by the other programs of Balay, making them actors for human-rights promotion and

peace building. This is exactly what was earlier referred to as programs that go beyond

raising awareness-levels and stress-debriefing activities.

The advocacy program has become a venue and opened up venues for the vital partici-

pation of IDPs and affected communities in the conceptualization, planning, and execu-



tion of peace and development projects, thereby making them proactive contributors

to the overall peace-building efforts in their respective areas.

The advocacy program has become an important support system for any community-

based initiative undertaken by the IDPs and the other programs and peace-building

efforts by network partners and other NGOs.

An example that best highlights the role of Balay’s advocacy work in peace building is the

resulting “Twinning of Schools Project” under the Youth and Child Development Program of the

Integrated Rehabilitation Program. The project, linking high school students from schools in

Metro Manila with students from the twelve schools in Pikit, is the fruit of Balay’s advocacy efforts

through cooperation with the PEN. (For more about the project, see Children and Youth Partici-

pation: Balay’s Twinning of Schools Project on pp. 64-65)

The role of research in PRW

Research plays an important role in the mainstreaming of PRW. It is important in influencing

the collective and individual values, formulation of policies, and the nurturing of an active and

responsive community life.

While the respective organizations have their own research programs, the active collabora-

tion between NGOs and the academic policy research organizations was facilitated by the UP

Psychosocial Trauma and Human Rights Program or the UPCIDS-PST. Established in 1993 as a

special program under the Peace, Conflict Resolution and Human Rights Program by Lisl and

Leo Eitinger Human Rights awardees Elizabeth Protacio-de Castro and June Pagaduan Lopez,

the PST brought together academics, field practitioners, NGOs and communities. In two decades,

it has generated a wealth of information on psychosocial trauma and related themes. Two of the

objectives of the university-based program are to “undertake policy-relevant research on the

effects of violence-related psychosocial trauma on victims, survivors, and caregivers, as well as

communities exposed to, or recovering from, the psychosocial consequences of violence” and to

“explore and assess a range of alternative forms of intervention for caregivers, communities, and

individual survivors of violence” (UPCIDS PST Brochure).

The university-based organization remains at the forefront of research on issues such as

childhood and children’s rights, and torture prevention and rehabilitation. In 2000, the UPCIDS-

PST released a pioneering study on community participation in the recovery and reintegration of

children in armed conflict. The study focused on three areas where armed conflict between the

AFP and the CPP-NPA had taken its heaviest toll and where various GOs, NGOs, and POs have

applied their best resources and energies to mitigate the impact of armed conflict. These areas



are Marag Valley in Kalinga-Apayao; Cantomanyog, Candoni, and Manlocahoc in Sipalay, Negros

Occidental, and Rano in Davao del Sur. The study gave important recommendations in solving

the problems of children and communities in situations of armed conflict. Moreover, the various

research outputs and training programs of the UPCIDS-PST, as important inputs, have helped

shape the development of PRW in the Philippines.

While the NGO community can link up with the academe in the area of research, the former

remains the best source of researchers since their people are the ones who know the situation in

the field (Ferrer, 1997: 32). However, NGO workers are tasked to do numerous functions. An

observation made by Ferrer in 1997 may still hold true—that research efforts by NGOs lag behind

other activities such as campaign or advocacy work. A dynamic cooperation between NGOs and

the academe in research thus helps bridge the gaps.

The UPCIDS-PST believes its research should be facilitative of PRW and peace building.

Along with the Philippine Human Rights Information Center (PhilRights), the UPCIDS PST has

done extensive research work on the use of children as soldiers in the Philippines and the effect

of armed conflict on children. The UPCIDS-PST, which sits as a member of the Steering Committee

of the Philippine Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers (PCSUCS), has led or participated in

the following researches:

“Adult Wars, Child Soldiers: Voices of Children Involved in Armed Conflict in East Asia

and Pacific Region” (UNICEF, Bangkok, 2002)

“Children in Conflicts: Assessing the Impact of Conflicts in East Asia and the Pacific on

Children” (forthcoming publication in 2006)

Armed or Not, They are Children, a Primer on the Use of Children as Soldiers in the

Philippines—published by the PCSUC in Manila 2004.

The publications are also tools to build the capacity of teachers, peace builders, NGO work-

ers and caregivers. An example of such publications is the Teaching Peace, Human Rights, and

Conflict Resolution Manuals. This set of training and teaching manuals puts together lesson plans

for teachers in public and private schools in Mindanao that would positively promote nondis-

crimination, respect for others’ beliefs, opinions, and cultural practices, and appreciation of

plurality of cultures and ideas . (For more about the Teaching Peace Project and manuals, see

Sample Project of the UP-CIDS-PST: Teaching Peace, Human Rights and Conflict Resolution in

Appendix Two.) Another is the handbook for social workers on bio-psychosocial help for chil-

dren in special need of protection (CSNP). The idea behind the book is to upgrade the capacities

of caregivers by providing a concise and practical resource material based on a rights-based

approach and Filipino psychology.

The integrative, participatory, holistic, interdisciplinary, and policy-oriented approach in



conducting the research—particularly the active and pivotal participation of individuals and

communities that have experienced armed conflict and of NGOs and other relevant agencies in

the conceptualization, planning, and implementation of the various projects of the UP-CIDS-

PST—had empowering, enriching, and mainstreaming effects. As such, the process was as im-

portant as the output.

toward a regional and interagency-coordinated response

In terms of geographical coverage, and perhaps given the situation in Mindanao, most of the

NGOs and GOs doing PRW are based in southern Philippines, an area that has seen more armed

conflicts than any other region in the country after World War II. For example, five of the seven-

teen participating agencies in the Balay-organized First Psychosocial Conference had nationwide

coverage, and six operated in the Mindanao region only. Three of the agencies operated only in

a province in Mindanao, and another three worked in Third World countries apart from the

Philippines (De la Paz, 2004: 33).

Moreover, only two of the participating organizations are into actual psychosocial work. The

organizations have numerous functions other than PRW. However, they are all involved in coor-

dination, which was defined as “going about a project with the assistance of a partner organiza-

tion who shares the same task” (ibid.)

The year 2003 marked many milestones in civil society efforts to build a coordinated regional

and interagency response to the needs of the IDPs in Mindanao and the other consequences of

political violence. The First Psychosocial Conference was held in Davao City in 2003. Its theme

was “Toward Healing and Empowering Displaced Families and Communities for Peace and De-

velopment.” The conference participants sought, among other things, the development of “strat-

egies and mechanisms where critical assessment of the outcome and impact of civil society

efforts in PRW can be made and linked with government efforts and policies and promote

reflections on peace and human rights advocacy for peace in Mindanao” (ibid., 31).

The year 2003 also saw the establishment of the MERN, perhaps the most expansive Mindanao-

wide mechanism for coordinated emergency response. Tabang Mindanaw, a co-convener of

MERN, is at the forefront of these regional networking initiatives and interagency cooperation in

Mindanao. The other co-conveners are the Community and Family Services International (CFSI),

the governmental Regional Disaster Coordinating Council/Office of Civil Defense (RDCC/OCD),

Save the Children Fund (SCF)-United States’ Disaster Preparedness and Response Program in

Mindanao, and the United Nations Multi-Donor Programme (UNMDP). It has forty members

from throughout the region, including international aid agencies like Accion Contra El Hambre

and NGOs such as Balay, BirthDev and Nagdilaab Foundation; church organizations like the



Immaculate Conception Parish in Pikit; and agencies like the Philippine National Red Cross

(PNRC).

The MERN pursues “an effective, efficient, timely, and appropriate emergency and humani-

tarian assistance and services, while seeking durable solutions to displacement,” MERN has initi-

ated the holding of the following workshops:

“Executive Workshop for Government Humanitarian Agencies” – November 2003

“Strategic Planning for MERN” – August 2003

“Workshop on Humanitarian Standards” – July 2003

“Workshop on Contextualization of Minimum Standards in Emergency Management in

Mindanao” – January 2004.

The Workshop on Humanitarian Standards held in Davao City, resulted in a landmark code of

ethics, the Principles of Conduct for Nongovernment Humanitarian Agencies in Mindanao (see

box on page 41). Its 15 principles were drafted after deliberations on international instruments on

human rights, international humanitarian law, and the United Nations Guiding Principles on

Internal Displacement, among others; the conduct of a stakeholders’ analysis; and an examina-

tion of the Mindanao context. It urged the principles’ adoption and dissemination by all nongov-

ernment humanitarian organizations.

In addition to the adoption and promotion of the Principles of Conduct, the members of the

network set up several mechanisms that would maximize the participation of beneficiaries,

coordinate and maximize the use of resources, enhance capacities and capabilities, and integrate

worker’s security and welfare in humanitarian work. Members of the MERN committed to link

humanitarian work with peace work, and to adopt peace information and awareness-building in

their respective mandates.

Regional networking and interagency cooperation can be effective strategies to make the

most of limited and precious resources. It also provides on-the-job training in managing and

coordinating relief efforts and developing preparedness for any complex emergencies. The

process also reinforces relationships with local partners. An example is the role played by the Pikit

Parish church in coordinating efforts in Pikit (for more, see Convergence and Complementation

in Pikit: Immaculate Parish Church, on pages 61-62).

The Pikit Parish experience also underscores the learning that humanitarian intervention in

times of complex emergencies is about fostering of peace, the empowerment of affected com-

munities and individuals, and effecting the needed changes for the elimination of the root causes

of the conflict. As such, CSOs must always be on the lookout for innovative ways to address the

consequences of violence or armed conflict, for windows and opportunities, and for new part-

ners, principles and practices in peace building.



principles of conduct for nongovernment humanitarian agencies in mindanaoWe shall put the humanitarian imperative as the utmost consideration in our work.We shall give assistance regardless of the race, ethnolinguistic affiliation, creed or nationality, andother similar adverse distinction. Priorities are calculated solely on the basis of the community’sneeds and rights.We shall not use assistance to further a particular political or religious standpoint.We shall not act as policy instruments of government and parties to the conflict that are (sic)inconsistent with humanitarian imperatives.We shall respect culture, tradition, custom, and belief.While performing emergency response, we shall take into consideration the need to reduce vulner-abilities and to strengthen the community’s disaster response capacities and capabilities.To the extent possible, we shall involve the communities we seek to serve in the management ofrelief assistance.In our information, publicity and advocacy activities, we shall recognize disaster victims as dignifiedhumans, not hopeless objects, whose rights must be upheld at all times.Our presence, work, and assistance shall in no way cause further harm to, or prolong suffering of thecommunity we seek to serve.We shall coordinate efforts for maximum benefit.We shall take gender into consideration and give particular attention to vulnerable groups.We hold ourselves accountable to the beneficiaries and the donors.We consider volunteers as integral part of our work.We are committed to adhere to exit strategies. We recognize our role as complement to the primary role of the government in disaster andemergency management.

42

This section will describe and discuss the responses

of the selected CSOs to address the consequences of armed

conflict and violence using the six categories identified in the framework for this study. It will also

provide a preliminary assessment of the impact of psychosocial interventions responses on

three areas, namely, on the policy issue, on the ground-level situation and lastly, on the primary

stakeholders’ perception, attitude, and behavior.

Table 2 provides a graphical representation of the psychosocial responses of the organiza-

tions that participated in the FGDs in Isabela City in Basilan, Midsayap in Cotabato, and San Jose

in Mindoro Occidental. The table is based on how the participants classified their programs

according to the categories presented during the FGDs.

Five of the eight organizations are engaged in programs or projects lumped under Category

2 (psychosocial counseling and trauma relief). The same number of organizations is involved in

projects or programs classified under Categories 1 and 2 (post-hostility physical and social recon-

struction, reconciliation and rebuilding social relationships). Only three are involved in Category

4 (truth commissions, fact-finding missions) activities, and four have programs under Category 5

(demobilization and reintegration of former combatants). While there are only two organizations

that listed their activities under Category 6 during the FGDs, all the other organizations, except

those based in Mindoro, pointed out that their activities were essentially conflict prevention

measures, given the protracted nature of the armed conflict in Cotabato and Basilan. It should be

noted that many of the activities were listed under more than one category. Participants from

CCF-Basilan, for example, listed the conduct of peace festivals under Categories 1, 2, and 3.

The particular focus and scope of the projects conducted by the participating organizations

can be seen from the table. One organization, Balik Kalipay, focuses on the provision of psycho-

social counseling and trauma relief. In comparison, only one other organization, Balay, has

projects and programs that covered all the categories in the study. However, during the catego-

rization of activities, the participants from Balik Kalipay described their provision of psychosocial

services as “cutting across categories” given its overall effects on both the post-hostility physical

and social reconstruction work and in rehabilitation and rebuilding social relationships. For

purposes of discussion, however, the specific consequences of armed conflict and violence in

psychosocial interventionsof selected CSOs

P S Y C H O S O C I A L I N T E R V E N T I O N S O F S E L E C T E D C S O S | 43


PST study

Ca

tego

ry 1

Po

st-ho

stilit

y ph

ysica

l and

so

cial

reco

nstru

ction

Cate

gory

2

Psyc

hoso

cial

coun

selin

g and

tra

uma r

elief

Cate

gory

3

Reco

ncili

ation

an

d reb

uildin

g of

socia

l re

lation

ships

Cate

gory

4

Fact

findin

g, me

rcy a

nd

ceas

efire

mo

nitor

ing

miss

ions

Cate

gory

5

Demo

biliza

tion

and r

einte

grat

ion

of for

mer

comb

atan

ts

Cate

gory

6

Confl

ict pr

even

tion

meas

ures

Bala

y X

X X

X X

X Ba

lik K

alip

ay

X

CCF-

Basil

an

X X

X X

X

Nagd

ilaab

Fdn

. X

X X

ND

FCAI

-WED

X

X X

X

PA

SAKA

MI

SAC,

Min

doro

Oc

cide

ntal

SCC-

IPDS

/CER

EA

X

X X

X X

Table

1 Typ

es of

Psyc

hoso

cial In

terve

ntion

s of S

electe

d CSO

s (ba

sed o

n self

-clas

sifica

tion)



relation to the categories as shown in Table 1 will be used as a guide. As such, while the conduct

of peace festivals may be classified under Categories 1, 2, and 3, it falls under Category 3 in this

discussion because, following Table 1, peace festivals primarily seek to address the lack of confi-

dence, mistrust, and hatred of other ethnolinguistic groups or members of other religions, and

the destruction of social relationships.

Two of the organizations, PASAKAMI and SAC, both based in Mindoro, did not categorize

their projects or programs as efforts to address the consequence of violence. The SAC’s programs

were geared toward institutional reforms, promoting participation in decision- making, develop-

ing good governance, and education for peace and justice. The two Mindoro-based organizations

did not in effect use the language of psychosocial rehabilitation work to describe their programs.

However, as we have defined PRW here, the two organizations in effect undertake activities that

make up elements of PRW. For example, they participated in a fact-finding mission to determine

the circumstances behind the massacre of a Mangyan family in Magsaysay, Mindoro Occidental

in 2003. The insights shared by the church workers and Mangyan representatives on the particu-

lar dynamics of the conflict in their province provided important lessons in peace building. The

situation in Mindoro also reflected the importance of looking into indigenous knowledge and

worldviews in doing peace building, including psychosocial intervention work among war-af-

fected communities. (See Indigenous Responses of the Mangyans of Mindoro on pp. 64-67)

The responses of the selected organizations varied, but they were also similar in many ways.

Under each category below, a synthesis of common points in the objectives and strategies of the

programs, and the facilitating and hindering factors in the implementation of these programs are

provided, along with examples of innovative projects or pioneering programs. The discussion

here is limited to structural responses, under a program or project of an organization. A few

illustrations of specific responses, such as those by a church group or an indigenous community,

are highlighted in sidebars.

post-hostility physical and social reconstruction

objectives

Interventions along the lines of physical and social reconstruction after an outbreak of

hostility aim to:

repair and rebuild infrastructure destroyed or damaged during the conflict and facili-

tate the return of the displaced communities

provide the affected communities access to basic services



provide the communities access to livelihood assistance and income-generating

mechanisms

strengthen traditional socio-political community structures that were weakened or se-

verely affected by war, and

help prepare community members to consciously work for peace in their areas and

foster their participation in peace-building efforts.

One of the primary objectives of physical and social reconstruction work after the eruption

of armed hostility is to repair and rebuild infrastructure destroyed or damaged during the conflict

and facilitate the return of the displaced communities. The construction of new structures such

as core shelters, roads and community centers not only physically rebuilds the community but

also gives them hope of having their lives back. An example is a critical-intervention project

carried out by the precursor of the Nagdilaab Foundation, the Women’s Desk of the Isabela

Foundation. Their project included the reconstruction of 22 housing units, repair of the commu-

nity chapel, and construction of a community learning center in communities that experienced

atrocities in the hands of the ASG in 2000 and 2001. The effort “(gave) the children the chance to

see that even if the structures were burned or destroyed by bombs, a newer and more useful and

beautiful structure would be built in the area and this (gave) them hope.”15

Post-hostility physical and social reconstruction work also seeks to provide the affected

communities access to basic services. These services naturally include medical care of those hurt

or injured during the conflict or those who contracted diseases while in the evacuation centers or

other areas of refuge, and access to water and power supply. These services were often severely

affected or hindered as a result of the armed conflict. The Inspiracion de los Pobres Project of the

CCF-Basilan in fact did not only regularly conduct medical and dental services. It also helped

build water management systems which were virtually nonexistent before the eruption of armed

conflict. For this purpose, the CCF-Basilan acquired the necessary materials, such as PVC pipes

and cement. The construction was closely coordinated with the local waterworks units and local

government officials. (For more about the project see Appendix 2, Sample Project of the CCF-

Basilan: Inspiracion de los Pobres.) The Inam (meaning “hope” in Maguindanaon) Project of the

NDFCAI-WED and private partners such as the Cotabato Chamber of Commerce, the Davao

Doctors Hospital, and the Jerome Foundation of Davao City, provide specific health services such

as harelip and cataract operations and prosthetics to indigents communities, including those

injured in the armed conflict.

Physical and social reconstruction work also means providing the communities access to

livelihood assistance and income-generating mechanisms. The NGOs helped the affected fami-

lies regain their self-sufficiency either through agricultural production support programs, loans



through microfinancing systems, or entrepreneurship skills trainings. The SCC-CEREA-IPDS, for

example, in cooperation with the Bangsamoro Women’ Association, conducted a cow-dispersal

project in barangays Nabalawag, Tugel, Mudseng, and Kapinpilan of Midsayap. Through its Col-

lege Hill Learning Resources Center (CHLRC), the university promotes sustainable agriculture by

hosting trainings, seminars and workshops on plant breeding, organic rice milling, and other

relevant issues in agriculture such as the controversial issue of genetically modified organisms

(GMOs).

The NDFCAI-WED conducts the Basic Skills and Entrepreneurship Training (BEST)—a three-

to five-month training designed for people without any background on garments-making, food-

processing, and small-business management. BEST also exposes trainees to special learning

exercises to build self-awareness and self-confidence. Sessions on social responsibility, value

formation, personal health and hygiene, bookkeeping and others are included in the course. As

follow-up training, NDFCAI-WED offers the Advanced Skills and Entrepreneurship Training (ASET),

designed to provide BEST graduates and other entrepreneurs with advanced and specialized

skills through classes on garments manufacture, handicrafts, and entrepreneurial management.

For its part, the Nagdilaab Foundation lists microfinancing activities as one of its areas of expertise.

The SCC’s Extension and Learning Resource of the Community Education, Research, and

Extension Administration (CEREA-ELR) introduces to Menuvu fathers and young men of the

community alternative farming methods such as the diversified integrated farming system,

sloping agricultural land technology (SALT). Animal husbandry, and the establishment of com-

munity nurseries are also encouraged.

In essence, physical and social reconstruction work builds peace by first helping meet the

people’s livelihood and other basic needs. In doing so, it lays the groundwork for peace-building

in the long term. Thus, part of this intervention is the strengthening of traditional socio-political

community structures that were weakened or severely affected by war. Projects are geared toward

rehabilitating children and families in their community setting. For example, the Inspiracion

delos Pobres is a holistic program aimed at making families physically healthy and self-sufficient

by, among others, providing their children and youth access to education. Schools damaged by

the conflict are rehabilitated. The Service Learning Program of the SCC Library Science Depart-

ment, in partnership with the Books for the Barrios Foundation, conducted learning activities in

Rajamuda Elementary School in Pikit. Books and learning resources were delivered as gifts, and

games, storytelling and “book talks” were facilitated by library science students (Quinones, 2004:

2).

The Darkness to Light Program of the SCC through its CEREA-ELR services an isolated

community of 62 poverty-stricken Erumanen ne Menuvu families in Agkir-Agkir, Libungan,

Cotabato. Menuvu villagers are taught how to read, write, and compute. Instruction is made



relevant to their culture, economic, political, and social realities. Mothers and young women of

the community are given lessons on health, sanitation, preventive medicine, and the essentials of

food nutrition.

Physical and social reconstruction programs of communities directly affected by the out-

break of armed hostilities help prepare community members to consciously work for peace in

their areas and foster their participation in peace-building efforts. Education services are taken

to another level through the integration of peace education in the curriculum. For example, the

SCC instituted peace education in the university curriculum in 1999. All its college graduates take

up peace education classes. Another initiative of the SCC-CEREA-IPDS is the Summer Institute

for Peace and Development Motivators (SIPDM), which seeks to educate students and young

people on how to behave in a pluralistic community, build a strong group composed of dedicated

and devoted young peace cadres, and prepare them to work consciously for peace in their

respective communities. The SIPDM curriculum equips students with knowledge on and basic

skills in organizational management, community organizing, networking and advocacy appli-

cable to their context.

In 2003, Balay and the Philippine Development Assistance Program (PDAP), assisted in the

rehabilitation of five conflict-affected barangays in Damulog, Bukidnon. Community members

were given training on participatory rapid appraisal and community planning by Balay. A seminar

on peace and development became the basis for another round of activity, the Barangay Reha-

bilitation Planning. The training program helped the barangay development councils build their

capability to do damage, needs, and capacities assessment, and formulate a Comprehensive

Barangay Rehabilitation Plan (CBRP) executable within a six-month to a full-year time frame. The

Plan was turned over to the PDAP and the Damulog municipal government. The PDAP provided

work animals to each of the barangays, the Department of Agriculture distributed palay for

planting, and the DSWD took the lead in rebuilding damaged shelters. The cooperative process

also increased the awareness of the family, community, and local governments on basic human

rights, and international instruments such as the IDPR and the Convention on the Rights of the

Child (CRC). Such awareness is integral to the nurturing of traditional socio-political structures

that serve as the basic support system of the community. (Quintos, 2004: 26)

strategies

The strategies commonly used by the NGOs in post-hostility physical and social reconstruc-

tion work included community organizing, leadership and skills training, capacity building, link-

ages, consultation and dialogues with stakeholders and local government officials and traditional

leaders, planning workshops, advocacy through the use of media and appropriate and commu-



nity-friendly IEC materials. As far as getting the message across to the communities is concerned,

NGOs in Basilan, Maguindanao and Cotabato found that the meaningful involvement of tradi-

tional and religious leaders as conduits are very effective in reaching out to a larger number of

people and in ensuring their participation in the projects. The NGOs in Basilan also noted that in

networking, the use of personal channels is more effective than using the structural channel,

especially in dealing with local government officials. The use of the mass media and the participa-

tion of the private sector are also key strategies used by the NGOs in post-war physical and social

reconstruction.

hindering factors

In Basilan, the slow or lack of response or no response on the part of the LGUs, the presence

of armed groups, language barriers, and the negative impressions among the Muslims that the

participation in the projects would ultimately mean or lead to conversion to Christianity, were

identified as the hindering factors to effective peace-building. The participants of the Isabela City

FGD notably decried the pervasive phenomena of “goons, guns, and gold” and patronage politics

in the province which in turn reflects the prevailing attitude of the community in the selection of

political leadership. It was also common in Basilan for key officials of a particular barangay or

municipality to live elsewhere. The changes in leadership as a result of the May 2004 elections also

caused discontinuities. If the choice of leadership were done conscientiously and if the elected

leaders were genuinely pro-poor, progressive and proactive, peace building would be greatly

facilitated.

Participants in the Midsayap FGD pointed to the apathetic attitude of some members of the

local leadership and the poor response from the community, the occurrence of natural calami-

ties such as flooding in the Cotabato river basin, and the cyclical nature of the conflict as hinder-

ing factors in implementing post-hostility physical and social reconstruction work. The

NDFCAI-WED shared the same experience as CCF-Basilan — many Muslims initially had reser-

vations about participating in the projects for fear of being converted to Christianity. The SCC-

CEREA-IPDS listed technical problems such as frequent power shortages, conflict in schedules,

the limited number of peace education teachers, and worn-out facilities as hindering factors.

In both Basilan and the Cotabato/Maguindanao areas, traditional attitudes such as the ten-

dency of the Muslim community to be withdrawn in the presence of Christian outsiders or

visitors were also identified as one of the hindrances, particularly in the initial phase of the

projects. Participants also pointed to budgetary limitations as a hindering factor.



facilitating factors

The facilitating factors identified by the participants include the hiring of Muslims, especially

at the fieldwork or grassroots level. It was also important to have a qualified, culture-sensitive,

efficient and effective staff. These measures helped ease the Muslim community’s initial fears of

conversion to Christianity and overcome the language barrier.

Fluency in the dialects or languages is seen as a facilitating factor. Steps are being made to

make the staff knowledgeable or at least conversant in the medium of the community being

served. The Balay Mindanao Office, for example, actively pursues a policy of making their Chris-

tian staff gain fluency in the Maguindanao language by learning “ten new words a day.” Even

simple measures such as giving words of encouragement to staff members and the community

and maintaining a healthy and positive attitude – or “being happy to help others who are in need”

—were identified as facilitating factors.

The supportiveness of LGUs, traditional and religious leaders, and the private sector, the

active participation of the community, the strong spirit of voluntarism, and partnerships with

other NGOs and agencies are the other facilitating factors that were identified during the FGDs in

Isabela City and Midsayap.

psychosocial counseling and trauma relief

objectives

The provision of psychosocial counseling and trauma relief are intended to address specific

needs. However, forms of intervention are multiple and integrated with other services. Specifi-

cally, this type of intervention aims to:

improve the psychological well-being and overall medical health of the affected

community

help the community come to terms with the interrelated experience of loss, separation,

and exploitation, and their feelings of uncertainty and increased vulnerability, and

prepare and empower the community to become responsive and active partners in

social change.

One of the primary objectives in providing psychosocial counseling, trauma relief, and re-

lated services is the improvement in the psychological well-being and overall medical health of

the affected community. For example, under its Integrated Rehabilitation Program, Balay pro-



vides direct services such as psychosocial first aid, social casework, psychosocial processing,

counseling and therapy, medical support, relief assistance, and legal aid. However, as discussed

earlier, while some adjustment difficulties have been observed among the members of the af-

fected community at the time of their forced exodus, this may not necessarily indicate trauma or

any medical illness.

Another primary objective of the provision of psychosocial intervention and related services

is to help the community come to terms with the interrelated experience of loss, separation, and

exploitation, and their feelings of uncertainty and increased vulnerability. This means enabling a

transformation towards a realization that they are survivors and not victims, and that they can be

agents of change. Such activities help them process the effects of armed conflict and violence.

The provision of psychosocial intervention activities, in the form of counseling and debriefing

and play or art therapy, provides this continuum for healing and rehabilitation. The main objec-

tive of Balik Kalipay’s project in Pikit, for example, is to continue to facilitate the psychosocial

recovery of day care- and primary-school-aged children and their families from the experience

of war. Balik Kalipay has served 10 evacuation centers in Maguindanao and Cotabato.

The provision of psychosocial counseling, trauma relief and related services prepare and

empower the community to become responsive and active partners in social change. Trainings are

a means to build their skills in conflict resolutions, and in handling community-based psychoso-

cial services. The Nagdilaab Foundation, for example, assisted some 160 families and women

victimized by the ASG in Barangays Golden Harvest and Materling in Lantawan, Balobo in Lamitan,

and the town of Tumahubong in Sumisip. Aside from organizing relief services, trauma healing

sessions and other psychosocial services in these areas, the NGO conducted trainings on com-

munity organizing and capability building.

Psychosocial rehabilitation programs have come to include components covering livelihood

support and assistance, coping skills management,

and youth and children’s development. Balay’s

Youth and Children’s Development activities in-

clude peace camps, skills training, peer counse-

lor seminars, parent-child encounters, workshops

on children’s rights, and fund-raising for youth

organizations. Its Coping Skills Development ac-

tivities include workshops on traumatic stress

management, critical incident stress debriefing,

and peace dialogues. The Livelihood Support and

Assistance component meanwhile teaches stake-

holders how to set up therapeutic and sustain-

Photo 1: Youth participants at work at the RecyclingWar Trash for Peace Project of the NagdilaabFoundation in Isabela City, Basilan.



able income-generating projects and cooperatives. Another notable example of a livelihood

component is the Recycling War Trash for Peace (RWTP) Project of the Nagdilaab Foundation and

the Ateneo Research Center of the Ateneo de Zamboanga University. (For more about the project,

see Appendix 2, Sample Project of the Nagdilaab Foundation: Recycling War Trash for Peace)

strategies

The strategies commonly used by the NGOs are the conduct of trauma healing sessions,

crisis debriefing, and play therapy for the affected families and diffusion for staff and caregivers.

These are supplemented by community organizing, leadership and skills training, capacity build-

ing, linkages, consultation and dialogues with stakeholders, gaining the support of local govern-

ment officials and traditional leaders, planning workshops, advocacy through the use of media

and appropriate and community-friendly information, education and communication (IEC) ma-

terials. As in the conduct of post-war physical and social reconstruction work, the NGOs in

Basilan and the Cotabato/Maguindanao area strategically nurtured the close involvement of

traditional and religious leaders. They also used existing community structures such as daycare

centers, barangay halls, and schools in the conduct of the activities.

Both Balay and Balik Kalipay found the utilization of a “child to child” campaign effective in

reaching a larger number of children and in ensuring their participation in the projects. The

NGOs in both Basilan and Cotabato particularly noted the importance of practical and culture-

sensitive approaches, such as the fielding of male facilitators particularly when dealing with an all-

male group. In the daycare centers, trained daycare workers utilized culturally appropriate play

therapy modules to address the children’s psychosocial needs. In the

conduct of trauma healing sessions and other activities, the Nagdilaab

Foundation found helpful the grouping of participants into manage-

able sizes and according to ethnolinguistic groups.

Balik Kalipay adopted a comprehensive approach that involved

the youth, parents, and key people in the community in promoting

the rights of the children in their barangays. The community-based

interventions conducted by youth volunteers targeted out-of-school

children and complemented the daycare center-based psychosocial

intervention. Trained parents through filial therapy helped facilitate

the delivery of rehabilitation services to these children.16

Photo 2: Participants engaged in anactivity with their children during aparenting session conducted by BalikKalipay in Barangay Gli-Gli, Pikit,Cotabato.



hindering factors

The FGD in Basilan revealed hindering factors such as the existence of the armed group and

the recurrence of tragic events that trigger the resurrection of biases and prejudices between the

Christian and Muslim residents. The other hindrances include the continuous threat of terrorist

acts, and the lack of support from the LGUs. The fear or suspicion of connivance among some

members of the military, LGUs and the ASG continues to breed uncertainty. The non-residence

of key officials of a particular barangay or municipality in the area they are supposed to represent

also posed problems in providing psychosocial rehabilitation work to the community. There is

also the difficulty of convincing donor agencies to provide aid to organizations based in Basilan,

given the reputation and highly politicized leadership of the very few NGOs in the province. The

Nagdilaab Foundation noted the cultural and other barriers in providing psychosocial services to

very sensitive cases, particularly the widows of ASG fighters and their families, who cannot grieve

publicly and face discrimination and lack of sympathy. In providing psychosocial services, the

field workers noted the distance between the affected communities and Isabela City where the

Nagdilaab Foundation and CCF-Basilan are based, and the lack of reliable and regular public

communication and transportation facilities.

Participants in the Midsayap FGD again mentioned the apathetic attitude of some members

of the local leadership, the low-level response from the community, natural calamities such as

flooding, and the “seasonal” nature of the conflict as hindering factors in implementing psycho-

social counseling and trauma relief services. Like the experience of their counterparts in Basilan,

the NGO workers from the Cotabato and Maguindanao area noted the initial reservations of the

Maguindanao community in participating in the projects for fear of being converted to Christian-

ity and their tendency to be withdrawn in the presence of Christian outsiders or visitors. Aside

from these factors, the participants singled out the re-eruption of armed conflict as the most

serious hindering factor in PRW. For example, Balik Kalipay’s programs were seriously disrupted

in February 2003 as a result of renewed armed hostilities between government troops and MILF

fighters in the MILF’s “Buliok Complex,” which includes parts of Pikit municipality. Budgetary

limitations were also identified as one of the hindering factors.

It should be noted here that the cultural practices of a particular community can plays a

strong facilitating as well as a hindering role in the conduct of psychosocial intervention work.

Cultural practices concerning death or loss, worldviews, and religion, may present aspects that

are more helpful than outside intervention. Observations on the culture of the Mangyan commu-

nity in Mindoro for example revealed traditional practices that support psychosocial healing

practices.




Field workers found that the acceptance and recognition by the affected community of the

existence of conflict, its effect on them, and of the need to resolve it, facilitated provision of

psychosocial services. Other facilitating factors include the careful hiring of a qualified, culture-

sensitive, efficient and effective, multi-cultural staff; and mobilizing the support and active par-

ticipation of LGUs, traditional and religious leaders, the private sector, and funding institutions.

A clear understanding of their roles in the projects and programs helped facilitate the implemen-

tation of projects and generated a strong spirit of voluntarism. Aside from good coordination and

partnerships with other NGOs and agencies, the Nagdilaab Foundation also stressed that the very

nature of the projects, particularly the dynamism and creativity of the programs and projects and

the processes involved are just as helpful as any of the aforementioned factors. Positive attitudes

exhibited by the leadership and rank-and-file workers of the Nagdilaab Foundation towards their

job, such as the belief that “community organizing is a way of life” and that “every project or

program is a journey” were also crucial to effective PRW.

reconciliation and rebuilding social relationships

objectives

Programs on reconciliation and rebuilding social relationships provide continuity to the

process of healing, empowerment, and change. Specifically, they address the lack of confidence

in, mistrust of and hatred for the other (ethnolinguistic) groups, and the destruction of social

relationships as a result of armed conflict and violence, and help establish dynamic and empow-

ered communities living in peace, respect, and love.

The first step in the process of reconciliation is raising the collective and individual con-

sciousness of the existence of biases and prejudices. The Summer Institute for Peace and Devel-

opment (SIPD) of the SCC, the GENPEACE Project of NDFCAI-WED, and the Twinning of Schools

Project of Balay, all aim to increase awareness, understanding and appreciation of the cultures

and beliefs of the various communities in Mindanao, and the promotion of cultural diversity,

which are necessary for a pluralistic community to live in peaceful coexistence. For example, the

core theme and message of the GENPEACE Project stresses the need of living and working

together peacefully, on shared goals and seeking non-violent solutions to the conflict. (For more

on the project, see Appendix 2, Sample Project of the NDFCAI-WED: UNESCO Gender, Peace,

and Development (GENPEACE) Project.)



The tri-media advocacy programs of the SCC-CEREA-CMA include hosting the Kapihan sa

Kalinaw (Coffee for Peace), a weekly community and issue-oriented show aired over local cable

television, and the Paaralang Pangkapayapaan (Schools for Peace), a radio advocacy program

aired over a local radio station covering five provinces. Both programs discuss current issues

relevant to peace and development. The two shows serve as venues to air peoples’ dreams,

aspirations and hopes for their future and advocate public policies. Program content fosters

among its listeners a deeper understanding of social issues and respect for different religious

beliefs. Efforts towards reconciliation are also geared towards the establishment of dynamic and

empowered communities living in peace, respect, and love.

strategies

The strategies commonly used by the NGOs to advance reconciliation include capacity

building and skills training on leadership and conflict and resolution, technical trainings and

literacy programs, “culture of peace” seminars, peace campaigns using the mass media, and

livelihood assistance. The other strategies are community organizing, linkages, consultation and

dialogues with stakeholders and local government officials and traditional leaders, planning work-

shops, and the use of appropriate and community-friendly IEC materials.

Perhaps, the most popular and colorful of the strategies are the staging of the annual peace

celebrations and peace camps. Since 2000, the Nagdilaab Foundation has been conducting the

annual “Memorial for Peace.” Survivors, partner GOs and NGOs all participate. Events include

livelihood exhibits and presentations. On May 29 to 30, 2004 in Isabela City, the CCF-Basilan held

the Sixth Puhmalin Children’s Peace Festival, a two-day celebration of talent and skills exposition,

dance and music competitions, and exchange of experiences. The name of the Puhmalin was

coined from the name of the three projects being undertaken by the NGO: Inspiracion delos

Pobres, Punukubung, and Maluso Outreach. Described as part of the debriefing of the children,

many of whom have witnessed armed conflict, the event included a symposium wherein human

rights and child rights workers talked about the importance of peace and the issue of child

soldiers, a phenomenon not alien to many in Basilan.

Balay, for its part, also organizes and conducts youth peace camps and youth consultations,

such as the one held with youth from the conflict-affected barangays of Dalengaoen, Panicupan,

and Takepan in Pikit. Consultations in 2003 revealed that the youth in Panicupan want to take

active part in the promotion of peace talks. One slogan they adopted is, “Peace talks, not putok”

(“Peace talks, not firing of guns”). The youth of Dalengaoen made plans to hold peace dialogues

between the Christians and Muslims, and the holding of prayer meetings for peace (Lascano,

2004: 20).



hindering factors

The participants in Basilan identified the following hindering factors to reconciliation: the

unstable peace and order situation in many areas in the province, unresolved biases and preju-

dices, conflicting interests and priorities between Christian and Muslim residents, lack of re-

sources and lack of resourcefulness of the LGUs and some sectors, and the language barrier.

There is also lack of knowledge and understanding on the cultural and religious heritage and

practices of the different communities—the very same issues that reconciliation efforts are trying

to address.

Meanwhile, participants from the Cotabato and Maguindanao area identified the following

hindering factors: continued displacement due to armed conflict, budgetary limitations, the

apathetic attitude of some members of the local leadership, poor response from the community,

technical problems such as intermittent but frequent power failures, and worn-out facilities.

Other hindering factors include the existence of armed groups, particularly the Lost Command

groups, unsympathetic sentiments of the Christian community towards the Bangsamoro struggle,

and reservations of the Maguindanao community in participating in the projects for fear of being

converted to Christianity.


Facilitating factors include sufficient training and exposure of community organizers; the

active participation of the affected community; the support of empowered leaders, traditional

and/or elected); linkages and networking with other NGOs, POs, and GOs in the area; the sus-

tained interest of members of the community in the learning process; and the dynamism and

creativity of the programs. Also crucial are the community’s desire for peace, the commitment of

the youth sector in achieving lasting peace, and the bayanihan spirit of the community. The SCC-

IPDS-CEREA particularly noted the importance of feedback from televiewers and listeners. Their

interactive participation in the Kapihan sa Kalinaw and Paaralang Pangkapayapaan made the

tri-media advocacy programs effective.



fact-finding, mercy and ceasefire monitoring missions

objectives

Special missions aim to gather information on the status and needs of the affected commu-

nity, and help prepare for a credible and respectable peace, human rights and emergency re-

sponse in the affected areas. At the end of the day, they hope that networks involved in human

rights, peace and development work are further strengthened.

One of the primary objectives of fact-finding and ceasefire-monitoring missions is to verify

the facts or circumstances surrounding an outbreak of conflict or a crisis situation in an area

where armed conflict has erupted. Ceasefire-monitoring missions are conducted particularly to

ensure full implementation of the ceasefire agreement on the ground. Mercy missions generally

aim to provide a wide scope of services, including distribution of food and water, medical care

and psychosocial first aid. In general, these missions gather information on the status and needs

of the affected community, and help prepare for a credible and respectable peace, human rights

and emergency response in the affected areas.

Balay participated in the second Bantay Ceasefire fact-finding mission organized by the

Mindanao People’s Caucus (MPC) in the MILF’s Buliok Complex in July 2003. The mission was a

response to the appeals for support by the displaced villagers from Pikit, Pagalungan, and

Pagagawan (now Datu Montawal). Balay lent its documentation and coordination skills. The

mission found the following: fear and insecurity among civilians; Philippine Marines’ camps

situated within civilian communities; enforced clustering of civilian houses; the presence of

unexploded bombs, landmines, other ordnances and booby traps; recruitment and training of

paramilitaries; restrictions on civilian movement; and the use of the Islamic Center in Buliok as

headquarters of the military. Even after Barangay Inug-og in Pikit was declared a “sanctuary of

peace,” residents refused to return to their homes. (Mindanao People’s Caucus/Initiatives for

International Dialogue, 2003: 44-45) The mission recommended to the government and MILF

peace panels a host of measures relating to education, livelihood, and public health.

The SCC participated in the visit of the International Monitoring Team (IMT) from the

Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) to the Buliok Complex in March 2004. In 1994, more

than twenty-five organizations including the CRC and other organizations conducted a fact-

finding mission in areas affected by armed conflict on Samar Island. Given the resources and

coordination work required to launch such missions, an accompanying objective of this type of

undertaking is to strengthen networks involved in human rights, peace, and development work.



strategies

The SCC listed the following among its strategies: interview with IMT members; coordination

with GOs, NGOs, POs, the military and the MILF, and key elected and traditional leaders of the

community; and the conduct of campaigns at the grassroots level. Aside from networking and

linkaging with the Mindanao People’s Caucus and other organizations in the conduct of the fact-

finding mission and the series of Bantay Ceasefire missions, Balay noted the use of its Apprecia-

tive Inquiry and Community Mobilization (AICM) approach in gathering the necessary information.

Balay also listed among its strategies the conduct of assemblies, regular and unscheduled meet-

ings, and use of modern technology to facilitate communication. It noted the importance of

having an assigned staff to participate in the meetings and the activities of the networks and

assemblies hosted by partner organizations.

hindering factors

Hindering factors include continuing military operations and unresolved human rights vio-

lations, the unpredictable peace and order situation, the unstable situation in the community,

limitations on budget and manpower, and lack of support from the national government.


Facilitating factors include the support of LGUs and the community leaders, their desire and

commitment to peace initiatives, the bayanihan spirit, and the credibility and respect that the

programs have earned in the area.

demobilization and reintegration of former combatants

objectives

The primary objective of demobilization and reintegration programs for former combatants

is to aid them in their re-entry to the family and community. These programs include the provi-

sion of educational and livelihood assistance to both ex-combatants and the victims of armed

conflicts. The Nagdilaab Foundation and CCF-Basilan have no specific or special programs for

the demobilization and reintegration of former combatants but their educational assistance



programs have also been extended to ex-members of armed groups. These two organizations

also help facilitate, assist, and coordinate the reintegration and rehabilitation of former combat-

ants in cooperation with the provincial and municipal social welfare development officers. Balay’s

psychosocial programs are also extended to former combatants.

Participants to the Peace Literacy Program of the NDFCAI-WED also included active mem-

bers of the MILF. The NDFCAI-WED has been invited by segments of the MILF ranks to conduct

literacy programs in their communities. Facilities like the madrasahs and houses were made

available for holding classes. The NDFCAI-WED’s Credit Assistance Program also aids in the

reintegration and rehabilitation work of ex-combatants. The financial assistance program is

designed to provide seed capital to graduates of the Functional Literacy, Adult Education, Entre-

preneurship and Skills Training Programs so that they can start their own home-based busi-

nesses. Technical assistance is also provided in the marketing, design, and packaging of the

products, with the WED Crafts Center in Cotabato City serving as the display center. The applicant’s

entrepreneurial potential is one of the criteria for selecting beneficiaries of these assistance

schemes.

The SCC-IPDS’s support and legal assistance to members of the IP community who are jailed

for dubious crimes or false charges have also benefited members of armed groups.

strategies

Among the strategies identified by the care include the provision of relief and welfare

assistance; the conduct of home visitations, and sessions with the family and individual;

coordination with key agencies such as the provincial and municipal social welfare development

officers and the military; dialogues and consultations, and networking among NGOs and various

agencies.

hindering factors

The participants from Basilan and the Cotabato/Maguindanao area identified the following

hindering factors to successful reintegration of ex-combatants: the fear of being stigmatized, and

repercussions or retaliation from aggrieved parties or former comrades; the unstable peace and

order situation, and continuing violations of human rights. In the conduct of its literacy classes,

the NDFCAI-WED identified security issues such as the safety of learners and facilitators, the

distance of the communities to be served, and the difficulty of travel to these areas as among the

factors that impede its work. The ineffective implementation of and lack of information over

child protection laws and directives, particularly the Inter-agency Memorandum on the Han-



dling and Treatment of Children Involved in Armed Conflict,17 have caused problems in the

reintegration of former child combatants who were wounded and/or arrested, and put under

government custody.


Facilitating factors include the openness and willingness of former combatants to undergo

the process of reintegration, family support, the formation and utilization of networks and part-

nerships with organizations like the Medical Action Group (MAG) and the PCSUCS, and a quali-

fied and competent staff or caregivers. In the conduct of literacy classes, the NDFCAI-WED noted

the importance of the participation of the community and the leaders or commanders of the

local MILF units. The ceasefire is also seen as a strong and facilitative factor.

conflict prevention

objectives

The primary objective of conflict prevention efforts is to stem the deepening of pre-existing

conflicts and arrest the generation of new ones. This necessarily involves addressing the root

causes of the conflict.

The promotion of the concept of ancestral domains as “peace laboratories” or a Zone of

Peoples’ Peaceful Coexistence (ZOPPEC), and the Technical Assistance on Ancestral Domain

Claims of Erumanen ne Manuvu Communities in the municipalities of Pigkawayan, Libungan and

Alamada in Cotabato, are among the SSC’s efforts to facilitate indigenous territorial governance.

Loss of land and the competing socioeconomic systems of the Muslim, Christian and IP commu-

nities are among the roots of the conflict in Mindanao. The SCC-CEREA-IPDS is also actively

supporting the initiative for a United Nations-supervised or managed referendum in Mindanao

as one political mechanism to resolve the Bangsamoro conflict. Another conflict prevention

effort spearheaded by the university program is the innovative Mobile Institute for Peace and

Development. It works on the premise that for the cultivation of peace, education must be

borderless and liberating. A wide space to understand a multi-ethnic society that embraces

diverse outlooks is needed. People’s solidarity must be enhanced and a deep sense of partnership

between the community and the academic institution, promoted. (For more on the project, see

Appendix 2, Sample Project of the SCC-CEREA-IPDS: Mobile Institute for Peace and Develop-

ment)



Preventing children and youth from joining the armed groups is just as important. The

NDFCAI-WED’s Philippine Youth Leadership Training Program (PYLTP) dubbed “Make a Con-

nection, Nurturing Future Leaders” aims to provide the indigenous Teduray, Maguindanaon and

Iranun Muslim youth skills training and micro-lending services. In cooperation with the telecom-

munications industry giant Nokia, the Consuelo Foundation, and GOs like the Department of

Education (DepEd), the project seeks to nurture the leadership potential of the youth from

disadvantaged communities and distance them from the influence of armed groups. (For more

on the project, see “Make a Connection”—Youth, private sector and NGO partnership in peace

building on pages 67-68.)

Specific preventive measures have also been negotiated between the community and the

AFP. The PASAKAMI in Mindoro proposed that the leaders of the communities should be in-

formed of the entry of soldiers into their areas. The military should not use any tribal member as

a guide nor use force and intimidation in dealing with them. They also stressed that the soldiers or

armed groups should respect indigenous culture and not to stay long in their communities.18

(For more details on the responses by the Mangyan, see “Indigenous Responses: Mangyan of

Mindoro” on pages 64-67.)

strategies

The strategies identified by the participants from the SCC include the conduct of confer-

ences and community consultations, the establishment and coordination with IP organizations

and networks, and lobbying the international community. The utilization of existing tri-media

programs, such as the Kapihan sa Kalinaw and the Paaralang Pangkapayapaan were also vital

strategies.

facilitating and hindering factors

Budgetary constraints were identified as the primary hindering factor in the conduct of

conflict prevention work. The receptiveness of IP communities to such efforts and the existence

of active IP organizations were meanwhile identified as facilitating factors.

The following section provides a description of sample responses by the religious and indig-

enous people towards peace building. The discussions include examples of cooperation between

the youth sector, NGOs and private sectors, and the responses by the IDPs themselves.



convergence and complementation in pikit: immaculate parish churchOne of the oldest parishes in the Archdiocese of Cotabato, the Immaculate Parish Church in Pikit,

has seen decades of armed conflict between government troops and Muslim secessionist groups.Within an eight-year span alone, the mainly agricultural and multi-ethnic town of Pikit experiencedfour major armed conflicts. In 1997, fighting erupted between government troops and MILF fighters,displacing 30,000 civilians. In 2000, a new round of fighting forced 41,000 people to leave theircommunities and stay in evacuation centers; in 2001, more than 24,000 were displaced; and in 2003,close to 38,000 people were forced to evacuate in another eruption of armed conflict.

Fr. Bert Layson (2004), who has been based in Pikit since 1997, wrote that Muslims and Christiansin the area previously lived in peace since the first batch of Christian migrants arrived in 1913. Therecent eruption of armed confrontation between government troops and Muslim separatists brokethe spirit of community between the two groups. These years of bloodshed pitted Christians againstMuslims and separated the two communities. The Church “did not just stand from the distance andwatch silently. She was caught in the middle of a tragedy and she had no choice but to act in favor ofthe victims,” many of whom were Muslims (Layson, 2001). The parish extended aid to thousands ofIDPs in every conflict.

During the conflict in 2000, described as the most difficult man-made calamity experienced by boththe Christian and Muslim residents of Pikit, the Parish Pastoral Council met to organize the DisasterResponse Team (DRT). The DRT was composed mainly of both Christian and Muslim youth. It wasorganized into committees with specific tasks. The parish kept track of the affected barangays and thenumber of families displaced and it became a repository of information relevant to the crisis. The GOsand international and local NGOs all coordinated their efforts with the Pikit parish, which readilyprovided the information needed. They were strongly advised to work with the Rural Health Units(RHU) and Municipal Social Worker and Development Office (MSWDO). The parish church alsonetworked with the media in order to advance its advocacy against war and promote support for thepeople of Pikit. According to Layson (2004: 8-9), “The goal was to complement and not to duplicateor discredit the other. This was the kind of relationship that was developed between the church, NGOsand the government of Pikit… .”

In 2000, the parish ventured into reha-bilitation work. With the help of TabangMindanaw, the Pikit Parish helped facili-tate the return of the evacuees fromBarangay Nalapaan to their homes. Themulti-ethnic village, which was severely af-fected by the armed conflict, was declareda “Space of Peace.” Its inhabitants ap-pealed to both the MILF and the AFP torespect their declaration and spare Photo 3: The Parish of the Immaculate Conception,

Poblacion, Pikit



Barangay Nalapaan from becoming a battleground. At the end of the year, the parish carried out atwo-month supplementary feeding program in the 42 villages of Pikit for 10,000 Muslim and Christianchildren aged six years old and below. The program, through the generous support of the CanadaFund, involved close coordination with the local government and national line agencies and utilized acombined force of Muslim and Christian mothers as village nutrition volunteers.

In July 2001, the parish sponsored the training of 35 Muslim and Christian volunteers on stressdebriefing, trauma healing, and para-counseling. The team was given the task of conducting psycho-social interventions for children of different age levels in the different conflict-affected villages in themunicipality. The Pikit Parish made representations with local and international NGOs for assistance. Italso embarked on a series of Culture of Peace seminars for local leaders, which included a study ofMindanao history, the processing of prejudices and biases, and cultural exchange. It established openlines with the military and the MILF, in the belief that in war, whether combatants or civilians, all arevictims. Even though it received strong criticism from the Christian community, including religious andlay members of the Parish Pastoral Council and the provincial government, the dialogical approach withthe Muslims and the MILF used by Fr. Layson helped to restore the collective trust between theMuslims and Christian communities in Pikit. Fr. Layson argues that his parish is not only for theChristian, but also for the Maguindanao and the Manuvu communities.19 Field workers from Balay andBalik Kalipay believe that the people of Pikit exhibit a higher peace awareness and are more compas-sionate towards evacuees compared to the neighboring municipalities.20

A loose coordinating group has served as an important mechanism for mobilizing and coordinatingresponses. It is composed of local and international NGOs and aid agencies like the Movimondo, BalikKalipay, the Catholic Relief Services (CRS) and OxFam; the Mindanao People’s Caucus; the LGUs; andthe Pikit Parish. It aims to maximize resources in times of conflict or complex emergencies, avoid theduplication of efforts, and ensure that all intervention work is sensitive to the multi-cultural communityand appropriate to the context of Pikit. It strongly believes in the need to integrate peace buildingefforts in any rehabilitation work for the latter to be sustainable. Any organization wishing to extend itsservices in Pikit has to coordinate with the group through the parish.

The formation of the grouping is the result of a realization of the importance of convergence andcomplementation of efforts, and that competition may destabilize and adversely effect collectiveefforts to aid the displaced families. It was observed that during the 2000 and 2001 conflicts, someNGOs and funding agencies were not ready to work with the LGUs. Fr. Layson admits that membershipin the group depends on an NGO or agency’s willingness to work within its framework. The Pikit ParishChurch is not the lead agency, but serves as the main coordinating body in multi-track rehabilitationand conflict prevention work, advocacy efforts for policy change, and support for the peace process.



building bridges of understanding, solidarity, and peace between children and youth:balay’s twinning of schools project

For those living far from the sights and sounds of conflict, the situation of children in situations ofarmed conflict (CSAC) may only be as real as the image of young boys and girls lining up for soup inevacuation centers that they see on television or the pictures of students sitting in the floor as theycontinue their education in bullet-ridden schools. Across the seas, the displaced children may alsopainfully watch other children on television and ask why they are not in school and playing like them.Like a silent whisper, we may hear the hint of distress afflicting those children, and yet not really see.Nor comprehend. (Balay Rehabilitation Center)

The children and young people from the villages of Buliok, Bago-Inged, Barongis, Bulod, Dalengaoen,Gli-gli, Kabasalan, Macabual, Rajamuda, and Talitay are no strangers to war. These villages wereamong the 15 in Pikit that were severely affected when fighting erupted between government troopsand MILF fighters in early 2003. Many of the children from these villages have experienced evacuationmore than once in their lives, staying for months in cramped evacuation centers. They were unable togo to school, not just because of the armed conflict, but because their parents could not sustain theirschooling due to lack of income. Others were ashamed of that fact that they were unable to pay therequirements for school. Driven by the need to help their families earn money to sustain daily life, manyof the boys worked as porters. According to the results of a youth consultation workshop conductedby Balay (Lascano, 2003: 20), uncertain peace and order situation and access to education wereamong the primary concerns of these children.

An understanding of peace and compassion forms the core of the Twinning of Schools Project ofBalay, which only serves as a facilitator until such time that the partner schools in Metro Manila andPikit can sustain the activities. As the conduit between potential partner schools, Balay initiates theorientation workshops until the formal linkage is established. In the initial part of the twinning, corre-spondence between schools and students from the two areas is coursed through Balay. Eventually,the children are able to directly establish communications through postal service and e-mail. Corre-spondence is not limited to letter writing, but also include the exchange of art works such as postersand drawings, with the frequency and themes determined by the participants. Linkages are done bygrade level, by entire departments, peace clubs or schools, depending on the readiness of partnerschool authorities and students who are all part of the Peace Educators Network (PEN) (see also thevolume on Peace Education).

The project served 2,667 school children in Pikit during its first year of operation, school year 2003-2004.21 On its second year, the Twinning of Schools Project successfully linked up students from Pikitwith their counterparts from private or exclusive schools in Metro Manila, including the Miriam College– Grade School, Don Bosco High School, and Immaculate Conception Academy.

Aside from raising the material support such as book donation campaigns, support for school fees,pad papers and school supplies for the children in the conflict-affected areas, the project aims to raise



awareness about the Mindanao peoples, their rich and diverse culture, and the conflicts and paths topeace taken for and by the young people. To encourage the participation of children and youth asrights holders, mutual solidarity actions such as joint or coordinated activities in commemoration of theMindanao Week of Peace in November, the International Children’s Month in October, and theInternational Year of Peace in September are held.

In November 2003, three young people from Pikit held a week-long campus tour in Metro Manila todraw support for peace-building efforts in Mindanao. More than 1,300 students attended the peaceforums in seven schools in Metro Manila. The situation in Mindanao was shared from the perspectiveand language of the young people themselves. Information on the Muslims and indigenous peoples,and other related socio-cultural issues helped correct some biases against the peoples in Mindanao(Anasarias, 2004c: 22-23). Acording to Balay executive director Lorena dela Cruz, “It corrected andwidened the children and young people’s perception about Muslims, most of which they form fromtheir interactions or observations of Muslim vendors in the flea markets and shopping centers in Manilaor from what they see on television or the news regarding the Abu Sayyaf or the MILF.” For their part,the Manila-based schools were able to collect several boxes of books and assorted school materialsfor the students of Pikit and Pagalungan in December. “Moved by the solidarity they got, the teachersand students from Rajamuda elementary school began corresponding with the principal and studentsof Don Bosco High School. The students in Pikit were very thankful, saying that they felt loved by theoutpouring of support from Manila, that there were Christians who cared after all,” said de la Cruz.

In essence, the Twinning of Schools Project is an attempt to cross boundaries and tear down wallsof prejudice. As Balay’s concept paper puts it, is an initiative in reciprocity of experiences, ideas andmutual encouragement on the promotion of children as zones of peace.

indigenous responses: mangyans of mindoroOn the morning of July 31, 2003 in Talayob, Barangay Nicolas, Magsaysay in Mindoro Occidental,

soldiers from the AFP’s 16th Infantry Battalion killed a Mangyan family of four. Among those killed in theincident was the mother, who was eight-months pregnant, and her two young sons aged three andtwo. The incident also resulted in the displacement of 10 Mangyan families.

The military claimed that the incident was a legitimate encounter with the CPP-NPA and that thefamily of Roger and Olivia Blanco was just caught in the crossfire. However, a fact-finding missionorganized by the Apostolic Vicariate of San Jose found otherwise. The mission’s report said thatwitnesses, including the lone survivor and relatives of the deceased, contradicted the military’s ac-count. The Vicariate also extended paralegal assistance to the bereaved families.

Representatives of the Social Services Commission and the Mangyan Mission of the Vicariate ofSan Jose; the Office of Mangyan Affairs (OMA), which is the extension arm of the local government ofMagsaysay tasked with handling the affairs of the Mangyan residents of the municipality; the HAGURA,



an indigenous people’s organization comprised of members of the Hanunoo, Gubatnon and RatagnonMangyan; and the PASAKAMI, the umbrella organization of five Mangyan organizations from through-out Mindoro, participated in the fact-finding mission.

Subsequently, the Vicariate and the PASAKAMI organized several dialogues with representativesfrom the military, local and provincial governments, and the Office of the Presidential Adviser and thePeace Process (OPAPP). These dialogues became the venue for imparting the negative impact ofmilitarization on the lives of Mangyan communities, and in securing agreements that would protectMangyan civilians from further human rights violations. A dialogue process with local NDF representa-tives has also been initiated.

The mechanism practiced by the PASAKAMI and its component organizations is evidence of boththe strong non-interference policies of the respective Mangyan tribes in the affairs of the other tribes,and the steadily growing influence of a pan-Mangyan approach in facing issues that concern the entireMangyan community in Mindoro. The different tribal organizations are autonomous in planning andcarrying out programs in their respective territories, but they act as a cohesive unit in areas concerningthe welfare of all Mangyans. All decision-making is done in consultation with the council of elders andtraditional leaders of the different Mangyan groups to ensure that measures planned would besensitive to their culture. Using their traditional methods of voting, the leaders for the tribal organiza-tions are chosen. In turn, the leaders elect the person to lead PASAKAMI.

Conflict prevention also forms the core of the Mangyan community’s search for peace. Mangyansare known to “flee” rather than “fight” and are generally non-confrontational. However, according toPASAKAMI Chairman Juanito Lumawig, serious conflicts can occur between the non-ChristianizedTau-buid Mangyans clans of the same tribe or between tribes, especially on serious issues liketerritorial breaches.22 Warfare, according to Mangyan informants, is waged only by the reveredkatuntunan, who are reportedly well-versed in magic and in the formulation of spells that could resultin plague-like attacks on the opposing community. However, the exercise of such magical powersrequires much responsibility and discretion on part of thekatuntunan, who are restricted from using them against the taga-patag or lowlands or members of a different religion. Peace isnegotiated when there have been enough deaths as a result ofattacks and retaliations by the respective katuntunan of the war-ring tribes through their spells.

On the issue of the entry of soldiers into their territories, thePASAKAMI asked during the dialogue with the AFP that the lead-ers of the communities be informed beforehand. They also askedthe AFP not to use any member of the tribes as a guide nor useforce and intimidation in dealing with them. They stressed thatthe soldiers or military units should respect indigenous culture andnot stay long in the tribal areas. For their part, the Mangyan tribesand grassroots organizations promised to try their best not to be

Photo 4: DJ on air at the DZVT,a radio station run by theVicariate of San Jose SocialAction Center, and an activechampion for the Mangyans inMindoro Occidental.



influenced by the leftist groups.23

An appreciation of the distinct cultures of each of the Mangyan groups is important in understand-ing the psychosocial effects of the fighting between the AFP and the CPP-NPA units in Mindoro.According to members of the Tau-buid Mangyan, the mere presence of armed men in their territory, letalone the occurrence of atrocities and unfortunate events like the massacre in Magsaysay, is enoughto send villagers fleeing to the forests or to other areas. They decried the desecration of sacred areaslike the taguan or places where harvested crops are stored, the disrespect of the military towards thecommunity, including the highly revered ulangan or council of elders and the katuntunan or hereditarytraditional healer-leaders, and the theft of precious farm animals such as chickens and pigs by sol-diers.24

These demands reflect the general Mangyan worldview, which is marked by a divide between theMangyan and the non-Mangyan, the members of one tribe and their counterparts from other Mangyangroups, and the members of one tribe living in Mindoro Occidental and their counterparts from theMindoro Oriental area. For example, the Hanunoo Mangyan term damuong refers to all non-Mangyanpeople, and to all outsiders. Used by Hanunoo mothers to hush up their crying babies, the term isdefined as some kind of bogeyman or threat-object. The word kristiyano is also used as a synonym,suggesting the negative image that Mangyan groups have of their Christian neighbors (Servano,2003).

Like other Mangyan tribes, Tau-buid Mangyan families abandon their thatch houses after thedeath of a family member, whether by natural or unnatural causes, and move to a new area. Thepractice is based on the belief that the house is already full of bad luck and that abandoning it wouldprevent the ghost of the dead from haunting the living. The old house is then left to fall into disrepair.Moving to a new house appears to be helpful in the healing process.

As a form of social support, the ulangan makes inquiries into the cause of death, on what the familyneeds, and helps to provide such needs as part of the collective support effort. The council also helpslook for and determine the site of the new house. Appropriate burial rituals are performed by thekatuntunan or by the Catholic priest. Prayers are offered against the reccurrence of such misfortunes.The immediate family of the deceased is never left alone by relatives and neighbors, who make greatefforts to make the bereaved smile. The family of the deceased and people paying their respects to thedead are provided food and entertained by endless kamatuanan or storytelling and alubadan orsinging.

If, after a long period had passed since the death of their loved one, any member of the survivingfamily is still experiencing grief, he or she is sent to relatives living in a distant village or sitio. Again, thereis the indigenous practice of separating them from the locality where the death occurred, and this issaid to help facilitate healing and prevent any haunting by the dead. They are advised to return to theirnew home only when they believe that have recovered from the death of their loved one (ibid.). Thecouncil of elders of the tribe to which the Blanco family belonged also conducted these interventionsto help the family of the victims.

It is apparent that the Mangyan tribes, through their respective organizations like the HAGURA and



the PASAKAMI or the council of elders and traditional healers, have a range of responses based ontheir worldview and experience in interacting with people from other communities. They create spacesto heal the social wounds of armed conflict and political violence using indigenous knowledge, avail-able resources, and linkages with organizations such as the Social Action Center of the Vicariate of SanJose and the Mangyan Mission in order to restore peace and stability in their communities.

make a connection: youth, private sector and NGO partnership in peace buildingThe 2000 Census of Population and Housing showed that multi-ethnic Cotabato City registered a

total population of 163,849, more than 50 percent of whom are Maguindanaon. According to theNational Statistics Office, about 83 percent of the total household population, aged five years andover, had at least attended or completed elementary education. However, the data was not disaggre-gated according to ethnolinguistic group. One will thus find many children and youth from the Teduray,Maguindanao, and Iranun families in Cotabato City who are unable to go to school due to extremepoverty.

Life had appeared to be hopeless for Khomeini and Baila from Barangay Bucana until they weregiven the opportunity to join the two-year Philippine Youth Leadership Training Program (PYLTP)dubbed “Make A Connection: Nurturing Future Leaders” of the NDFCAI-WED. Khomeini and Baila areamong the 50 out-of-school Teduray, Maguindanao, and Iranun youth aged 15-24 from remote andimpoverished villages in Cotabato City who benefited and are still benefiting from the special project,a model project of cooperation between NGOs and the private sector towards peace building (Estabillo,2004).

Through skills training, micro-lending and credit assistance, the project hoped to “build their self-esteem by helping (them) understand and appreciate themselves better as individuals and as mem-bers of a group with a distinct cultural identity.” (MindaNews, May 23, 2003) As part of the project,Khomeini and Baila completed a four-module training workshop on topics such as the search formeaning and identity, cultural appreciation, indigenous leadership and knowledge, and communityparticipation.

The Consuelo Foundation and telecommunications firm Nokia provided funds for the initial capitalawarded to the graduates of the training program to start their own enterprises. The children andyouth involved in the project were encouraged to undertake individual or group projects that wouldbenefit the individual and the indigenous community. Young Tedurays, Maguindanaon and IranunMuslims from the villages in Pansacala, Bucana, and Kidpo have embarked on businesses like baking,silkscreen and framing, fish vending, and crab farming Estabillo, ibid.).

The Make A Connection Project is an example of a social intervention that “prevents the emer-gence of armed conflict… eliminating the circumstances or possible pathways to the participation of



children in armed conflict.” (Cagoco-Guam, 2002) It was pointed out that the design of the educa-tional system in government and private schools caters to the cultural values and practices of theChristian lowland Filipinos. The modules in the training program address this observation, eliminatingone of the reasons for a segment of a population to internalize the idea of “separateness” and toexpress such sentiment in radical armed struggle (ibid., p. 78).

The project is an example of the conceptualization and implementation of appropriate and culture-sensitive income-generating programs, with the project partners, in this case the Teduray,Maguindanaon and Iranon youth, identifying what they could do. It is a model of how a project couldmake use of locally available resources and indigenous knowledge and skills, and how the privatesector could be tapped to provide the needed funds to start these programs leading to peace anddevelopment.

suara kalilintad (voice of peace)News reports on the conflict in Mindanao often showed images of the bakwit or evacuees living in

cramped evacuation centers—helpless victims of war and, in military parlance, collateral damage. Thebakwit are “portrayed as powerless creatures, relying on other people’s support as they count thelength of days in evacuation centers” (Anasarias, 2004: 21). However, from June 24 to 26, 2003,some 80,000 evacuees, organized themselves into a group—the Suara Kalilintad or “voice of peace”in Maguindanaon—and staged a peaceful protest after the repeated calls for the cessation ofhostilities between government troops and the MILF went unheeded.

Trooping from the evacuation centers in Pikit, Pagalungan and Pagagawan [now Datu Montawal],the young and old evacuees gathered in Pagalungan, where they presented their six-point manifestoto the Secretary of the Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process (OPAPP). The documentincluded a call for the government and the MILF panels to return to the negotiating table. Withplacards bearing their demands for a ceasefire and calls for peace, they formed a line along the Davaoto Cotabato highway that stretched almost 10 kilometers. The event, an expression of Bakwit Power,was described as historic—“the first ever collective action by people who experienced evacuationsrepeatedly ever since they can remember” (Ibid, p. 23). Their manifesto read:

We have ultimately placed our lives and safety in the hands of the merciful and ever-protectiveGod, our Allah, our Magbabaya. But we realize that the conflict in Mindanao that has made usevacuees can be settled peacefully through negotiations and political settlement. We thereforededicate Bakwit Power to this continuing search for the end of the conflict in Mindanao (ibid.).

NGOs like Balay and Balik Kalipay, Muslim and Christian religious and traditional leaders and groups,local government and barangay officials, and peace networks based in Metro Manila and Mindanaohailed the peaceful protest action by the evacuees. From July 13 to 15, 2003. representatives from



the Suara Kalilintad participated in the 50-member team that conducted the Bantay Ceasefire 2mission in Pagalungan and Pikit. They joined their barangay officials, and organizations such as Balay,Balik Kalipay, the Mindanao Peoples Peace Movement (MPPM), the Immaculate Conception ParishChurch Pikit, and the Mindanao People’s Caucus in the ceasefire-monitoring mission.

The peaceful protest by the evacuees and Suara Kalilintad moved the military machinery of the AFPand the MILF to respond positively. On July 19, 2003, the government and the MILF declared abilateral ceasefire and the resumption of the peace talks, which had stalled as a result of the eruptionof fighting in February. “Doubtless, the protests helped hasten the moves towards the cessation ofhostilities.” (ibid.)

The Suara Kalilintad is an expression of the resilience of the evacuees. Bakwit Power stems fromtheir collective acceptance of the difficulties they are facing and their firm sense of what is right andwrong. The peaceful nature of their July protest is proof of their capacity to be self-motivated. SuaraKalilintad speaks not only of peace but the desire of the evacuees to regain control over their lives.

70

This section provides an over-all assessment of the vari-

ous responses described in the impact of these projects

and strategies on the a) on the policy issue, b) on the ground-level situation, and c) on the

perception, attitude, and behavior of primary stakeholders. A set of “lessons learned” and a

conceptual diagram cap the case study.

impact on policy

The various strategies and projects described in the preceding sections made significant

impacts on government and armed group policy. For example, political and legal mechanisms of

protection of displaced communities and vulnerable groups like children have been identified,

established and operationalized. Examples of these mechanisms are the development of an

enhanced and more realistic community response disaster plan in a number of conflict-affected

areas, and specific ordinances or local laws that support and legitimize the declarations by

communities of their areas as peace zones. The coordinating councils of some barangay and

municipalities have also become more functional. A strengthened and unified community spirit,

and the bridging of differences has taken place. There is a growing a realization of the need for

protection mechanisms at the grassroots level, given the perception especially in the remote

areas that the national and even municipal governments are unable to effectively carry out their

mandates. All these are greatly connected with a change in the perception, behavior, and attitude

of the concerned population.

Tasks and mechanisms, including existing structures, laws and policies, were laid out after

conducting research and consultation in the planning stages. More systematic ways of resolving

conflict were or are being institutionalized and these in turn, helped enhance or further comple-

mented existing structures. This was true not only for government, but also for schools and other

institutions. These bodies have adopted appropriate resolutions for inter-agency cooperation,

memorandums of agreement to help solidify their commitment with the NGO concerned and

with the community.

conclusion

C O N C L U S I O N | 71


PST study

Some examples are resolutions for the mainstreaming of peace education in the curriculum,

the celebration of important peace-related events such as the Mindanao Week of Peace, and

memorandums of agreement between NGOs and LGUs for the provision of project counterparts.

The projects and strategies were generally successful in mobilizing the support and re-

sources of the barangay, municipal, provincial governments, government agencies and organiza-

tions, and other groups in the locality. The development of a close partnership between the NGO,

community and the LGU – embodied and institutionalized in resolutions and memorandums of

agreement - resulted in significant accomplishments in the delivery of services. This happened

despite the prevalent perception of NGOs that certain local government officials were not serious

in their commitments to socioeconomic reforms.

As a result, the projects helped evoke a strong sense of togetherness and cohesiveness

among the target communities. Along with this is an increased credibility and capability of the

local or existing structures of governance. From a psychosocial viewpoint, a strengthened com-

munity spirit and the utilization of existing community institutions like the church, barangay and

even tribal council of elders, strongly helped in the provision of normalcy in the lives of the

members of the community affected by armed conflict. It gave back to the community and

individuals a sense of direction, which had been seriously eroded in the breakdown of normal

structures in society as a consequence of armed conflict. The LGU’s institutionalization of a

community-based disaster response program gives them renewed hope that there would be

someone who would come to aid them at their level. They no longer need to be dependent on

outside help. This renewal of hope or trust towards government structures and community

leaders helped facilitate the return of harmony, decreasing the level of uncertainty and confusion.

All these, particularly the harnessing of the community in the search for solutions, helped the

people believe in themselves again and in what they can achieve collectively or individually.

ground-level situation

The strategies and projects identified by the UP-CIDS-PST research team in this study made

impacts at the ground-level situation. The impacts can be summarized in two key areas: the

provision of conditions towards a safe environment and the laying of the groundwork for a

secure economic base.

Even if not substantial, many improvements were made in housing, health, and sanitation

conditions. The community’s awareness on the importance of anti-environmental pollution

measures, and ecological preservation and management was also increased. The repair and

improvement of school facilities were also conducted. Through literacy programs, more avenues



for the accumulation of knowledge were provided to the community and individual. Through

functional literacy and livelihood assistance projects, communities and families have become

self-sufficient, allowing them to regain or create a secure economic base for themselves. This is

crucial to the community’s recovery.

In addition, at the more personal level, the projects helped rebuild family and community

relations that were broken or strained as a result of the conflict or violence. The projects and

programs generally improved the ground-level situation in the community in terms of rebuilding

social relationships. An example would be the very good relations among Muslim, Christian, and

indigenous people in Pikit. Although most projects targeted specific groups such as children or

women, the multi-track efforts in rehabilitation, social reconstruction ultimately worked to ben-

efit the entire community.

Ensuring a safe environment also meant empowering the communities and the leaders in

conflict management. As a result of the projects, the communities have become more eager in

participating in communal activities, and more conscious in making systematic ways of resolving

conflict as a part of their lives. They practice these new skills. Cultural biases and prejudices have

lessened. With community participation playing a pivotal role, the projects helped foster deeper

understanding on social issues, of the different cultures and religions, and respect for such

differences. For example, individual families have become more able to manage their resources,

more participative, and responsible for safeguarding and respecting the rights of its younger

members. The communities concerned have also become more aware of their rights and the

rights of other groups. A strong example is the formation of the Suara Kalilintad by the evacuees

from the affected towns in the Cotabato and Maguindanao area. To further ensure a safe environ-

ment, the NGOs and community members strived towards a credible, respected peace and

human rights and emergency response in their areas. They have become more vigilant against

HRVs and determined in the search for justice.

From the psychosocial viewpoint, the improvement of the ground-level situation helped

rebuild the community spirit and sense of pride, and these in turn have helped revive communal

and individual productivity. The improvement of the ground-level situation, whether through the

provision of new shelters, the rehabilitation of schools, or conduct of cultural exchanges and

peace-related events has a snowball effect, capitalizing on the “havens or spaces of peace” that

have been achieved at the personal, family or interpersonal levels through psychosocial rehabili-

tation work. Any improvement in the housing, health and social conditions of the community

goes beyond the economic returns, touching even the spiritual side or innermost core of an

individual. Existing even in the midst of war, these “havens or spaces of peace” provide an atmo-

sphere essential to the healing process of an individual, a family, a group of families, or a neigh-

borhood. This positive atmosphere is further reinforced as they regain the power to do initiatives,



the strength to motivate themselves and others, the ability to solve problems, and the sense of

belonging.

The processing of shared experiences of misery and hardship through psychosocial inter-

vention has helped facilitate the strengthening of community spirit and motivation towards

change. Bayanihan is, after all, a general trait shared by all Filipinos regardless of ethnic grouping

or religion. The various projects, like the peace festivals, have also helped foster greater respect

for culture and community practices. Respect can be easily translated into the avoidance of using

violence to achieve one’s goals. Through the networks and linkages with organizations based in

Metro Manila, the NGOs have also helped crystallize support from within and outside the com-

munity. There is the realization on the important role of culture and even ethnic identity, both of

which are part of the problem and the solution. The various projects took different facets of the

divergent cultures and concrete steps were undertaken to ensure the cultural-sensitivity of the

projects and staff. A renewed sense of pride or identity in being a Yakan, Maguindanao, Teduray,

or an Ilocano helped bring about healing – with the beauty and value of their heritage as one main

source or mechanism.

While it appears that significant changes have been made at the policy, ground-level situation

and the attitude, behavior and perception of the communities, the continuing threats to their

security, such as the cyclical and unfinished nature of the conflict in Central Mindanao, present

the possibility that whatever has been gained could be lost again in another war. Living under a

situation of continuing threat, however, resulted in various ways of coping. Nonetheless, the

projects have helped the communities to become less vulnerable, and more conscious of their

rights.

perception, attitude and behavior of primary stakeholders

Before any gains or changes in the policies or ground-level situation were achieved, the

community in general needed to have a deeper understanding of the social issues relevant to their

lives. The programs needed to foster an increased awareness about local, national, and interna-

tional issues and concerns that have a direct bearing on their search for peace and development.

One important impact of the various projects and programs described in the preceding sections

is the generation of a greater social consciousness on the situation, for example, of Muslim and IP

communities, and specific groups such as IDPs. Perception, attitudes, and behaviors of the

divergent communities towards members of other communities have greatly changed as a result

of the multi-track interventions carried out by the NGOs.

At the same time, the community and individuals affected by war were relieved from pain



and have become more open to the healing process.

For example, Balik Kalipay reports that children have

become more participative, gradually regained their

trust in adults outside the family or community circle,

and were able to release and process their thoughts

and feelings about the conflict. The interventions have

helped prevent more pain and reduce whatever pain

they are experiencing. The members of the commu-

nity in general were able to unload their traumatic experiences and enhance their coping mecha-

nisms in the process. The various projects helped foster better relationships between Christian,

Muslims and indigenous peoples. With the projects aimed towards developing them as produc-

tive members of their respective ethnolinguistic groups and religions, the once-warring commu-

nities learned to live in peace or at the very least, become more tolerant and accepting of their

differences.

Another impact is the emergence of a more realistic and resilient community and individual.

The IDPs for example, have learned to accept the difficulties they are facing and they have made

adjustments to the demands of their difficult circumstances. Through the projects, they have

regained their capacity to be self-reliant and self-governing, with therapeutic constructions of

reality reinforced through the various psychosocial interventions done by the NGOs. They have

learned to recover from past wounds and move on with life. Corollary to these is their realization

of the role of culture as a key element both in the problem the community is facing and the

solutions that it may chose to adopt.

In the identification and establishment of mechanisms for protection, community involve-

ment was a strong component. Community leaders, whether elected officials, heads of religious

groups and congregations, traditional power holders like tribal chieftains, and other key influen-

tial people were identified to become part of core groups. These groups played a vital role in the

planning and implementation of the projects. Through different kinds of training, the leaders

have become more competent in facilitating plans and analyzing issues and concerns faced by

their respective constituents. The sense of control is given back to the leaders and the community,

allowing them to become active partners in meeting their needs in times of crisis.

Meanwhile, the children and youth, whose role in peace building is often side-stepped by the

adult players, were given the chance to express their views about peace. They were given compe-

tencies in formulating action plans, solidifying their commitments in achieving lasting peace in

their areas. More conscious of their rights to protection, development, and participation, the

children from some of the localities declared themselves as zones of peace, and they called upon

the AFP and the opposition armed groups to respect this declaration.

Photo 5: Moslem religious décor beside aChristmas ornament in a restaurant in Pikit.



From a psychosocial viewpoint, the change in the perception, attitude and behavior of an

individual or community affected by armed conflict presents great benefits in their over-all

health, way of life, and in their manner of evaluating choices and doing the necessary actions

towards more changes. For example, a person whose perception towards the Mangyan as a

people that have a distinct culture may well have learned or developed a respectful attitude in

dealing with members of this community. Any positive changes in the attitude and behavior will

be noticeable and appreciated by the Mangyan and this will undoubtedly be reciprocated, given

the universal trait of reciprocating goodness that others have shown. Again, there is a snowball

effect – and it would not be unthinkable for members of the non-Mangyan community to rally

towards the general benefit of the Mangyan as barriers towards understanding are reconstructed

into bridges. Both the Mangyan and non-Mangyan would feel better as a result and seek ways to

show their capacities for respect and for showing humility, which are two important facets

among cultures in the Philippines. There would be then a feeling among communities that they

are not alone in their plight.

Perceptions, attitudes and behavior are the fruit of generations of cross-cultural interaction,

and history. The projects and programs have helped towards an acknowledgement of the various

points of view regarding sensitive issues such as land-ownership and self-determination for the

Muslim and indigenous peoples of Mindanao. Often, by understanding the roots of conflict, the

community can make their way up towards amicable solutions through dialogue and consulta-

tion. There is the realization on the important role of culture in defining conflict situations and

resolution. Positions towards issues are clarified, and divergent communities become more open

towards looking at the different ways they go about things. Communities and individuals, in the

process, learn to deal with conflict properly—even on a daily basis—and with understanding

about the different contexts of the conflict. Just as patterns of thinking, societal rules and obliga-

tions contribute to the creation or continuation of conflict, they can also be pathways towards

peace building and healing.

lessons learned

PRW is a work in progress. Several lessons can be drawn from the experiences of CSOs to

address the psychosocial consequences of violence and armed conflict. The various responses

undertaken by these organizations show a wealth of good practices that could be applied in

providing PRW in communities that have been ravaged by war and experienced periods of armed

conflict. The following are eight themes identified by the UP-CIDS-PST on the lessons learned by

CSOs doing PRW in the Philippines:



Individuals, institutions and members of the community need to be dynamic and cre-

ative to address the psychosocial consequences of armed conflict and violence at the

personal and collective levels. The experiences of CSOs oriented towards PRW in the

Philippines point to the importance of building the capacities of individuals, institutions,

and communities as a valuable step in addressing the psychosocial consequences of

violence and armed conflict. These include conflict management skills.

In conducting PRW, organizations stressed the importance of maintaining credibility in

the eyes of the people they wish to serve—paying attention not to be closely identified

with a political entity or particular religious group. It was revealed during the FGDs in

Cotabato and Basilan, that some NGOs were closely identified with certain politicians

such that a change in administration made it difficult for them to operate in areas

controlled by the rivals of the politicians with whom they had been identified.

In conducting PRW, organizations stressed the importance of involving the community,

exploring all possible strategies in addressing the issues and concerns. Programs and

staff note the importance of paying attention to local nuances, and being careful to

become sensitive to culture, beliefs, and traditions of the community.

There is the need to be careful not to encourage a dole-out mentality among the stake-

holders. By allowing them an active role in the planning, implementation of the projects,

they are given a sense of ownership. There is the importance of being non-selective in

the provision of psychosocial services and to be transparent in dealings and provision of

services, monitoring and evaluation. This means that the provision of services should

not be based on religious and ethnolinguistic affiliation, gender, and socioeconomic

standing.

Networking, linkages and partnerships with LGUs, traditional and key leaders of the

community are important. Organizations and workers need to observe a code of con-

duct to ensure continued good relations with the community, such as observing prin-

ciples of confidentiality, being gender-, child-, and culture-sensitive and other simple

practices such as wearing appropriate clothes when visiting Muslim areas.

Programs have to be dynamic and creative to be able to address the needs of the

community and there should be constant evaluation and monitoring on the part of the

staff to determine the successes or failures/weaknesses or strengths of a given program.

Integrative community-based approaches have been described as more successful.

There is a need to create (or review and reinforce existing) laws, policies, ordinances,

and resolutions on the provision of psychosocial care for people who have experienced

armed conflict. However, careful emphasis must be placed in identifying local healing

ways and practices. There is also the need to care for the caregivers, to ensure their



Diagram 1: Developed by UP-CIDS-PST researcher Marco P. Puzon for the paper “Documentation on PeaceBuilding Efforts by Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in the Philippines to Address the Psychosocial Conse-quences of Armed Conflict/Violence”.

safety and well-being.

There is the need to establish programs to address the consequences of violence in areas

such as Mindoro Occidental, and the need to push civil society groups to take a more

active role in this regard. Much more training needs to be done, stressing the important

role of the LGUs in the provision of these trainings, which need to be culture-sensitive.

The experience of CSOs in the Philippines in addressing the psychosocial consequences of

armed conflict/violence points towards an existing close association between psychosocial reha-

bilitation work and developmental work. However, the association of both these areas with peace

building remains an unexplored and promising area for cooperation, coordination, and comple-

mentation in the search for national peace. As a conclusion, the following diagram describes

convergence between peace building, psychosocial rehabilitation, and development work.

PEACEConvergence Diagram

a journey for all of us: peace building and psychosocial work

81

an introduction to the manual

What could tree-planting activities possibly have to do with peace building? Does linking

children from private schools in Metro Manila with their peers in the predominantly Moslem

barangays of Pikit and Pagalungan in Central Mindanao contribute to the elusive goal of peace?

What is it in our hearts and the collective spirit that could aid us in our endeavor to attain lasting

peace in the Philippines? What is meant by the term “psychosocial” and what does it have to do

with peace building?

Given both the tangible and intangible consequences of war, can we link peace building

efforts with those that help address the psychosocial needs of a community ravaged by or

constantly under the threat of armed conflict? Often, we have seen images of entire families

crowded in evacuation centers soon after conflict erupts between government forces and groups

such as the Communist Party of the Philippines - New People’s Army (CPP-NPA) and the Moro

Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). But can we know what is in the hearts of these people? While

peace is what we have long been aspiring for, the need to look into the psychosocial aspect of our

efforts to attain peace is either overlooked or unrealized. This manual hopes to respond to this

need to look into what Cotabato-based peace advocate Fr. Bert Layson, OMI, calls the “invisible

effects of war that are harder to address.”

an invitation to a journey

Even the most legendary and most unforgettable of journeys began with a single step. In

January 2004, then through the Department of Interior and Local Government – United Nations

Development Programme (DILG-UNDP) Program, peace and human rights advocate and aca-

demician Miriam Coronel Ferrer asked the Psychosocial Trauma and Human Rights Program of

the University of the Philippines Center for Integrative and Development Studies (UPCIDS-PST)

to become part of an exhaustive and pioneering work to document the experiences of civil

introduction

82 | L E A R N I N G M O D U L E S


society organizations (CSOs) in the national search for peace since the fall of Marcos in 1986. The

UPCIDS-PST team was consequently formed composed of its co-convenor Dr. Elizabeth Protacio-

de Castro, as the project’s Thematic Coordinator, program manager Agnes Z. Camacho, and

researcher Marco Paa Puzon.

The journey took Marco and Agnes to the provinces of Basilan, Cotabato, and Mindoro

Occidental in May and June 2004. There, they conducted focused group discussions (FGDs) with

NGO workers and volunteers from the following organizations: Christian Children’s Fund (CCF)

– Basilan, Nagdilaab Foundation, Inc., the Community Education, Research and Extension

Administration’s Institute for Peace and Development Studies of the Southern Christian College

(SCC-CEREA-IPDS), the Notre Dame Foundation for Charitable Activities, Inc. – Women in En-

terprise Development (NDFCAI-WED), Balik Kalipay, the Mindanao Office of the Balay Rehabili-

tation Center, and the Federation of Mangyan Organizations or PASAKAMI, and the Social Action

Center (SAC) of the Vicariate of San Jose, Mindoro Occidental.

In the latter part of the year, Marco, with invaluable comments and insights from Elizabeth

and Agnes, came up with the draft document entitled Documentation on Peace Building Efforts

by Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in the Philippines to Address the Psychosocial Conse-

quences of Armed Conflict and Violence. The study identified the activities undertaken by Philip-

pine CSOs to address the psychosocial consequences of conflict or violence. It presented an

evaluation of such interventions and determined the impact of these activities on the policy issue,

ground-level situation, and the perception, attitude and behavior of primary stakeholders. The

study showed that different contexts necessitated different forms of intervention and led to

different outcome. The various organizations’ different approaches are important to discern

insights, lessons, impact of civil society peace-building, particularly efforts to address the conse-

quences of armed conflict and violence.

The UP-CIDS-PST study resulted in this manual. Freelance artist, educator, and consultant

Perlyn “Lakan” Bunyi, who joined us at this stage of the journey, wrote the engaging activities for

the modules. He also developed two syllabi in the conduct of a basic or comprehensive training

program towards the convergence of peace building with psychosocial help and developmental

work. With all those involved in the making of this module and the NGO workers and volunteers

who have unselfishly lent their time and shared their experience, this manual is an invitation to

join us in the arduous journey towards peace and towards helping dedicated people heal them-

selves and others from the unseen effects of armed conflict and violence.

what are the objectives of the manual?

A Journey for Us All: Converging Peace Building with Psychosocial Help and Develop-



mental Work is part of the challenge faced by Philippine society to heal the “less visible wounds

of war, integrating it in the process of transforming the violent nature of the conflict into a more

positive atmosphere amenable to the resolution of the root causes of the armed conflict.” While

it aims to help readers, particularly government and NGO workers, policy makers, project

implementers, and LGUs towards the convergence of peace building with psychosocial help, the

manual leaves much to the experience and contexts of the users. What we have written here is by

no means complete or comprehensive. The discussions in the manual are meant to help the

readers embark on their own journey to understand the need and to make concrete actions to

address the psychosocial consequences of violence and armed conflict.

Specifically, the manual has these objectives:

1) To inculcate the need for psychosocial interventions in peace-building and the impor-

tance of understanding contexts and realizing diversity in the search for peace;

2) To show through examples how psychosocial interventions have became part of the

broader work in peace-building, whether through programs (such as of NGOs) or as

part of indigenous practices

3) To provide lessons learned and practical advise in mainstreaming psychosocial work in

peace-building;

4) To help readers make their own programs and plans in mainstreaming psychosocial

work in peace building.

how should this manual be used?

The manual is composed of three parts: Part One, Understanding Conflict Situations, and

their Consequences; Part Two, Finding the Psychosocial in Peace Building and Addressing the

Consequences of Conflict; and Part Three, Preparing for the Journey - Raising the Sails. Each of the

three parts is subdivided into chapters, which are further divided into modules, each of which

focuses on a particular topic.

Part One is divided into two modules. Chapter One, Conflict, Structural Violence and Conflict

Situations, introduces structural violence as one of the root causes of the conflict, and the basic

themes that are highlighted in conflict situations throughout the world. Chapter Two, Under-

standing the Consequences, treats readers to a description of the impact and consequences of

political violence on the ground level.

Part Two is divided into four modules. Chapter Three, Psychosocial Help, provides a brief

discussion on the development of psychosocial work in the Philippines and a general description

of such activities as taken from the experiences of the NGOs in the country. Chapter Four,

Addressing the Consequences, describes the various efforts by CSOs in addressing the conse-



quences of armed conflict in the Philippines. It also provides specific case studies on psychosocial

interventions. Chapter Five, Towards Convergence, prepares the readers to understand and ap-

preciate efforts towards the convergence of peace building, psychosocial help, and developmen-

tal work.

Part Three serves as an examination tool for readers in evaluating and programming local or

community-based efforts to address the psychosocial effects of armed conflict in their respective

areas. It is divided into three modules. Chapter Six, Preparing for Journey, helps readers identify

their concept of peace and the means to achieve it. Chapter Seven, Setting the Sails, provides

readers insights into facilitating and hindering factors in addressing the consequences of armed

conflict and violence. This chapter also suggests ways for groups to develop an action plan.

At the end of the manual, we present two syllabi for the conduct of a basic or a comprehen-

sive training program that emphasizes the convergence of peace building, psychosocial help, and

developmental work.

the first step

In conducting a workshop, there are some important considerations, such as the size, age,

educational and socio-economic backgrounds of the participants; the experience and number of

facilitators; and the venue of the workshop. The people at the workshop may not know each

other, and have only met for the first time. As such, introductions are always in order. It is

important for participants and facilitators to know one another and to lessen inhibitions that may

hinder the flow of the workshop. It is also important for the facilitator to have an idea about the

attitudes of the participants in order to anticipate possible problems that may arise during the

workshop.

Participants and facilitators also need to discuss their expectations and limitations about the

workshop. It may be helpful for both to ask the following questions:

What do I expect from this workshop?

What could I contribute?

What are my limitations in joining this workshop?

How do I plan to use what I will learn from this workshop?

Just as importantly, the participants need to be given an overview of the program and

workshop guidelines. And do not forget the icebreakers! They are always the favorite, most

awaited, and most memorable part of any workshop.

We leave the preliminaries to the imagination and expertise of the facilitators as long as the



objectives are met effectively and as long as the games or exercises may be applicable to the

culture and sensitivity of the participants. There are many books that can be used as a source of

adaptable exercises. The manuals developed by the Philippine Educational Theater Association

(PETA), for example, are an excellent source of materials for conducting the preliminaries.

premilinaries

Focal Topics: Ice breakers, Introductions, Expectations-check, Program Overview, Work

shop Guidelines, Attitude Setting

Time: 90 mins

Objectives: To set the mood and tone of the workshop

To get-to-know one another

To be oriented on the program objectives, flow and schedules

To create workshop rules and guidelines

part one:understanding conflict situations

and their consequences

89

war erupts on Jolo Island25

On September 16, 2000, at around 3 p.m., news from the Bombo Radyo network in ZamboangaCity reported that special operations forces had begun a fierce assault on the Abu Sayyaf bases onJolo Island to secure the freedom of the twenty remaining hostages from Sipadan, among themthree Malaysians, two Frenchmen and one American. Backed by bombers and helicopter gunships,the combined elements of the military and police were expected to finish the campaign in a week.According to the report, the military was enforcing a “news blackout” and that the areas of militaryoperations like the towns of Talipao, Maimbung, and Patikul, were declared off limits to civilians,including humanitarian aid workers. Many people have been caught in the crossfire and hundreds ofthousands of evacuees began to stream into Jolo town. Ship schedules to and from Jolo weresuspended and all communication links with the island were cut off.

The eruption of conflict in Jolo and the military’s rhetoric to bring the extremists down in a weekbrought little cheer to the men of a small Christian village in Basilan, who said that it would take morethan troops, bombers, and gunships to rid Jolo and Basilan of the feared and much-hated AbuSayyaf. With the strong perception that some military and government officials were in cahoots withthe Abu Sayyaf, the men in the village said that the operation would never succeed. “Kill one ofthem and a younger relative, most probably the son, will take his place to take revenge,” said an oldman. The women, meanwhile, became extremely worried, for they had some relatives still living inJolo. Two relatives of one of the women had left Basilan the other day for Jolo via Zamboanga Cityto visit family members. With the news blackout and the severed transportation and communicationlinks, there was no way of knowing anything. All the villagers feared that the war in Jolo might be arepeat of February 1974 and escalate to the neighboring islands, including Basilan.

introduction

We begin Part One with a description of how the small Christian village of Magpantay in

Basilan felt about the news of the eruption of fighting between Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) units and

government troops on the neighboring island of Jolo. The news of war is not welcome news. The

article provides us an insight of how a small community strongly saw the futility of any military

solution to end the conflict in Jolo. Despite the distance between the islands of Basilan and Jolo,



the news of the war brought only anxiety and fear. These are reactions of a people who are not

strangers to war and violence. Also striking is how the men perceived the actors in the conflict.

With memories of stories about Jolo’s destruction in February 1974 still lingering among the

adults of Magpantay, time appears to have failed to heal old wounds. Among many people in

Mindanao, the memories of the disastrous war between the Moro National Liberation Front

(MNLF) and the dictatorial regime of Ferdinand E. Marcos remain fresh. Unfortunately, the

Philippine government, from Marcos to Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, has always used the military

option in its effort to attain peace in areas that are under the control or sphere of influence of

groups like the ASG, MILF, and CPP-NPA.

After hearing the same news bulletin on the Bombo Radyo network, would anyone from the

Christian or Tausug community living in Metro Manila or any city or village in Luzon or the

Visayas react and think the same way as did the villagers of Magpantay? What memories would

these two groups have of a war that erupted more than 20 years ago? Would they even care that

war had again erupted in Jolo? Do they see the military solution as the means to end the conflict

in Mindanao? What could they be thinking as national news networks show footages of masked

men in camouflage waving their high-powered guns and recoilless rifles in the air? What runs in

their mind after seeing footages of battle-hardened Marines marching single file behind Simba

tanks and armed personnel carriers? What do they think about places such as Basilan and Jolo and

the people who live there? Do they believe that peace in these islands can ever be achieved at all?

91

learning modules

chapter one:conflict, structural violence

and conflict situations

module one

iba kayo, iba kami

(we’re different, you’re different)

Focal Topics: Common and Differential Characteristics, Definition and Forms of Conflict

Time: 40 min

Objectives: To identify different individual and collective capacities

To identify commonalities and differences among people and groups

To introduce the concept of conflict, its definition and forms

Materials: 2 pcs - Manila papers

2 pcs - Markers

Chants sheets

Mechanics:

1) Participants form two teams.

2) For five minutes, each team makes a list of individual and collective talents. The more

talents are listed, the better

3) The facilitator teaches both teams a chant

May ibang galing ang team naming/ May ibang galing sa team ninyo/ Kaya n’yo ba,

kaya n’yo ba ito? (Our team has a different talent/ Different from yours/ Can you, can

you do this?)

4) The game begins with team A chanting and doing a particular talent on their list.

5) Team B responds by chanting again and doing a different talent on their list.

6) No talent is repeated in the first level of the game.



7) Steps 4 and 5 are repeated several times ensuring everybody is enjoying the game while

team spirit is being developed.

8) In the second level, the chant is changed:

Mas magaling ang team namin/ Mas magaling sa team ninyo!/ Kaya n’yo ba, kaya n’yo

ba ito? (Our team is better/ Much better than yours! Can you, can you do this?)

9) Team B begins by chanting and doing a particular talent on their list. Talents that were

previously presented can be shared again.

10) Instead of sharing another talent, team B responds by outdoing the other team’s

presentation.

11) The facilitator guides the teams if talents will be individual or collective in each round of

exchange.

12) Team B then chants again and presents another talent while team A responds.

13) The facilitator can also coach teams to showcase their version of a particular talent such

as: singing, dancing, ramp modeling, news reporting, acting, miming, reciting poem,

etc.

14) Discussion follows.

Guide Questions

What did you feel/think while playing the game?

What did you discover about yourself, your team, and the others?

In the course of the game, how would you describe your relationship with your

teammates and with the opposite team?

What is conflict and how does it manifest in our everyday lives?

deepening

differences and similarities

Note to facilitator:

Let the participants gather around in a circle. Ask them to close their eyes and listen to the following.

Imagine yourself as an adventurous tourist in some faraway village in a dry and

often parched land. In fact, you are one of the very few outsiders who has ever ven-

tured to this place, which has no electricity, potable water, and none of the usual

comforts you are accustomed to. You find yourself surrounded by long-haired women

wearing black and white pantaloons and tubular skirts. You smile at them, and they

C H A P T E R O N E | 93


smile back, with teeth blackened from years of chewing betel nut. Only three of the

men are wearing Western-style clothing. Most are walking naked except for loincloths,

and they are all carrying large knives. The children run about you naked. They offer

you their delicacies made from cassava, a root crop that you have never seen in your

life!

These people speak a language somewhat similar to yours, but you can only

understand a few familiar phrases. But when you produce your camera, the women

and children quickly scurry away, waving their arms and covering their faces. You

catch the attention of the men. Some of them begin to crowd around you, and they

sound very angry. But rain suddenly falls, and to your surprise, everyone in the vil-

lage started jumping, shouting with joy. Meanwhile, you instantly run for cover, much

to the amusement of the villagers who seem to have forgotten the episode with the

camera, and waved at you to join their dance under the rain. How would you feel?

Would you feel any different from the villagers? Was there anything that you found

in common with them? Would you feel that you were better than anyone in village?

Would you join the villagers in dancing in the rain?

points for discussion

All individuals are unique creations with a distinct set of characteristics, capabilities, and

DNA. Being unique, each human being is different from the rest of the members of the

same species.

Culture also plays a strong role in differentiating communities, but there are stark

similarities among people, even among those belonging to distinctly different cultures

and societies.

Sometimes the differences are paid more attention than the commonalities that com-

parison results into competition and “othering” – who’s better or superior, and who’s

inferior. It is this competition and “othering” that sometimes result in conflict.

inputs

what is conflict?

Conflict, as a verb, means “to come into direct disagreement, as of ideas and interest”.

As a noun, it has the following meanings: a battle or struggle, antagonism or opposition,

and incompatibility or interference.

Conflict manifests in different forms. Sometimes it is physical, and sometimes it is

verbal—as shown by a calm debate or heated exchange. Sometimes it is internal—a kind



of conflict wherein actors react emotionally to contrasting ideas or beliefs without the

use of words or resorting to physical in action. Often, a verbal conflict can quickly erupt

into something ugly, with actors resorting to physical means.

Conflict arises from different sources: humans vs. humans, humans vs. nature, humans

vs. society, and humans vs. ideologies.

Conflict may involve individuals, groups, or both.

Conflict may result in a situation where one group wins over another, a stalemate, or a

compromise.

Conflict also occurs because of the lack of information; and the tendency to overlook or

ignore the interests, values, and needs of others.26

On the other hand, conflict can be a beneficial and constructive process, and definitely

there are lessons to be learned. But if left unmanaged, conflict generates fear, anger,

frustration, insecurity, and other negative emotions that would make people aggressive

and force others to conform to their needs, interests, and values.27

what is structural violence and its manifestations?

The handbook on peace education by the Notre Dame University defines structural violence

as one that is “built into society’s structures and made manifest in unequal life chances founded

on unequal power” the UPCIDS-PST points out that the situations of conflict in the Philippines

can be regarded as “mere symptoms of structural violence,” and the potentials of structural

violence to bring physical harm, such as murder, war or terrorism, cannot be missed. As such, an

understanding of the effects of structural violence on peace is important, since it is “one of the

causes, if not the principal cause, of the absence of peace in Mindanao.”28

The Teaching Peace, Human Rights and Conflict Resolution – Teaching Manual, written and

released by the UP-CIDS-PST in 2003, provides as excellent discussion on structural violence and

its manifestations in Philippine society as a whole and in Mindanao in particular. The manual

identifies four manifestations of structural violence, namely, gender discrimination, globaliza-

tion, poverty, and social injustice, and all these greatly contribute to the absence of peace because

they breed discontent and dissension among people.



module two

anong bali-balita?

(what’s in the news?)

Focal Topic: Area Situationer

Time: 90 min

Objectives: To learn about the different conflict situations in all the areas represented

To identify common and unique features of the various conflict situations

To identify certain trends and development in conflict situations

To produce an output to be used in a latter activity

Materials: At least 10 pcs – Manila paper

At least 10 pcs - Cartolina

10 pcs -Markers

3 boxes -Craypas

3 small bottles - Glue

Available Colored papers

10 pairs - Scissors

3 balls - Strings/yarns

Improvised microphones and video-camera

Mechanics:

1) The facilitator teaches the participants an action-chant:

Itong lugar, itong lunan/ Itong pook, kalagayan/ Kakanyahan, katangian/ Mahalaga

na malaman! (This place, this space/ This area, the situation/Particularities, character-

istics/ All important to know!)

2) The facilitator asks the participants to identify the key message(s) of the chant by way of

introducing the importance of knowing the place and its situation.

3) Then participants group together according to location (i.e., by purok/sitio/baryo/vil-

lage, by barangay, by municipalities, by province, by island – whatever is most appropri-

ate and applicable).

4) Each team draws a map of their area on Manila paper.

5) Members share information about the area covering the following significant charac-

teristics: geography, demography, politics, economics, socio-culture, history, etc. Spe-

cial attention must be given to data related to the conflict in the area (specially the policy,

ground-level situation and mindset of stakeholders – to be used in a later activity).

6) Important facts and figures can be drawn and/or written within or outside the area



boundaries. Art materials and found objects can be used to create three-dimensional

representation. The name of the area must be properly identified.

7) On separate half-sheets of cartolina, the teams draw images of the area before and after

the conflict, carefully noting key changes that occurred as a result of the conflict.

8) When done, teams post their maps and pictures on the wall (or, when not possible, let

them sit on the floor) transforming the entire room into a gallery.

9) Participants move around in a single flock to view every visual output and learn about

the conflict situation in other areas.

10) Each team presents the visual outputs in the style of news reporting—where some

members can be journalists doing field interviews with the locals.

11) Plenary discussion follows.

Guide Questions

Where is the place located?

What areas surround it? How many people live in the area?

Is it an ethnically diverse or culturally homogeneous community?

What are the demographics on the population in terms of age distribution, gender, and

educational attainment?

What is the functional literacy situation in the area?

What is the public health situation in the area?

What are typical causes of deaths in the community? What are common diseases in the

area?

How do people live in this area? What are the sources of livelihood of the people?

What events in the past significantly contributed to its present condition?



barangay takepan, pikit, cotabato29

Barangay Takepan is one of the forty-two barangays comprising the Municipality of Pikit, CotabatoProvince. Its name is derived from the Maguindanao word for “fish trap”. Multi-ethnic Takepan is oneof the seven barangays composing the so-called Ginapaladtaka area, which was declared as a Spacefor Peace on November 28, 2005. Ginapaladtaka is an acronym coined from the names of these sevenbarangays: Ginatilan, Nalapaan, Panicupan, Lagunde, Dalengaoen, Takepan, and Kalakecan. Takepanis further divided into seven smaller political units called sitios, namely: Brotherhood One, BrotherhoodTwo, Central, Gantung, Pag-Asa, Saranay, and Vilo. The largest and most prosperous of theGinapaladtaka barangays, Takepan, according to a September 2002 survey, had a household popu-lation of 246. According to Barangay Captain Tiburcio Flores, there are 453 households or a populationof 2,749 as of 2004.

The National Highway bisects the village, and the various buses and jeeps plying the area meet thetransportation needs of the community. Main transmission lines of the electricity grid servicing theCentral Mindanao region traverse Takepan, particularly in Sitio Pag-Asa. There is no water utilityservicing Takepan. Water is sourced from wells, ground pumps, and springs. Cemented areas, called“ovens” and used for drying rice grains and coconut meat, have been built in six of the sitios. They alsodouble as basketball courts and venues for local meetings and celebrations, particularly during fiestas.Small places of worship can be found in the sitios, such as the mosque in Sitio Gantung and aChristian chapel in the Brotherhood One area. In comparison to the paved National Highway, thebarangay roads, or those leading to the inner areas were unpaved, and in the case of the road leadingto Pag-Asa, impassable to ordinary vehicles and best suited to animal-drawn carts, four-wheel drivevehicles, and the “trailer”—a tractor-like vehicle common to Southeast Asia.

The population is ethnically mixed. Although Takepan is predominantly Christian, demographicsvary from sitio to sitio. Gantung is a predominantly Muslim area, while Central is predominantlyChristian. The various ethnic groups in Takepan include the Maguindanao, who have inhabited thearea for centuries, and descendants of Christian migrants from the central and northern part of thePhilippines. Filipino is spoken throughout the barangay, followed by other languages such asMaguindanao, Cebuano, Ilonggo, Waray, and Ilocano. It is not uncommon for residents of Takepan tospeak two (or even more) of these languages. English is also understood, but mainly by those whohad received some level of education. Most of the migrants belong to the Roman Catholic Church,while a significant portion belong to Protestant groups such as the Iglesia Ni Kristo.

As the locus of social activity in Barangay Takepan, Sitio Central houses the elementary and highschool, the barangay hall, day care and health center. Due to its proximity to the downtown orPoblacion area of Pikit, Takepan has no large market. As in many areas in the rural Philippines,Takepan’s commercial activity builds up toward market day, in this case, that of the big market in thePikit Poblacion. The main source of livelihood is from farming, mainly rice, corn, coconuts, root crops,and cash crops such as cocoa, and many varieties of tropical fruit. Roughly ninety percent of income



is generated through farming activities, with average daily incomes between Php 60-80 [or one totwo US dollars]. Many of the families tend cows and water buffalo, despite the frequent cases ofcattle rustling. While many different kinds of fish are obtained from the small creeks in the area,fishing is of no great commercial value. Some people in the community weave thatch walls frommaterials called sawali or kalakat. There are some local healing ways done by the people in Takepan:Men are cooperating to return to their farms. They take turns guiding property while others work inthe field and tend to the animals. In Brotherhood One, there are complimentary and practicalactivities assisted by the Balay Rehabilitation Center. These include community gardens, and activi-ties that are very fitting to the local way of life.

With a long history of armed conflict, the Ginapaladtaka area, including Takepan, has seen intensefighting between government forces and the MILF. Near the Sitio Central, an army detachment islocated along one section of the National Highway. Locals said that the power transmission lines areparticular targets of the MILF. In one incident, explosives were planted in one of the transmissiontowers, but these were discovered by the local boys and detonated in a safe area by the respondingarmy bomb experts. Some parts of Takepan are acknowledged by locals as “highways” used by theMILF troops when moving to and from their encampments.

The most recent eruption of violence occurred in early 2003. Most of the residents of Sitio Pag-Asaevacuated their homes after some 300 MILF soldiers opened fire on one of the houses located in theperiphery, which later prompted the response by government forces. Accounts of the cause of theconflict vary. One side maintains that the MILF were harassing the residents of Pag-Asa. Anothersaid that the MILF troops, who had signified no intentions of attacking, were only passing throughthe area. They returned fire after someone from the village had reportedly shot at them first. One ofthe members of the responding local defense unit, a nineteen-year-old man, was killed, and a coupleof others, including a seventeen-year-old, were grazed by bullet fire.

For three months after the incident, the residents of Pag-Asa lived in their houses during the dayand went on with their daily lives but returned to their makeshift houses along the highway at nightto ensure their safety. The local men organized night watches. An undetermined number of maleteenagers and young people from the community also joined in these patrols, which were a collec-tive response in ensuring safety and protecting the community. Such patrols were not created torepel an attack by the better-armed MILF, but only act as a warning-relay system to alarm theresidents to evacuate to safer areas.

Another source of conflict in Takepan is the endemic phenomenon of “rido” or blood feuds amongthe Maguindanao. One case, which had simmered down due to the intervention of elder membersof the community, involves two closely related branches of a Maguindanao family. The incumbentbarangay captain, a retired member of the military, nonetheless adopted a neutral and impartialpolicy in dealing with the warring factions. This is a decision widely supported by the BarangayCouncil. Residents of Takepan also identified another actor in the area: “Third Parties”. These are thekidnap-for-ransom (KFR) groups operating in the Central Mindanao region.



deepening

backgrounders and situationers

Read the backgrounder on the village of Takepan in Pikit, Cotabato Province. This was the

result of a week of data gathering by an international team as part of the pre-test of the document

“Guidelines for Psychosocial Support in Emergencies,” which is being developed by the Regional

Emergency Psychosocial Support Network (RESPN) in cooperation with UNICEF.

What does the backgrounder tell us about Takepan, its people, their way of life, and the

nature of the conflict in the area?

Is the barangay any different from or any similar to your hometown or to other places

you have visited in the Philippines?

What do you think about the information contained in the backgrounder?

Does the backgrounder tell us how armed conflict and the threat of violence have

affected the lives of the people in Takepan?

Does it show us local understanding of conflicts and the reasons they occur?

As peace builders, development or psychosocial aid workers, would the information

gathered be of any use in case you were tasked to conduct or implement a project in the

village?

Are there other NGOs working in the area?

Is there any other information that you would need to know?

Point for discussion: A comprehensive look into the conflict situation in an area necessarily

includes understanding its geography, demography, history, politics, economics, culture and a

host of other relevant characteristics. Information on the area will enable us to better assess and

analyze the situation so we can create context-based responses that fit the ground-level situation.

inputs

why research?

Four key words in research:

Accuracy – Is the information accurate or reliable?

Source – Who are the sources of information?

Methodology – What were the methodologies used in gathering such information?

Purpose – Who will use the information and how will they use it?



Research should not be confined to academic institutions. Research is a “means of commu-

nication for discovery of new knowledge and for sharing knowledge with the wider community”.30

This wider community includes policy makers, the donor community, project implementers, and

field practitioners in the areas such as peace building, development work, and psychosocial help.

On the issue of children and armed conflict, for example, there is the need for “integration with

different areas of social inquiry and research such as health and medicine, peace keeping, educa-

tion.31”

Any research agenda should:

Incorporate the needs of the different actors in the field – practitioners, academics, and

policy makers and advocates;

Promote exchange, collaboration, and coordination through creative links that also

includes the different kinds of institutions involved in the production, dissemination,

and use of knowledge on the issues at hand, such as the impact of armed conflict on

children;

Strengthen policy and practice in areas such as peace building, development work and

psychosocial help;

Directly involve war-affected communities;

Build capacities of people in the conflict-affected areas.32

Research plays a vital role in policy making and practical actions on behalf of the communi-

ties affected by armed conflict. “After all, when conducted in a manner that connects, shares,

exchanges knowledge with the affected populations, research itself is a mode of constructive

intervention.”33

UPCIDS-PST researchers, for example, use indigenous methods of interviewing: pagtatanong-

tanong (asking questions) and pakikipagkwentuhan (exchanging stories). When dealing with

children involved in armed conflict, for example, the researchers are careful to ensure that the

children’s participation in the research process is done appropriately and sensitively to avoid

harm and to help them process their thoughts at the end of the interview. It is helpful to involve

local people who speak the language and understand the culture of the area and the dynamics

among the actors in the community.



module three

ang lumalaking bola ng kaguluhan

(the growing ball of conflict)

Focal Topic: Causes of Armed Conflict

Time: 40 min

Objective: To identify the causes of armed conflict (direct and indirect)

Materials: At least 30 pcs - Bond papers

3 boxes - Crayons/craypas

Mechanics:

1) Prior to the activity, the facilitator prepares a small box containing strips of paper

marked: military, government, civilians, CPP-NPA, MNLF, MILF, NGOs, religious sector,

women, children/young people, ASG, etc. The number of strips of paper must equal the

number of the participants. Therefore, some words may have 2 or more duplicates.

2) Each participant draws out a strip of paper from the box.

3) Participants with similar words group together.

4) Each team is given a set of bond papers and a marker.

5) Participants write down one item per bond paper as many causes of conflict they can

identify.

6) When done, each team presents its identified causes.

7) All papers are placed on the floor, with similar answers put on top of each other.


9) The participants choose from the items on the floor the primary/top cause(s) of the

conflict. This paper is crumpled into a ball, while the rest becomes layers one on top of

the other, thus creating a giant ball, like a bowling ball.

10) This ball will be used in the succeeding exercise.

Guide Questions

What causes the conflict from the different points of view of warring parties?

What about from the civilian point of view?

What about the views of specific groups such as those belonging to a different religion or

a particular segment of society like children and young people?



inputs

deep roots of conflict: mindanao as an example

The nature of the conflict in southern Philippines has been described differently, depending

on perceptions, inclinations, and point of view of the individual or community making these

observations. There is no simple explanation, no simple “cause and effect” equation. As the

Catholic Institute for International Relations (CIIR) put it—“In sum, the distinguishing mark of

the violent conflict in Mindanao relates to the island’s ‘separation’ from the rest of the Philippines

in a historical, political and socioeconomic context.”34 The following is a brief look into the deep

historical roots of the conflict in Mindanao:

Spanish Conquest of Mindanao. A multitude of literature explores the roots of the conflict in

Mindanao, which stretch back to the mid- and late 1500s when the Spanish began their attempts

to colonize the island group. In 1596 the Spanish, for example, attempted to subjugate the people

of the rich Cotabato floodplain. However, the many independent principalities in the lower and

upper valleys of the Pulangi River, among them the Sultanates of Maguindanao and Buayan,

fiercely resisted. The Spanish also attacked the Sultanate of Sulu and its dependencies, including

Basilan. By the mid-1800s, the Spanish succeeded in establishing so-called politico-military dis-

tricts in Cotabato, Jolo, and Basilan, but they exercised very little control outside these areas.

Pax Americana. The power vacuum left by Spain in 1898 was quickly gobbled up by the Ameri-

can military government, under whose rule many of the areas in Mindanao were first organized

and administered as a single political unit. In 1914, the once proud sultanates and independent

tribal communities were incorporated under the Department of Mindanao and Sulu.

The American rule brought changes to the entire political order in Mindanao. These did not

spare the datu, who exercised virtually autonomous control of his territory and ascended to

office through hereditary links or clear descent from aristocratic families, and through the judi-

cious and decisive use of personal skills, attributes, and wealth. Some of the noble families,

including the more powerful datus, were reduced to indigence while new powerful and wealthy

ones emerged by collaborating with the Americans. In the 1920s, the American overlords began

a systematic colonization program, which was continued during the Commonwealth of the

Philippines. The American period and the Commonwealth Era saw a vigorous disarmament

campaign among the Muslims.

World War II, Independence, and Immediate Postwar Period. World War II left large quantities

of weapons in the hands of the populace. Meanwhile, by the 1950s, the influx of Christian mi-



grants from the Luzon and Visayan regions had peaked, displacing even more members of the

Muslim and indigenous communities from the land that their ancestors had tilled for genera-

tions. Christian elites replaced the Muslims, and new elites began to emerge among the Muslims.

Members of indigenous people’s groups such as the Subanen, Teduray, Mansaka, Mandaya, T’boli,

and Manuvu were caught in the web of conflict.

The institutionalization of elected political offices after Philippine independence in 1946

further cemented the role that guns and politics would play in the entire equation that is Mindanao.

Politicians sometimes protected the bandits, who were often members of the displaced peas-

antry and “in some places bandits, police, and armed retainers were hard to distinguish. Under

such conditions, politics became so intertwined with economics and security that no one could

afford to stay out of it.”35

Marcos Era. During the term of Marcos, various factors including fear of forced assimilation and

the occurrence of many events led to the rise of separatism in Mindanao. The massacre of

Moslem Filipino trainees on Corregidor Island or the so-called Jabidah Massacre of 1968, and of

forty Muslims voters in Kauswagan, Lanao del Norte or the infamous Tacub Massacre of 1971,

preceded another ugly war in Mindanao, one that probably did more damage than World War II.

Marcos cited the Muslim rebellion as one of the reasons for declaring martial law on September

21, 1972. Marcos bribed the MNLF leadership with livelihood projects, but most of the time the

dictator used the entire might of the military machinery against the rebels. One of the most

serious incidents occurred during Operation Bagsik, an operation to capture Jolo from the MNLF

that lasted from February to April 1974. The operation resulted in the total destruction of the

town center and the displacement of an undetermined number of people.

divergent views, different causes

The causes of conflict may differ depending on whose point of view one is taking. Govern-

ment troops, armed groups like the MILF, MNLF, and the ASG, the church, the business sector,

international and national institutions, and civil society have incongruent views about the same

conflict situation. It is important to understand different viewpoints in order to gain a bigger and

more objective picture of the conflict.

For example, the war in Mindanao has often been interpreted as a religious war between

Christians and Muslims. Others emphasize a more historical or political perspective whereas

some focus on the economic contexts of the conflict. As has often been said, “One man’s liberator

is another man’s terrorist.”

Just think about this: On July 10, 2000, a jubilant President Joseph “Erap” Estrada raised the

Philippine flag in the heartland of MILF territory, Camp Abubakar in Maguindanao to celebrate its



recapture from the rebels. The capture of the MILF’s main camp and nerve center capped an

almost twenty-week government offensive against rebel bases in mainland Mindanao. The mili-

tary claimed the dismantling of more than forty MILF satellite bases in the region, but Christians

and Muslims living in Mindanao did not like the picture featured by the dailies—that of a bombed

out mosque. It evoked memories of the Marcos years when the soldiers burned their places of

worship. When the evening news showed footages of President Estrada feasting with the soldiers

in a “boodle fight” for roasted pig, chicken and rice and drinking beer somewhere in the former

MILF camp, many Muslims became sorely agitated. They said that it was proof of Estrada’s

shallow understanding of the conflict in Mindanao as well as his poor grasp of the sentiments of

their community, practices and beliefs.

basic themes in armed conflicts

Derek Summerfield, Research Associate from the Refugee Studies Centre at the University of

Oxford and former consultant to Oxfam, summarized some basic themes that are evident in

most violent conflicts worldwide.36 Examining these themes in the Philippine context would help

us better understand the consequences of armed conflict and violence.

Wars are internal. Not since World War II has the Philippines been involved in a global

war. The succeeding years after the imposition of Martial Law in 1972 saw the eruption

of armed conflict between government forces and various armed groups like the CPP-

NPA and the MNLF. Not without serious consequences, massive military operations

were launched in areas under the control or influence of the armed groups. Aside from

Mindanao, places such as the Marag Valley in Apayao, the Cordillera Highlands in north-

ern Luzon, the Bondoc and Bicol Peninsulas in southern Luzon, Sipalay in Negros

Occidental, the islands of Panay, Samar, Leyte in the Visayas, have experienced armed

conflict.

Civilians are targeted. The targeting of noncombatants is not incidental but central to

what has been termed as ‘total’ war at the grassroots level.37 Families are separated,

putting children and the elderly at greater risk. Human rights violations reportedly

intensified on Mindoro Island as the AFP conducted operations against suspected mass

bases of the CPP-NPA. In July 2003, members of the Philippine Army’s 204th Infantry

Battalion killed members of a Mangyan family in Magsaysay. A pregnant mother and her

two young children were among those killed in the military operation against suspected

CPP-NPA members in the area.38 Meanwhile, a fact-finding mission conducted by the

human rights group Karapatan revealed several cases of human rights abuses on

Mindoro, which including arbitrary detention, destruction and divestment of property,

harassment, physical assault, torture, and the economic dislocation of nineteen families.39



Ways of life and people in significant roles and jobs are targeted. The conflicts that

erupted in Mindanao and in other parts of the country under CPP-NPA control or

influence are not “merely armed encounters but also social upheavals in which com-

plete ways of life are threatened and destroyed”.40 According to an interview with Tau-

buid Mangyan leaders, the mere presence of armed men in their territory, let alone the

occurrence of atrocities, is enough to send hapless villagers to quickly flee to the forests

or other areas. The Mangyans decried the desecration of sacred areas like the taguan or

places where harvested crops are stored, the disrespect of the military toward the

community, including the highly revered ulangan or council of elders and the katuntunan

or hereditary traditional healer-leaders, and the theft of precious farm animals such as

chickens and pigs by soldiers.41

Violations of medical neutrality. Although the armed conflict in the Philippines is not

marked by the destruction of health facilities, equipment and medicines and the terror-

izing of health workers, there have been cases in which humanitarian and medical aid

convoys were prevented by the Philippine military or the rebel group from reaching the

communities affected by armed conflict. During the eruption of conflict in Central

Mindanao in 2000, aid workers complained that they were harassed by soldiers and they

were even suspected of bringing the badly needed food and medical supplies to the

rebels.

Sexual violation. The experience of a sixteen-year-old girl, a former child soldier of the

CPP-NPA in Mindanao encapsulates this theme: “I felt terrified when I was hiding in the

graveyard. I feared that the soldiers would capture and rape me. I knew a sixteen-year-

old girl who was caught by the soldiers. The next day, we found her with her clothes torn

off and her body riddled with bullets. One of us turned her over and it seemed to me that

the bullets drew a picture on the earth.”42

Infrastructures are destroyed. The physical destruction of communities is perhaps the

most obvious cost of armed conflicts. War destroys homes, schools and shelters, and the

most basic infrastructures such as roads, bridges, community markets, health centers,

and electrification systems, if any. Places of worship like mosques and churches, and

revered burial sites are desecrated. State services are disrupted and productive assets

such as livestock, farm implements, and seeds are lost.

106

chapter two: understanding the consequences

module four

bowling na gamit ay bala’t bomba

(bowling with bullets and bombs)

Focal Topic: Effects of Armed Conflict

Time: 60 min

Objective: To identify the effects/consequences of armed conflict

Materials: 9 pcs - Previously prepared plastic bottles looking like miniature

humans, infrastucture, animals and objects found in nature such as

trees

9 pcs - Small cards

10-15 pcs – Manila paper

10-15 pcs - Markers

1 roll - Masking tape

Mechanics

1) Before the workshop, the facilitator gathers several small empty plastic water bottles.

These are transformed to look like (a) humans by outlining features of the face and

gluing some papers or fabrics for clothes or (b) infrastructure by drawing houses and

other structures, or (c) the natural environment, by painting the body green and draw-

ing trees and animals. At the back of each bottle is a small card bearing one of the

consequences of armed conflict.

2) Bottles are positioned like in a bowling game.

3) The facilitator asks the participants to think of the possible effects of conflict on hu-

mans, properties and nature. Answers are written on the board or on meta cards.

4) Using the ball in the previous exercise, volunteers are asked to hit the bottles the same

C H A P T E R T W O | 107


way they roll the ball in bowling. Volunteers take their turn until a full strike is achieved.

5) Then participants pick up the bottles and read what’s written on the small cards.

6) Answers on the board are checked against those on the small cards.

7) Participants form pairs or triads to discuss and share insights on the consequences — at

least one particular consequence per dyad or triad.

8) Participants are encouraged to share specific situations as examples under each

consequence.

9) Each team is given a Manila paper and marker to write down key discussion points.

10) Partners report during the plenary and further discussion follows.

Guide Questions

What are the effects/consequences of armed conflict in the day-to-day lives of the

people?

What are the effects of war or violence on the long-term perspective?

How does conflict affect the lives of warring parties?

How does conflict affect the lives of the civilian population, their livelihood and culture?

How does it affect the natural environment?

deepening

behind and beyond statistics

During the armed clashes between government and MILF forces in Central Mindanao in the

first quarter of 2003, the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD) reported the

following statistics43:

No. of people affected 415,233 (or 82,012 families)

No of dead: 238

No. of injured: 182

No of houses and properties destroyed: 5,856

No. of partially damaged homes and properties 1,262

The 2003 eruption of hostilities is the fourth in the area over the last eight years since 1997

when renewed fighting between the government of President Fidel Ramos and the MILF had

resulted in the displacement of 30,000 people. The second occurred in 2000, wherein 41,000

civilians were displaced; and the third occurred in 2001, which displaced 24,000.

How do you feel when you read figures like those we have mentioned?



Do you have an idea what lie behind and beyond these figures?

What are the grim realities behind these numbers?

inputs

consequences of armed conflict and violence

Aside from deaths, injuries, disabilities and destruction of the environment, there are other

consequences of violence and armed conflict. Armed conflicts come with a host of impacts more

lethal than the conflict itself, and these remain even after the conflict had ended. These impacts

tend to blur the issues of cause and effects or consequences of the armed conflict.

The nine consequences of armed conflict that have been identified by in the study are:

Deprivation of, and limited or no access to basic services

Social restrictions on mobility and communication

Economic dislocation and disruption of livelihood source

Breakdown of traditional socio-political institutions

Interrelated experience of loss, separation, and exploitation leading to chronic uncer-

tainty and increased vulnerability

Lack of confidence, mistrust and hatred for other ethno-linguistic groups, and the

destruction of social relationships

Prolonged sense of injustice and restriction on information

Recruitment into the armed group

Deepening of pre-existing conflicts and generation of new ones

The complex effects of armed conflict and violence can be summed up as psychological and

social:

Psychological effects mean “those experiences that affect emotions, behaviour, thoughts,

memory and learning ability, and how a situation may be perceived and understood.”

Social effects mean “how diverse experiences of war alter people’s relationships to each

other, and it extends to include an economic dimension.”44

These two effects constantly influence each other – and the term “psychosocial” underlines

the interrelatedness and interconnectedness of the psychological and social effects of armed

conflict and violence.



module five

lamat sa bote

(cracks in the bottle)

Focal Topic: Consequences of Armed Conflict particularly on: confidence, trust and social

relationships

Time: 45 min

Objectives: To identify specific consequences of armed conflict

To identify possible responses

Materials: 10-15 pcs - Empty plastic mineral water bottles


At least 50 pcs each color -Strips of paper (red and green)

10-15 pcs - Pens

Mechanics:

1) Each participant draws out a half-heart from a box.

2) While holding their half-hearts, all participants move around the room to find their

partners, checking which half-heart fits theirs.

3) Once partners find each other, they are given an empty mineral water bottle where they

glue their hearts—ensuring an inch distance between the half-hearts.

4) Pairs talk about how armed conflict affects interpersonal relationships.

5) Answers are written on tiny strips of red paper.

6) These strips of paper are glued vertically in the space iabove or below the half-hearts.

7) Pairs also talk about how to mend the gap in the relations.

8) Answers to 7 are written on tiny strips of green paper, this time, glued horizontally on the

middle like a band-aid connecting the two half-hearts.

9) In a circle, pairs report to the big group.


Guide Questions

In what ways can armed conflict hurt confidence, trust and relations among groups of

people in the community?

How can we respond to these effects?

deepening



moro-moro

At the end of the Spanish regime, the thematic plot of the conflict between the guardians of

the Christian and Islamic faiths gave birth to the theatrical art form called moro-moro, a blood

and thunder stage show which depicted the battle between the two groups, with the Christians

always emerging victorious. Take the plot of one of these plays, such as that of the Milecadel by

Mariano Zaide (1827-94), a dramatist from Pagsanjan, Laguna: a dashing Christian prince saves

the life of a beautiful Moslem princess, whom he came to love. He marries her after defeating

several Muslim suitors in single combat.45 By the late 1960s and 1970s, according to UP Professor

and renowned musicologist Felipe de Leon, the ecumenical movement and theater groups such

as the PETA began to discourage the performance of the moro-moro, whose theme had already

begun to lose its appeal to the general audience. The war in Mindanao in the 1970s proved to be

a stronger impetus for the extinction of the native theatrical art form. Nonetheless, variations of

the moro-moro still survive. An example would be the annual arakyo held annually in May in the

towns of Peñaranda and General Trio in Nueva Ecija.46 However, even if the moro-moro plays are

no longer popular, they have left its bids in the consciousness of the Filipino Christian: against the

Moro or Filipino Muslim is demonized. It helped reinforce stereotypes against the Moslems: “A

good Moro is a dead Moro.” Even in modern times, references to the moro-moro persist.

Discussion Points:

If your group were to stage a modern moro-moro, what would its theme be?

Would its still center on the age-old theme of Christians vs. the Moslems?

Would it be on the importance of peace?

How would the theater production introduce the importance of fostering understand-

ing between the two groups?

How can it help in the reconciliation process and in rebuilding social relationships?

effect of war on children’s minds

The following excerpted article talks about the effects of the war in Central Mindanao. What

does it tell you about how armed conflict specially affects the youngest and impressionable

members of a community?



displaced families, traumatitized children and hatred—the price to pay for peace and order47

“I am saddened by the displacement of peaceful families from their area, but sometimes this is theprice we have to pay for long-term peace and order,” Philippine media sources quoted PresidentGloria Macapagal-Arroyo as saying after another wave of displacement had erupted in the southernisland of Mindanao. Thousands of residents from the island’s central region have fled their homes dueto renewed fighting between government and rebel forces. Social welfare officials placed the numberof displaced at more than 141,000. Most of them are living under cramped conditions in makeshiftshelters and evacuation centers throughout four provinces affected by the military campaign. OnFebruary 11, 2003, the military launched its latest offensive against the MILF with the pretense ofquashing lawless elements believed to be under the wing of the MILF. Four days later, newspapersreport that government troops had captured the MILF stronghold in the Buliok Complex.

The price for the long-term solution in Mindanao sought by two successive administrationsthrough the use of military force includes the case of a traumatized 11-year old boy. He had developeda speech impediment and resorted to eating soil since May 2000 when a bomb exploded near hisboat during an aerial attack. The price referred to by President Macapagal-Arroyo includes thebreeding of hatred between young, impressionable Christian and Moslem minds. After being askedwhether he would treat a Muslim if he ever became a doctor, a Christian pupil expressed hatred,saying that he would even kill him. In response to the same question, a Moslem pupil faced hisChristian classmate and said “Never. I will also kill you!” These cases of traumatized and unfortunatechildren are among those reported by the Balik Kalipay Program, one of the projects of the UP-CIDSPST. Balik Kalipay (Return to Happiness) Program has been documenting the effects of psychosocialtrauma among villagers, who have suffered much after decades of armed conflict. Dr. June PagaduanLopez, head of the project supported by the Danish government, the British relief agency Oxfam, anda local aid group composed of businessmen, said that the “displacement and disruption” havegravely affected the mental well-being of the villagers, especially children caught in the crossfire.“When lives and properties are lost in wars, they are irretrievable. What should not be lost is thesense of hope that survivors, especially children, must have if they are to go on,“ Lopez said.

Children and young people are the first to suffer in armed conflict situations. Television coverage ofthe plight of the displaced people in Pikit showed a teen-age Maguindanao girl who said that shehad grown accustomed to evacuating from her village and living for months in the crowded evacua-tion centers. After recalling how her family evacuated their home during military offensives againstthe MILF in 2000 and 2001, she expressed wishes that her younger siblings would not have towitness war. She wished that they would not have to withstand hardships like she had faced whileliving in the centers. While being interviewed, she was carrying her younger brother on her lap. Bothwere seated just outside their tent-like sleeping area that offered little privacy and comfort for herfamily. The children documented by the Balik Kalipay Program and the media, are paying a heavy pricefor the government’s offensive against the MILF. They, their families, and the members of the



module six

sa isang bagtasan

(at a crossroad)

Focal Topic: Consequences of Armed Conflict particularly on the options war-affected people

have or are forced to take

Time: 40 min



Materials: 3 pcs Cartolina

1 roll Masking tape

3 pcs Markers

Mechanics:

1) Participants form 3 teams.

2) Through a game of relay, each team writes on separate sheets posted on board as many

possible options individuals in war-affected communities have as an effect of the con-

flict. The relay runs for 3 minutes.

3) Facilitator checks the lists and recognizes the team with the most number of answers

with a clapping of hands.

4) The participants may identify the following options that people may take: to join the

rebels, to collaborate with the military, to migrate to a different province. If not, the

facilitator provides follow-up questions leading to the points.

5) Options are assigned to the teams.

6) Each team explores what people can be thinking about the particular option in focus, its

attractions and negative repercussions.

7) Discussion points are reported in the plenary by members of the team who act as sales

agent selling the idea of the option to the rest of the participants.

8) The audience must discover the negative repercussions. To do this, the audience inter-

acts with the sales agents by throwing questions and answers, and discussing with them.

communities are suffering from deep emotional scars—the legacy of violence that will remain evenafter the last bullet had been fired. (MPP)




Guide Questions

What are the different options that war-affected people are forced to take?

What are the implications/repercussions of each of these options?

limited options

Armed conflict can also result into people being forced to take options they would not

necessarily resort to in the absence of a fueling war. These include migration, selling of real

property, or joining the armed group, which is one of the consequences of armed conflict or

violence. Let us go back to the imaginary resident of Esperanza in Module Five. He could not sell

his property and neither could he settle elsewhere. He appears to be trapped in his village

surrounded by war. One day, he is approached by an old friend, who had long joined the armed

group. He is being convinced to join the freedom movement against the government. What do

you think would our imaginary character do? What would you do if you were him?

inputs

actors in the field

At this point, we would like to identify the various actors in the arena of armed conflict in the

Philippines. These are divided into the so-called State Actors (SAs) and the Non-State Actors

(NSAs). The following list is by no means complete. Many other groups have been identified by

the authorities, but the membership to these groups is small and these groups are highly local-

ized. Examples are the fanatical sects that mushroomed in Mindanao during the 1970s and 1980s.

State Actors:

The Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) is responsible for upholding the sover-

eignty, supporting the constitution and defending the territory of the Republic of the

Philippines against domestic and foreign enemies. It is responsible for advancing the

national aims, interests, policies and plans of the organization, including the mainte-

nance, development, and deployment of its regular and citizen reserve forces for na-

tional security.

The Citizen’s Armed Forces Geographical Units (CAFGU), a paramilitary organization

that is supposed to assist frontline elements of the Armed Forces of the Philippines. It

became notorious for human rights abuses in the late 1980s and early 1990s. President

Estrada revitalized the organization in the campaign against the MILF, with CAFGUs

throughout Mindanao reprising their supplementary roles to the government forces.



The so-called Community Volunteer Organizations (CVOs)that are “formed by a group

of interested and concerned citizens who have exercised their constitutional right to

form organizations for community self-defense and to protect their interest and safety

against criminals and other lawless elements. They are not military units but they assist

in providing urgently needed social services in their communities. As part of the

government’s total approach in countering insurgency, CVOs operate exclusively for

self-defense and protection. They are under local civil government supervision and

their activities must be sanctioned by the village and municipal authorities and coordi-

nated with local and military police.” 48

Non-State Actors:

Founded by Jose Ma. Sison, the Communist Party of the Philippines-New People’s

Army (CPP-NPA) has been fighting the government since the 1970s. With most of its top

officials in exile in Europe, the National Democratic Front (NDF) is the political arm of

the CPP-NPA. The presence of NPA units has been reported in many provinces through-

out the Philippines. The Communist group’s traditional strongholds include the Sierra

Madre Mountain Range and the Bondoc Peninsula in Luzon, the islands of Negros,

Bohol, Samar and Leyte in the Visayas as well as many areas in central, southern and

northern Mindanao. The NPA also maintains small units in the National Capital Region

(NCR) and other urban centers throughout the Philippines.

The Cordillera People’s Liberation Army (CPLA), a breakaway faction of the NPA, is

localized mainly in the highlands of the Cordilleras. The CPLA and the government

signed the Mt. Data Peace Accord in 1986, which is still in place.

The Rebolusyonaryong Partido ng Mangagawa-Revolutionary Proletarian Army-

Alex Boncayao Brigade (RPM-P/RPA-ABB), another breakaway group, operates mainly

in the Negros and Panay Island groups. The government is in the process of pursuing a

peace agreement with this particular breakaway group.

The Rebolusyonaryong Partido ng Mangagawa sa Mindanao (RPM-M), mainly based

in the Iligan area, split up from the RPM/RPA-ABB sometime before the signing of a

peace agreement between the latter and the government. Nonetheless, Sullivan said that

a localized peace process is being pursued with this faction.

The Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), composed of members of the Maranao

and Maguindanao community, is concentrated in the Cotabato and Lanao areas. A

break-away group from the MNLF, the MILF maintains a strong presence in the prov-

inces of Maguindanao, North and South Cotabato, Bukidnon, Zamboanga del Sur,

Zamboanga del Norte and Basilan. In spite of heavy loses during the all-out-war cam-



paign by President Estrada in the year 2000, the MILF remains active in the Southern

Philippines. Talks were suspended during the time of Estrada but were resumed after the

assumption of President Macapagal-Arroyo in 2001. MILF founder and Islamic scholar

Sheik Hashim Salamat died in mid-2003 and leadership passed to Al Haj Murad.

The predominantly Tausug Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) launched a war

against the Marcos regime in the 1970s. Led by Nur Misuari, it concluded a peace

agreement with the government in 1996. The MNLF is based in the provinces of

Mindanao, including Basilan, Sulu, Tawi-Tawi, and the Zamboanga Peninsula. It has split

into several factions, the most prominent of which is the Council of Fifteen headed by

former Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) Governor Parouk Hussin.

Misuari is currently in jail on charges of rebellion.

The Abu Sayyaf Group, founded by Abdurajak Janjalani, first surfaced in 1991 with the

bombing of the international floating bookstore MV Doulos in Zamboanga City. Known

for its campaign of kidnapping, extortion, bombings and bloodshed, the ASG has since

been carrying out atrocities against the Christian population in the southern Philippines.

In 2000, the ASG kidnapped more than 31 school children in Basilan and more than 20

tourists from an island resort across the border in Malaysia. The object of a reinvigo-

rated campaign by the Philippine military, the ASG nonetheless maintains a strong

presence in Sulu and nearby provinces.

The MNLF has further splintered into many so-called “Lost Command” groups in the

past few years, some of which have resorted to kidnap and ransom activities and hijack-

ing. The so-called Pentagon Gang operates with impunity in the Maguindanao area, but

their activities also affect trade between the provinces in Central and Southern Mindanao.

recruitment into the armed group

· Recruitment “covers any means, formal and informal, by which a person becomes a

member of the armed forces or an armed group, including compulsory, forced and

voluntary recruitment.”

Participation in conflict “covers both direct participation in combat and also participa-

tion in military activities linked to combat such as scouting, spying, sabotage, and use of

children as decoys, couriers, or at military checkpoints.”

Recruitment, including vulnerable groups like children and indigenous peoples into armed

groups, is one consequence of violence and armed conflict. This is especially so in areas of

protracted armed conflict where there is a shortage of recruits. Local men are recruited into

paramilitary groups like the CAFGU and CVO to supposedly assist the AFP in counter-insurgency



operations, and into vigilante groups and religious fanatical sects, such as those that mush-

roomed among Christian and IP communities in Mindanao during the 1970s and 1980s.

Having experienced injustice, oppression, and neglect, the communities victimized by armed

conflict may come to accept as truth that violence is the only remaining solution. As such,

recruitment into the armed groups perpetuates the culture of violence that has often been

described to persist in many areas in Mindanao. With gun ownership and membership into an

armed group viewed as measure a of individual and collective security, prestige or an act of

religious duty, the consequences of recruitment on the individual and collective are just as com-

plex as the dynamics of socio-cultural, political and economic factors why people join armed

groups. While revenge or economic security can be one of the reasons for people to join an armed

group, a recruit, regardless of gender or age or amount of physical or mental training, is not

spared from the danger of death or serious physical injuries and the grave psychological effects

of direct or indirect participation in the conflicts.

children involved in armed conflict (CIAC)

Despite pronouncements and directives from both the MILF and CPP-NPA that they do not

recruit children into their ranks, the media and NGOs working in the conflict areas report and

confirm the existence of child soldiers in the field.49 The UP-CIDS-PST even documented cases of

girls among the ranks of the CPP-NPA and MILF. Peculiar in the Philippine context is the phenom-

enon of “part-time” CIAC, or children who join the armed groups but do not necessarily stop

going to school unless they are asked to go on “tours of duty” that last anywhere between 10 to 90

days.50

deepening

Why do children join armed groups like the CPP-NPA, MILF or even the ASG? What happens

to them? Take some time to read the following play, which was developed and presented by three

former child soldiers and participants to the Second National Consultation Workshop on the Use

of Child Soldiers in the Philippines, held in Opol, Misamis Oriental in November 2003. What does

it tell us about child soldiers?


Why did Joy, the character in the play, join the armed group?

Was she forced to join the group or did she join voluntarily?

What happened to her?

What do you think are the other situations that she had experienced as a result of her



membership in the armed group?

Is there a way out for her except dying in the battlefield?

inputs

recruitment of children as soldiers in the philippines

The recruitment of children is either forced or voluntary and there are different reasons why

children join armed groups. In cases of forced recruitment, children join as a result of abduction

or use of physical force, threat of force or coercion, or because the recruitment of children is

organized and compulsory in nature. In cases of voluntary recruitment, there is the desire for

revenge; the sense of power; neglect, abuse and violence at home; the experience of violence and

oppression; poverty and the lack of opportunities. In many cases, the children who joined armed

groups were also orphans.

The actual number of child soldiers in the Philippines is not known, but cases studies and

military sources indicate that “majority of the NPA combatants killed in encounters and many of

the MILF casualties during the government offensives were inexperienced recruits aged 18 and

below.”51 The Armed or Not, They are Children—A Primer on the Use of Children as Soldiers in the

Philippines, released by the Philippine Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers (PCSUCS)

through the cooperation of the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) , is a useful

source of information on the issue of child soldiers. Among the topics included in the primer is

the demobilization and reintegration of former combatants.

A 15-minute Play

Scene OneScene OneScene OneScene OneScene One: (Life before joining the armed group)

Joy enters: I always have a problem. I don’t’ have a father. And my brother, we fight so often. Itis a good thing my elder brother is around. He gives good advice. And my brotherwants to go to school. The problem is we have no money. And no rice!

(Mike and Bert enter, talking to each other.)Joy (continuing her monologue): We need to have rice at home and we don’t have any. And my

brother and I, we always fight.Joy (sees Mike and Bert): Hey, you’re here. What’s up?Mike: I’m OK. How are you?Joy: I am just fine. But I have a problem at home, there’s no food, and I have to look for

food, and my brother wants to go to school but we don’t have any money.



Mike: I have some money. Fifty [pesos], I’ll give it to you to buy rice. We both don’t havemoney. Only for the fare. Give my regards to your mother.

Joy: Thank you for the money. This is a big help for us. Thank you so much for what yougave me. Oh, I am supposed to tell you something…

Mike: So what is it?Joy: I want to join you in the hills. Just to go here and there, and what to do about… You

give good advice, you’re good in convincing, explaining. It’s good for you but this ishow it goes… This is how it should be. I want to join.

Mike: My advice is: Don’t join because you are still young. They might think that I’m nothelping you at all. What I have gone through is really painful. You don’t know howreally painful it is. They might be thinking that I am not taking care of you guys. I dotake care of you all. I don’t have a brother. I am still here to help you. My request isthat don’t join until you have grown up.

Joy: Hey thanks a lot. I want to join the group that you told me about. I have to go. Thankyou for the fifty [pesos]. I’ll buy rice.

Scene TScene TScene TScene TScene Twowowowowo: (Joining the armed group)

Joy: Hey!Mike: Hey!Joy: Now I’ve grown up. How about the things you told me? How about it?Mike: It’s in the other village. Take care.Joy: Take care.

Scene ThreeScene ThreeScene ThreeScene ThreeScene Three: (Visiting the community, as members of an armed group)

Joy: Good morning to all of you. I am Joy. I am one of the organizers. I also want to knowwhat will happen to our case, and how to make the people in the barangay under-stand how to unite people. I need your help. This is our agenda. I would like tointroduce Kumander Kilat…

Scene FourScene FourScene FourScene FourScene Four: (At the training camp)

Voice from background: Go!Joy undergoes rigid training… She rolls in the ground, and crawls. Her movements suggest walking

around the jungle. She is timed as she assembles an imaginary gun. Bert plays therole of a training officer.

Bert: Ready… Go!



module seven

bumabangis ang halimaw!

(the monster is getting even more vicious!)

Focal Topic: Consequences of Armed Conflict particularly on pre-existing conflicts

Time: 60 min



Materials: 30 pcs - Meta cards

10-15 pcs - Markers

3-5 pcs - Cartolina

3-5 boxes - Craypas

10 – 15 pcs - Pencils

Mechanics:

1) Participants are all given sets of meta cards where they write possible points of conflicts

or disagreement in a society.

2) When done, participants lay down their meta cards on the floor and create a train of

intensifying conflict, i.e., the meta card on the right must represent a bigger/worse

conflict than the one on the left.

3) The entire train of conflict is now divided into stages (i.e., these meta cards represent

conflicts that are more or less similar in intensity and impact).

Joy finishes assembling the gun.Bert: One minute and three seconds…Joy: Thank you, sir.

Scene FiveScene FiveScene FiveScene FiveScene Five: (Battle Scene)

Joy: Where are you? Where are you?Joy: I’ve been looking for you. Where are you? Where are you?Joy, facing the audience, shouts at an imaginary enemy. Another comrade, played by Mike, comes to

her aid. They take away their fallen comrade.Joy shouts: Damn you! I hope you die! Get lost!



4) Participants are divided into the number of stages to form their teams.

5) Creatively thinking that if the stage of conflict can be represented as a monster, they

visualize through drawing on cartolina papers their imagined kind of monster.

6) When all teams are done drawing, the drawings are placed on the appropriate stage in

the train of conflicts on the floor, thus transforming the floor into a growth chart of an

evolving monster conflict.


Guide Questions

What kinds of conflict exist in our society?

How do these conflicts compare with each other in terms of intensity and impacts?

If you are to arrange the cards from bad to worse to worst, which conflicts are in the first

stage? In the second? In the last?

What can we deduce from the exercise?

What is it telling us about the nature of armed conflict?

How can we respond to such condition?

inputs:

deepening of pre-existing conflicts

and generation of new ones

As exemplified by the experience of Christian and Muslims of Cotabato, tensions over land

rights and use of resources have been a “cause of recent localized fighting that is magnified when

the bigger armed groups cast these localized conflicts in the context of their bigger narratives and

recruit the local protagonists to fight in the name of the bigger war.”52 As a consequence of

violence/armed conflict, the deepening of pre-existing sources of tension, such as competing

claims over land ownership, creates and increases more tension and its effects are felt across

generations. The large-scale militarization of Mindanao in the 1970s, including the rise of state-

endorsed “fanatical sects” and other paramilitary groups in the counter-insurgency and anti-

separatist campaigns and the activities of the Presidential Assistance on National Minorities or

PANAMIN in the IP homelands, “rather than solving problems, created new ones, sucking more

and more of Mindanao society into the vortex of intensified violence.”53

In the continuum of conflicts, one serious danger is that the consequences generated by

wars and violence, take on a life of their own, “not least through the spillage of weapons from war

zones to other social arenas.”54 The proliferation of cheap and portable weapons is one of the

factors in the phenomenon of child soldiers. Also, there is the reported entry of the drug trade in



the insurgency or secessionist movements. “The drug lords can finance the activities of these

rebel groups to create social unrest or sow terror in order to shift government attention from the

drug trade to this problem.”55

Internal political struggles among the insurgent and secessionist groups have also affected

the arena of conflict, with new players coming out of the war factory and laboratory of violence.

For example, the so-called “Lost Command” groups that emerged from the MNLF have resorted

to kidnap for ransom activities and hijacking. “The real danger in insurgency-affected areas, say

some peace advocates, is the breakdown of law and order that paves the way for the rise of

criminal and predatory gangs.”56 For its part, the AFP often charges the MILF as coddlers of these

organized crime syndicates, stating that the villages where these groups operate are MILF-con-

trolled areas. Kidnapping is described as a community activity, where, according to the testimo-

nies of the victims, different families are involved in specific tasks ranging from taking charge of

the cooking and security chores to negotiating for ransom.57

In February 2003, the military launched an offensive against camps belonging to the Penta-

gon Gang, which operates with impunity in Central Mindanao. Four days later, as thousands of

people flocked to evacuation centers in Pikit, newspapers reported that government forces have

captured the MILF stronghold in the Buliok Complex spread out in two of municipalities in

Maguindanao and Cotabato.58 Despite successes reported by the AFP against the MILF, there

appeared no clear end to the conflict as houses and basic infrastructure were again destroyed,

with chronic insecurity resurfacing among the affected population. Mistrust is reanimated, and

the sense of injustice further tightens it stranglehold on the individual and community, prompting

the vulnerable to join any of the armed groups. Pre-existing conflicts are magnified, opening

unwanted windows for the eruption of further conflict.

deepening

To end this chapter, we invite you to read the following article and reflect on the questions we

have posted:


What kinds of conflict exists in Bohelebung?

What does the article tell us about the seaside town and its people?

What is the nature of the armed conflict in Bohelebung?

What are the roots of the conflict?

Who are the key players in the conflict?

What are the factors that prevent peace from coming to the area?



What consequences of armed conflict or violence are evident in the story?

Do you think that there is a chance for Bohelebung to recover and enjoy peace?

If you were the local executive or a religious leader in Bohelebung, what would you do

to prevent more conflict from happening in the area?

Do you think that conflict can be prevented after all? Do you think that such preconflict-

prevention efforts would be effective?

bohelebung, basilan, Y2K59

Bohelebung is a story of interwoven issues. For a time, Bohelebung promised to be one of the mostimportant economic and educational centers in southern Basilan. With the marine industry as itsbackbone, Bohelebung attracted Visayan, Chinese and Zamboangueño traders to its weekly marketor tabu’, to where the Yakans hiked down from their isolated hills and the Sama Balanguingi rowedin from their seaside enclaves. According to old timers, the Yakan, who had contempt for the sea-dwelling Sama, sometimes haughtily used their budjak or spears in pointing to the fish or earthen-ware pots they wanted to buy. With equal disdain, the Sama, the strand-dwelling original inhabitantsof eastern Basilan, were just as quick to draw their sharp knives or barong, using them or their muddyfeet to insultingly point to the precious upland rice, cassavas and plantains that the Yakan hadbrought down from their hillside farms. Despite the ancestral animosity that existed between thetwo groups, they cautiously remained docile when dealing with the more dominant Joloano orTausug, and Bohelebung remained relatively peaceful. The agricultural and marine trading village andits promise of a good life attracted them and a few Christian families, including the Cuevas clan, whobegan to make a foothold in Bohelebung towards the end of the Spanish regime in the 1890s.

The Yakans of the interior, who harbored ill feelings with the Cuevas clan of Bohelebung, wantedall the Christian migrants to vacate the seaside village. Old timers said that the chieftains of theKabangalan and Pipil areas desperately wanted the Cuevases to return to Cavite. Sometime in the1930s, they staged an attack on Bohelebung but were beaten back. The first-born of pioneer JacintoCuevas killed the ambitious Imam Hajji of Kabangalan near a fallen mango tree at the establishedvillage boundary. It was the start of a blood feud that spilled to the succeeding generations. Mean-while, the Tausug and Sama Balanguingi were forced to share their hunger for power with theChristians led by the powerful Cuevas clan. The latter consolidated their strength and control ofBohelebung by opening the first school in the area and through inter-marriages. Jacinto began a lineof Cuevases, and his choice of wives cut across ethnic borders and religion. Doubtful claims topaternity among the second generation of Cuevases resulted in the division of the large clan into twogroups - a second blood feud that has done little good to either branch or to Bohelebung in general.Nonetheless, Bohelebung’s thriving trade market attracted the more peaceful variety of Yakans toreside in town. A couple of Chinese and Japanese traders established residences in Bohelebung andmarried with the locals.



Bohelebung survived World War II but it was during this period when the Yakans and Christianshad begun arming themselves with guns taken from defeated Japanese soldiers. During the 1950sand 1960s, some Christians were engaged in the lucrative business of selling arms to the Yakans.Nonetheless, Bohelebung was on its way to become an even more prosperous trading and fishingtown, but the wealth centered only among the few Christian and the even fewer number of Tausugtrading families. The majority of the Yakan and Sama were further disenfranchised and their maineconomic activities were limited to subsistence farming and fishing. Some of the members of thesecommunities resorted to banditry.

The declaration of martial law and the horrific war in Mindanao that erupted in the 1970s changedthe entire equation. Late in 1972, MNLF rebels attacked Bohelebung. Ironically, the first life claimedby rebel bullets was that of a Muslim civilian, a Tausug. All of the town’s residents were forced to flee.The MNLF, which included Tausug, Yakan and Sama youth among its ranks, pillaged and burned theabandoned village down to the ground, destroying the beautiful homes of both the Christians andMuslims. It was the realization of the lifelong dream of some of the Yakan to regain control ofBohelebung from the Christians. After the 8th Infantry Battalion finally reclaimed the area in 1973,many of the residents returned, only to find out that almost nothing was left of their beloved town.Most of the Christian families, on the other hand, decided never to return to Bohelebung again andsettled elsewhere. Twenty-eight years after Bohelebung was razed to the ground, it appeared thatthe town had not yet even gained an inch into recovering from its past. It appears to have irreparablylost the all chance to recover due to the protracted war, an old blood feud, and the emergence offundamentalism, the unending whirlpool of conflict, and the problems brought about graft andcorruption and bad governance in the municipal and provincial governments.

part two:finding the psychosocial in peace building

and addressing the consequences of conflict

127

In Part One of A Journey for Us All: Converging Peace Building with Psychosocial Help,

we saw how the consequences of violence and armed conflict are inextricably linked with other

forces. In the Philippines and many areas throughout the non-western world, “structural poverty

and injustice, falling commodity prices, unbridled environmental exploitation, and landlessness

are all linked to the withering away of traditional self-sufficient ways of life.”60 Even if the threat of

renewed escalation of armed conflict is stamped out by the conclusion of a peace accord, the

root causes of the armed conflict and its host of effects and consequences, if not addressed, still

have a potent, cumulative, and inhibiting effect on social development and the achievement of

lasting peace.

In this part of the manual, let us delve more into what is termed as “psychosocial help” and

link it with peace building and development work. Through the modules, let us identify what are

the efforts being done and the means to address the consequences of violence.

Before proceeding to the first module, take some time to look at the picture of the Hydran-

gea plant in bloom. Imagine this to be among the most prized

kinds of plant in your garden. You always look forward to

looking at your lavender Hydrangeas in bloom after coming

home from a hard day at the office. During weekends, you

enjoy soaking in the coolness of your garden under the shade

of the acacia tree. How does looking at the Hydrangeas make

you feel? Do the plants have a way of affecting your mood?

Now, imagine that an army of hungry caterpillars has

managed to sneak from your neighbor’s badly tended gar-

den. The ugly pests are threatening to eat up your plants,

including your prized Hydrangeas. How does the threat of

losing your garden to the caterpillars make you feel? What

would you do to save your plants?

At this point, you may be thinking, what do gardening and Hydrangeas have to do with the

psychosocial? What do you think is the connection?

introduction

129

learning modules

chapter three: psychosocial help

module eight

tulong!

(help!)

Focal Topic: Defining Psychosocial Help, Its Importance and Forms

Time: 60 min

Objectives: To define what psychosocial help is and know the basic concepts

To identify the importance and forms of psychosocial help

Materials: 1 pc - Small box

At least 100 pcs - Strips of paper

30 pcs – Pens

1 roll – Masking tape

Mechanics:

1) The facilitator introduces the human pretzel game by asking participants to stand closer

together. While their eyes are closed and arms are up, the facilitator helps connect

hands together of different persons, thus creating a chaotic network of interconnected

arms. (NOTE: Check out the cultural appropriateness of the physical contact aspect of

the game. The game can be played with the males separated from the females. Another

option is to use extensions such as malong or tubao. Exercise utmost sensitivity, other-

wise the facilitator can simply jump to step 6.)

2) Participants open their eyes.

3) Their mission is to disentangle themselves into a circle (or circles) without disconnecting

the hands.



4) Further complications for an extra challenge can be added such as disentangling with-

out talking.

5) Once disentangled, discussion on the experience in the exercise follows.

6) Afterwards, the facilitator leads the participants to sing:

Magagawa natin ang lahat ng bagay/ Ang lahat ng bagay sa mundo/ Isang bagay na

hindi magagawa/ Hindi magagawang nag-iisa/ Malulutas natin ang mga problema/

Kung tayong lahat magkaisa/ Mga suliranin dagling gagaan/ At may bagong buhay.

(We can do everything/ Everything in this world/ One thing that is hard to do/ Cannot

be done alone/ We can solve all the problems/ If we all unite/ Problems will be lighter

and there’ll be a new life)

7) Participants form pairs or triads and each team draws out from a box a strip of paper

previously prepared by the facilitator. The following words are written one on each

paper: Nagugutom (hungry) walang bahay (without a house), giniginaw (having a

chill), nanginginig (trembling/shaking), nagtatago (hiding), natutulala (staring blankly),

nagagalit (angry), nananakit (hurting others).

8) The facilitator introduces a chanting game whereby a team begins by chanting and

miming the word they got thrice and calling on another team.

9) The team called responds by doing the same thing – i.e., chanting and miming the word

they got thrice and calling on another team – so on, so forth.

10) The strips of paper are collected and posted on the board.

11) Participants are asked to identify what they would do if people are experiencing those

conditions.

12) Answers are written side-by-side the condition.

13) Participants try to identify commonalities and differences in the responses.

14) The facilitator thinks, for example, about post-conflict situations, and asks the partici-

pants to identify which among the responses are part of a relief operation, medical

mission, etc.

15) The facilitator guides the participants to focus on psychosocial responses and asks them

to differentiate it from other help.


Guide Questions

What did you discover in the human pretzel game?

What is the message of the action-song?

What will you do if people are experiencing the reactions written on the papers?

How will you respond to such situations?


C H A P T E R T H R E E | 131

What is psychosocial?

Why is it important?

How is psychosocial different from emergency relief operations and medical missions?

iputs

what is psychosocial?

As we stated in the Introduction of the manual, psychosocial is basically the marriage of the

psychological and the social. Let us go back to the Hydrangea and how it affects your mood, and

removes the negativity you feel after a hard day at the office. In essence, this is a form of

psychosocial intervention, which is defined as an “attempt to positively influence human

development by addressing the negative impact of social factors on people’s thoughts and

behavior.”61

The psychosocial can then refer to the condition of the mind and heart, feelings and

thoughts, and relationships of a person.

A psychosocial framework therefore implies that each person is made up of an integra-

tion of the mind, body, spirit and the social world and that healing is a process of

transition towards greater meaning, balance, connectedness and wholeness, both

within the individual and between individuals and their environment.62

why psychosocial intervention?

Given this framework, would it them be right to say that psychosocial intervention is also to

“ameliorate the effects of negative thoughts and behavior on the social environment through

facilitating activities that encourage positive interaction among thought, behavior, and the

social world”63 and one such activity is gardening. A former barangay captain in Takepan said

that gardening has always been a form of relaxation in the village that has seen war many times.

Not only did the small gardens improve the atmosphere and add beauty to the homes of Takepan,

working in the flower gardens helps greatly in releasing tension.64

The understanding of the interconnectedness and interrelatedness of the psychological

and social effects of armed conflict form the core beliefs of organizations providing psychoso-

cial help in the country.

Children’s Rehabilitation Center (CRC): Psychosocial help is part of an “alternative that

would focus on the rural areas, propagate a rehabilitation technology geared towards

the elimination of the causes of psychosocial problems, and prioritize the prevention of

emotional and psychological problems over the use of curative treatment measure.”65

Balay Rehabilitation Center: Psychosocial help is the realization “that a person’s men-



tal health and overall well being is directly related to his or her social environment.”66

The organization points to an interface that creates a psychosocial continuum, which

should be protected from disruption by forces such as internal displacement. “What

makes Balay’s works a pioneering one is its holistically packaged psychosocial character

as expressed in its curative, preventive and proactive components…”67

As such, psychosocial help is not just about counseling or therapy. For example, in the

context of disarmament, demobilization, rehabilitation and reintegration (DDRR) of CIAC, it

implies that any program should always consider the social world and that any recovery program

must always involve the community and the family.

Relief operations and most medical missions concentrate on providing much needed

basic survival needs such as food, shelter, clothing and medicines.

Psychosocial help focuses on helping to establish psychosocial wellness of the individu-

als, group of people and communities, not just on the immediate but on a long-term

perspective.

why holistic and integral and participatory?

Armed conflict and violence inflict damages on community resources, which are catego-

rized into three interrelated and interconnected resources: human capacity, social ecology, and

culture and values.68

Human capacity is taken as the “mental, emotional, and physical health and well being

of community members, the skills and knowledge of people, their households and

livelihoods.”69

Social ecology encompasses relations “within families, peer groups, religious and cul-

tural institutions, and links with civic and political authorities.”70

Armed conflict also disrupts the culture and values of a community, “leading to a sense

of violation of human rights and undermining cultural values, belief, practices and self-

determination.”71

Given this perspective of the consequences of armed conflict, it is natural for many of the

NGOs and CSOs working with the affected communities to think of peace and development as

holistic and integral, intertwined with the concept of genuine democracy.72 Look at the following

points:

SCC-CEREA-IPDS: Peace is not just the absence of violence, but the presence of justice

and human dignity, and that development is an interrelated process calling for self-

reliance, social justice, economic growth, which are attainable through people’s partici-



pation, with liberation as the natural consequence of the process.73 One mission of the

SCC-CEREA-IPDS is the propagation of the culture of peace—“the peaceful resolution

of conflicts and genuine people’s development through a contextual, liberating, empow-

ering and relevant education that is faith-rooted and responsive to people’s needs.”74

Nagdilaab Foundation: The commitment to peace and development has to be in

partnership with the communities. Inter-religious activities and dialogue form the core

of its initiatives on peace and development.75

Balay Rehabilitation Center: A “peoples’” movement for a just and humane community

rests on a population that is fit in terms of the most accepted indicators for social well-

being and thus capable of managing their own lives as well as the affairs of the

community.”76 The organization believes in the preservation and nurturing of the social

bedrock through restoring those who actively contributed to organized people’s actions.77

Given these three examples, we can also sum up the following points:

· A holistic approach means that attention should be given to a range of issues faced by

the affected population and a reflection of the context of their experiences.

Being integral, it means a rights- and community-based, gender- and culture-sensitive

approach that works within existent community structures, using local resources, and

incorporating local knowledge, skills and mechanisms for healing.

Being participatory, the approach gives importance to the ideas of and inputs from

people who are supposed to be benefit from the programs.

in a nutshell

development of psychosocial help in the philippines

Psychosocial Help began as a response to emerging new needs and realities brought

about by the changing political contexts in post-1986 Philippines.

Psychosocial help emerged as a response to emerging new needs and realities brought

about the changing political contexts towards the end and after the Marcos regime.

Among the first NGOs to develop psychosocial rehabilitation programs in the Philip-

pines are the Children’s Rehabilitation Center (CRC), established in June 1985, and the

Balay Rehabilitation Center, established in September of the same year. The history of

these two organizations is a dynamic “coming together” of professionals in fields such as

psychology, child education, social work and concerned citizens to provide services to

victims of human rights violations.

Psychosocial help is essentially an offshoot of the evolving approaches to broaden the

realization of civil and political rights denied under the Marcos regime. It is a product



of “coming into terms” by NGOs and civil societies with social realities of post-1986

Philippines, given the limited scope of mandates of organizations involved in human

rights work and related concerns. The provision of psychosocial services, however, was

limited to addressing the needs of children affected by violence or war, particularly

children of political prisoners.

Psychosocial Help evolved to include the needs of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs)

and other sectors.

With their psychosocial rehabilitation programs originally focused within the context of

delivering their services to political detainees and their families, both the CRC and later

Balay, had to face the effects of a phenomenon that had also long plagued the coun-

try: massive displacements of communities as a result of the protracted conflict with

the MILF, MNLF, the CPP-NPA, the CPLA, and the splinter groups of these armed groups.

The militarization tactics employed by the Marcos regime were continued by the Aquino

administration, which declared a “total war” strategy against the insurgents in 1988. The

administration of former general Fidel Ramos continued this “total war approach”

against insurgents and began the aggressive implementation of development projects,

resulting in displacements.

As a reaction to the massive displacements and the steadily increasing trend of political

violence being committed against children and their families, organizations providing

psychosocial help like CRC expanded their mandate to include victims of militariza-

tion. In 1992, Balay had begun contemplating about extending its rehabilitation service

to IDPs in 1992, but it was not only after 1995 that the organization was able to do so. As

a reaction, Balay extended its psychosocial rehabilitation services to IDPs and HRV-

victims in Iloilo, Negros, Tacloban, and Basilan. It tapped the services of caregivers,

health professionals, lawyers, human rights activists and social workers to work either as

volunteers or full-time staff. While former political prisoners who pass certain require-

ments may continue to avail themselves of the services of the NGO, Balay has since

defined traumatized victims of internal displacement as its primary clients.78

Psychosocial Help is the result of dynamic experimentation on methodologies, frame-

works, and approaches.

Central to the development of psychosocial help in the Philippines is the realization of

the limitations of the biomedical model of the Western scientific concept of health

and health care delivery systems.79 Basically a medical-practitioner-oriented and in-

stitution-centered, the approach was seen by CRC as inadequate as far as analyzing and



responding to the psychosocial problems faced by Filipino children of war and their

families. Realizing the limitations and weaknesses of Western methods of delivering

psychosocial help, NGOs and members of the academe saw the significance of develop-

ing an indigenous psychology to successfully and suitably respond to the needs of

Filipino children and families affected by political violence.80

The use of and reliance on psychological tools, such as psychiatric diagnostic checklists

in evaluating the impact of a disaster in a community has led to the “clinical” interpreta-

tion of the survivors’ responses to traumatic events.81 This has contributed to de-

emphasizing the material and social factors contributory to collective and individual

suffering and encouraging the emphasis on “curative intervention” and not an inte-

grated psychological response among groups and communities.82 Critics also argued

that a “clinical” approach, which is generally abstracted within a medical or sickness

framework, does not necessarily consider social or cultural dimensions of the effects of

armed conflict nor does it include strategies for addressing the long-term issues such as

socio-economic integration.

Different frameworks and approaches in analyzing and responding to the problems

faced by children of war and their families were developed and used. The concepts of

“stress and coping,” “family systems approach,” and “Filipino Psychology” made signifi-

cant contributions to facilitating the relationship between the CRC and its clients and to

the concrete implementation of its psychosocial programs.83 There came the realiza-

tion that it was important to involve the family in the healing process.

Psychosocial Help is an unending learning and unlearning process.

The experience of the CRC, Balay, and all the other NGOs engaged in psychosocial help

is an unending learning and unlearning process. For example, a 1994 case study of

the psychosocial work of the CRC-Negros in a relocation site in Namulo, Binalbagan,

Negros Occidental reported that the “absence of a comprehensive treatment plan was

regarded as the major weakness”84 of the project. It also noted the tendency that, either

psychosocial health is not identified by the community as a need because it is not

understood well, or psychosocial problems are often considered as less severe or less

life-threatening as to warrant serious attention.”85 As proof of the dynamism of providing

psychosocial care and the changing contexts of the times, the CRC, nevertheless, learned

from these mistakes and limitations and continued to enhance its service programs.

The over-all experience of providing psychosocial help also pointed out to the need to

ensure the safety and to take care of the psychosocial well being of the caregivers.

This is due to the highly stressful nature of their work, high turnover rates, and the



threats they receive from sectors of society who have branded them as sympathizers of

the CPP-NPA. Addressing these needs would ensure the sustainability of programs and

increase the scope of its services. In 2000, the UP-CIDS-PST noted that consciousness in

caring for caregivers was already fast gaining ground among NGOs.86

137

learning modules

chapter four: addressing the consequences

module nine

kung sakali…paano na?

(if this is the case … then what?)

Focal Topic: Case Study, Practical Responses

Time: 60 min

Objective: To analyze the conflict situation and identify practical responses

Materials: 4 pcs - Scenario papers

Mechanics:

1) Participants form 4 teams.

2) Each team is given a scenario (fictional or constructed from actual events) to study.

Sample scenario:

Armed hostilities between the military and the rebels suddenly disrupted the sleepy

barrio of Likas. The night the military went on an all-out-war against the insurgents,

violent exchanges of powerful ammunition shocked the entire village. The relentless

bombing did not spare the school and the church. This utter disregard for the safety and

security of the civilians forced the people to evacuate to the town’s poblacion on their

feet at speeds beyond human imagination. The people managed to salvage only the

clothes they were wearing, money and some food. They left behind everything else

including their animals and farm implements. Improvised shelters using corrugated

boards, bamboo poles and blankets were set up in the covered court. The site of the

congested evacuation center was a nightmare. A horrific symphony of cries were heard

– babies and the children crying, the bereaved wailing, and the shrapnel-wounded



hollering because of excruciating pain. Food and medical relief could not get through to

the people as the fighting blocked the road. Those in terrible shock and the wounded

needing immediate medical help could not be transferred to the nearest hospital as that

would mean crossing the no man’s land. Forty-eight hours later, there was a ceasefire.

The rebels retreated and the military assured the public that the safety of the area was

already secured.

3) Teams must be able to identify practical responses to take.

4) They must be able to justify such responses in the given situation.

5) Reporting happens in the form of re-enacting scenes interspersed with narrations.


Guide Questions

How will you respond to the given situation?

How practical are your responses?

What are possible consequences of your responses?

inputs:

a response to a consequence and a category for a consequence

Let’s re-enumerate the ten consequences of armed conflict that we learned in Part One and

look into some of the responses that you gave in Module Twelve. Do they address any of the

consequences?

Deprivation of, and limited or no access to basic services

Social restrictions on mobility and communication

Economic dislocation and disruption of livelihood source

Breakdown of traditional socio-political institutions

Interrelated experience of loss, separation, and exploitation leading to chronic uncer-

tainty and increased vulnerability

Trauma

Lack of confidence, mistrust and hatred for other ethno-linguistic groups, and the

destruction of social relationships

Prolonged sense of injustice and restriction on information

Recruitment into the armed group

Deepening of pre-existing conflicts and generation of new ones


C H A P T E R F O U R | 139

Can we fit these consequences into a particular category of response? Which of these catego-

ries are closely related that we can fit them under one category of response? But wait! Which

categories are we going to use? The Documentation on Peace Building Efforts by Civil Society

Organizations (CSOs) in the Philippines to Address the Psychosocial Consequences of Armed

Conflict and Violence used in its conceptual framework a six categories of responses to address

the consequences of violence and armed conflict. We had actually already included these catego-

ries in the discussions in Part One, and you may have already identified them yourself. In the

following table, these six categories are matched with the 10 consequences we studied in Part

One:

why these activities?

The following data are taken from the result of FGDs with focused group discussions (FGDs)

with NGO workers and volunteers in Basilan, Cotabato/Maguindanao, and Mindoro Occidental.

Post-war physical and social reconstruction – Activities under this category have the

following aims:

Consequence of Violence/ Armed Conflict

Category of Activities to Address Consequence

1) Deprivation of, and limited or no access to basic services

2) Social restrictions on mobility and communication

3) Economic dislocation and disruption of livelihood source

4) Breakdown of traditional socio-political institutions

Post-war physical and social reconstruction

1) The interrelated experience of loss, separation and exploitation leading to chronic uncertainty and increased vulnerability

2) Trauma

Psychosocial counseling and trauma relief

1) Lack of confidence, mistrust and hatred for other ethno-linguistic groups, and the destruction of social relationships

Reconciliation and rebuilding social relationships

1) Prolonged sense of injustice and restriction on information

Fact-finding, mercy, and cease-fire monitoring missions

3) Recruitment into the armed group Demobilization and reintegration of former combatants

4) Deepening of pre-existing conflicts and generation of new ones

Conflict prevention efforts



1. Repair and rebuild infrastructure that was destroyed or damaged during conflict

and facilitate return of the displaced communities;

2. Provide affected communities access to basic services;

3. Build peace by helping affected communities meet their economic needs through

access to livelihood assistance and income generation mechanisms;

4. Strengthen traditional socio-political structures weakened or severely affected by

war;

5. Prepare community members to consciously work for peace in their areas and help

promote, foster and increase their participation in peace building efforts.

Psychosocial counseling and trauma relief – Activities under this category have the

following aims:

1. Improve the psychosocial wellbeing and overall medical health of affected

communities;

2. Help the communities come to terms with the interrelated experience of loss,

separation and exploitation, and their feelings of uncertainty and increased vulner-

ability;

3. Prepare and empower the communities to become responsive and active partners

towards change.

Reconciliation and rebuilding social relationships – Activities under this category

have the following aims:

1. Address the lack of confidence, biases, prejudices, mistrust and hatred of other

people;

2. Promote cultural diversity and a pluralistic community;

3. Provide a venue for people to air their visions and dreams, aspirations and hopes

for the future;

4. Promote advocacy work with government in advancing public policies;

Fact-finding, mercy, and ceasefire monitoring missions – While the different missions

have their respective aims, they generally have these aims:

1. Help address the prolonged sense of injustice felt by the community or individuals

affected by armed conflict;

2. Gather information on their status and needs necessary for further intervention

work;

3. Prepare for credible peace, human rights and emergency response in affected

areas;

4. Strengthen networks on human rights, peace and development concerns of inter-

nally displaced people.



Demobilization and reintegration of former combatants – Activities under this category

have the following aims:

1. Aid re-entry to the family and community through educational and livelihood

assistance for ex-combatants and victims of armed conflict;

2. Develop the youth from disadvantaged communities into future leaders and dis-

tance them from the influence of armed groups;

3. Extend support and legal assistance to members of the community who are jailed

for dubious crimes or false charges.

Conflict prevention efforts87 – Activities under this category aim to stem the deepening

of pre-existing conflicts and generation of new ones.

deepening:

from mindanao, mindoro, and manila

The following are case studies on responses from specific sectors towards peace building,

and these include indigenous people in Mindoro, the youth sector in Manila and Mindanao, and

the responses by the Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) themselves:

1. Building Bridges of Understanding, Solidarity and Peace Between Children and Youth:

Balay’s Twinning of School Projects (see pages 63-64)

2. Indigenous Responses: Mangyans of Mindoro (see pages 64-67)

3. Suara Kalilintad (Voice of Peace) (see pages 68-69)

Discussion Point:

Do the responses made by the sectors described in the three articles fall under the six

categories that we enumerated?

What can we learn from the experiences of the groups or communities mentioned in the

three articles?

module ten

muling pagbangon ng pamayanan

(rebuilding the community)

Focal Topic: Post-war Physical and Social Reconstruction



Time: 90 min

Objective: To identify goals, strategies and influencing factors of post-war physical and

social reconstruction

Materials: 2 pcs - Pictures (before conflict & the aftermath)

4 pcs – Cartolina

4 pcs – Pencils

4 boxes – Craypas

4 pcs – Markers

4 pairs – Scissors

4 sets – Colored papers

4 small bottles – Glue

4 sets – Accessorial found objects (buttons, rubber bands, Popsicle sticks, etc.)

Mechanics:

1) The participants are presented with 2 pictures of a community. The first represents the

scene before conflict erupted while the second features the aftermath.

2) Certain data in the before and after scenarios are provided the participants.

3) Then participants form 4 teams with a mission to create a 3rd picture that will visualize

how they plan to reconstruct the community.

4) The design can be a flat 2-dimensional sketch or 3-dimensional collage.

5) Teams likewise should be able to provide desired data including the priorities and ratio-

nale for prioritization, the immediate and long-term changes, and resources (and sources)

the plan would require.

6) Designs are exhibited while participants view each and listen to the teams’ explanation.

7) After all reports, the entire class will create another design incorporating all the good

features of the designs surveyed.


Guide Questions

What are the goals of post-war physical and social reconstruction? What strategies will

work?

What could be possible facilitating factors? Hindering factors?

Which structures are partially damaged and need repairs?

Which ones were totally destroyed and need rebuilding?

What should be the priorities in the reconstruction and why?

Where do we get the resources (material, financial, technological and human)?



inputs

why post-war physical and social reconstruction work?

The following is a discussion of the aims of post-war physical and social reconstruction work.

Central to the discussions are examples of the programs undertaken by the CSOs that partici-

pated in the UP-CIDS-PST study Documentation on Peace Building Efforts by Civil Society

Organizations (CSOs) in the Philippines to Address the Psychosocial Consequences of Armed

Conflict and Violence.

Repair and rebuild infrastructure that was destroyed or damaged during the conflict

and facilitate the return of the displaced communities. The construction of new

structures such as core shelters, roads, and community centers would provide hope for

the people of the community as they begin to have their lives back.

• Nagdilaab Foundation: The organization facilitated the reconstruction of 22 hous-

ing units, repair of the community chapel, and construction of a community learn-

ing center in communities that experienced atrocities by the Abu Sayyaf in 2000 and

2001. This gave the children the “chance to see that even if the structures were

burned or destroyed by bombs, a newer and more useful and beautiful structure

would be built in the area and this gave them hope.”88

Provide the affected communities access to basic services. These naturally include

medical treatment for those hurt or injured during the conflict or those who contracted

diseases while in the evacuation centers or other areas of refuge. The various programs

and projects sought to provide the communities access to services that were severely

affected or hindered as a result of the armed conflict. Projects are also geared towards

the provision of basic services to areas where they are non-existent even before the

outbreak of conflict, and some of these projects provide particular services.

• Inspiracion delos Pobres Project of CCF-Basilan: The organization built water

management systems that were basically inexistent even before the eruption of

armed conflict.

• Darkness to Light Program of the SCC-CEREA-Extension and Learning Resource

(ELR): The program services an isolated community of 62 poverty-stricken

Erumanen ne Menuvu families in Agkir-Agkir, Libungan, Cotabato to provide learning

relevant to their culture, economic, political and social realities. The objective of

this particular project is to teach the Menuvu villagers how to read, write and

compute; teach the mothers and young women of the community health, sanita-



tion, preventive medicine and the essence of food nutrition. The program also

targets fathers and young men of the community, teaching them alternative farm-

ing systems, such as a diversified integrated farming system, sloping agricultural

land technology (SALT), animal husbandry, and the establishment of community

nurseries.

• Inam (Hope) Project of the NDFCAI-WED: The project provided specific health

services such as harelip and cataract operations and prosthetic feet to indigent

communities and its client base does not exclude victims of armed conflict.

Provide the communities access to livelihood assistance and income generation

mechanisms. The NGOs have helped the affected families regain self-sufficiency by

providing them agricultural production support programs, loans through micro-fi-

nance systems, or entrepreneurship and and skills trainings.

• SCC-CEREA-IPDS and Bangsamoro Women’ Association: The two organizations

carried out a cows dispersal project in barangays Nabalawag, Tugel, Mudseng, and

Kapinpilan of Midsayap.

• SCC-CEREA-College Hill Learning Resources Center (CHLRC): The project fo-

cuses on sustainable agriculture, trainings, seminars and workshops on plant breed-

ing, organic rice milling, and other relevant issues in agriculture such as the

controversial issue of using of genetically modified organism or GMOs.

• Basic Skills and Entrepreneurship Training (BEST) of NDFCAI-WED: The BEST

is a three to five-month training program designed for people without any back-

ground on garments making, food processing and small business management.

The BEST also exposes trainees to special learning exercises to build self-awareness

and self-confidence, and special topics on social responsibility, value formation,

personal health and hygiene, bookkeeping and others are included in the lessons.

As a follow up training, NDFCAI-WED also conducts the Advanced Skills and Entre-

preneurship Training (ASET), designed to provide BEST graduates and other exist-

ing entrepreneurs with advanced and specialized skills through classes on garments

manufacture, handicrafts, and entrepreneurial management.

Strengthening traditional socio-political community structures that were weak-

ened or severely affected by war. In essence, post-war physical and social reconstruc-

tion work hopes to build peace by first helping meet the economic needs of the people.

As such, aside from providing access to basic services and livelihood assistance, post-

war physical and social reconstruction work lays the ground work for peace building.

Many of the projects were geared towards rehabilitating families.

• Inspiracion delos Pobres Project of CCF-Basilan: This is a holistic program geared



to make families physically healthy and self-sufficient while providing their children

and youth access to education.

• Service Learning Program of the SCC Library Science Department and Books

for the Barrios Foundation: The program conducted service-learning activities in

Rajamuda Elementary School in Pikit, with books and learning resources delivered

as gifts and games, storytelling, and book talks facilitated by library science students.89

Prepare community members to consciously work for peace and their areas and

helped promote, foster, and increase their participation in peace building efforts.

Education services are taken to another level through the integration of peace education

in the curriculum.

• Summer Institute for Peace and Development Motivators (SIPDM) of the SCC-

CEREA-IPDS: The program seeks to educate students and young people to behave

in a pluralistic community, build a strong group composed of dedicated and devoted

young peace cadres and preparing them to work consciously for peace in their

respective communities. Among the objectives of the SIPDM Curriculum is to

equip participants with knowledge and basic skills relevant in sustaining proficient

organizational functions and management; and enable them to be guided with

necessary tools and principles on community organizing, networking and advocacy

based on the current community or organizational needs and recommendations.90

• Balay Rehabilitation Center and the Philippine Development Assistance Pro-

gram (PDAP): These two organizations worked in five conflict-affected barangays

in Damulog, Bukidnon in 2003 to help the community effort towards rehabilitation.

This was done particularly through training on participatory rapid appraisal and

community planning and a seminar on peace and development, which became the

basis for another round of activity, the Barangay Rehabilitation Planning. The train-

ing program sought to help the barangay development councils build their capabil-

ity in doing damage, needs and capacities assessment, particularly in formulating a

Comprehensive Barangay Rehabilitation Plan (CBRP) executable within a six-month

to a full-year timeframe. At the end, Balay and the community members turned

over these plans to the PDAP and the Damulog municipal government. The PDAP

provided work animals to each of the barangays, and rice seeds were given by the

Department of Agriculture, with the DSWD taking the lead in the construction of

shelters to replace those destroyed during the conflict. The experience of Balay

points out that increasing the awareness of the family, community, and local gov-

ernments on basic human rights, and international instruments such as the IDPR

and the Convention of the Rights of the Child (CRC) is integral in the strengthening



of traditional socio-political structures, which in turn, as support systems, safe-

guard the humanitarian rights of IDPs, most especially children and young people.91

module eleven

muling pagtibay ng puso, damdamin at isipan

(restrengthening hearts, feelings, at minds)

Focal Topic: Psychosocial Counseling and Trauma Relief

Time: 90 min

Objective: To identify goals, strategies and influencing factors of psychosocial counseling

and trauma relief

Materials: 5 copies – Story (including the facilitator’s)

Costume box

Mechanics:

1) Participants form 4 teams and are instructed to listen carefully to a story.

2) Facilitator reads them the story:

It’s 2050. There is much trouble going on in Planet Z—a planet a thousand light

years away from us but because of advancement in space and tupperware technol-

ogy is now accessible from Earth in a matter of 15 hours (the same amount of time to

travel direct flight to Los Angeles from Manila via Philippine Airlines Boeing 747 a

half-century ago).

Many Z creatures were unfortunate not to escape the horrors of the protracted

jelly war between rival forces. Indeed it’s a jelly conflict for we can’t call it bloody as

the Z creatures don’t have blood like us humans. These creatures thrive in jelly-like

fluids that feed on water.

And, as you would have probably predicted, water is a very finite, highly

contested, fragile commodity in Planet Z, which happens to be largely under the

control of land-based creatures who really don’t need much water to survive but

rocks to keep them, well, grounded. You see, Z creatures are quite identity-conscious,

armed with so much pride. On the other hand, winged air creatures have the monopoly

of rocks as their bodies are architecturally meant to carry boulders of rocks in their

enormous beaks. Imagine a kalaw or hornbill in whose beak the historic buildings of

SM Megamall, the Oakwood and Tutuban Center can fit in comfortably all at the



same time. You got their size? With business-mindedness centered at their beaks,

they turn their physiology into big business. And by big business, I mean, really big

business.

Since the land-based creatures cut the other’s water supply, the avian creatures

deny their rivals their rocks, forcing the former to go on a pebble-diet (a not-so-appetizing

adaptation of the South Beach diet).

And so conflict broke out and the two camps lashed at each other with their

mighty exchange of fire-power, creating a long-standing war characterized by peri-

ods of relative peace and sudden outburst of fires. You see, both creatures are ca-

pable of creating fire that shoots out of their orifices. That’s why their war is not only

jelly and firey, but grossly in bad taste. But who are we humans to judge them, espe-

cially when millions of innocent Z civilians (largely mutants of the two warring par-

ties and typically a foot taller than Michael Jordan) are caught in the cross-fire and

are constantly adding up to the collateral damage.

Anyway, you might be asking: “What do these creatures’ damn war got to do

with us?” Try playing an old album, by a Black American artist named Tina Turner as

the singer had long sung the answer: “What’s love got to do with us?” You see, by 2050,

we humans would have explored the wide open space of the universe and have suc-

cessfully linked with other creatures, including, of course, the Z creatures, in the

mission of spreading love in the universe. That’s why currently we’re leading the

effort to help our Z brothers and sisters in an unprecedented outpouring of inter-

planetary support.

Now you would perhaps suggest: “why not share our water with them?” Not

that easy as the Z creatures need pure unadulterated mineral water. As you know, we

also have a short-supply of that, most specially when the Earthlings’ population has

grown into 13 digits. Don’t be disheartened because other planets have accepted Z

refugees. In fact, special camps were set up in Saturn. Jupiterians spearheading the

medical missions have brought to makeshift hospitals in Planet Z lots of burn cream

for grilled Z civilians. And Plutonians have taken the responsibility of extracting

water from meteors in the form of water capsules as an emergency feeding measure.

Anyway, the Interplanetary Emergency Response Network agreed to give us

the task of providing the much needed psychosocial help to Zs who are deeply af-

fected by the tragic events. We are informed that a lot of the displaced are suffering

from shock, nightmares, constant fear and distrust of fellow creatures. Not to men-

tion their occasional brawls over water capsules. Language may be a terrible prob-

lem as the Zs can only communicate verbally with us using AHA for yes and UM-UM



for no. The Martians reported difficulty as they (the Martians) only know MAYBE.

Now, why turn to the Pinoys for rescue? It may sound ironic, but while technol-

ogy in everything else has improved at Superman speed, psychosocial approaches

have remained human and Jollibee is still the number one fastfood chain in the

Philippines with branches in Venus. The Pinoy human touch in psychosocial help is

still recognized undisputedly as the finest model of psychosocial care in the entire

universe, leaving a monumental mark in the Guiness Book of Universal Records.

So now, you have to prepare your team to better help our Z friends. Imagine you

are to meet XY, a Z war orphan, in the evacuation camp, how would you help him?

3) Each team is given a copy of the story for reference. Given the limited information

about XY and the Z victims of war, the team has the freedom to improvise scenarios to

help their case.

4) Members of the team identify and discuss ways to approach the problem and provide

the much needed psychosocial help for XY.

5) Identified responses are dramatized by some members acting as the caregiver while one

plays the role of XY.

6) Teams are encouraged to improvise costumes and movements that would fit in 2050.

7) All teams present their dramas.


Guide Questions

What are the goals of psychosocial counseling and trauma relief?

What should be effective strategies for this?

What are possible facilitating and hindering factors?

How do we help XY? What can we do to help him?

What approaches do you think will be effective?

inputs

why psychosocial counseling and trauma relief?

The following is a discussion of the aims of psychosocial counseling and trauma relief work

as enumerated in Module Twelve. Central to the discussions are examples of the programs

undertaken by the CSOs that participated in the UP-CIDS-PST study Documentation on Peace

Building Efforts by Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in the Philippines to Address the

Psychosocial Consequences of Armed Conflict and Violence.



Effect an improvement in the psychological well being and over-all medical health

of the affected community. While some adjustment difficulties have been observed

among the members of the affected community at the time of their forced exodus, this

may not necessarily indicate trauma or any medical illness.

• Balik Kalipay: With its in-house doctors and medical team and in coordination

with its partners, the organization has served 10 evacuation centers in Maguindanao

and Cotabato.

• Integrated Rehabilitation Program of the Balay Rehabilitation Center: The or-

ganization provides direct services such as psychosocial first aid, social casework,

psychosocial processing, counseling and therapy, medical support, relief assistance,

and legal aid.

Help the community come to terms with the interrelated experience of loss, separa-

tion, and exploitation, and their feelings of uncertainty and increased vulnerability.

This means enabling a transformation through healing towards a realization that they

are survivors and not victims and that they can be actors towards change. Such activities

will help them process the effects of armed conflict and violence. The provision of

psychosocial intervention activities, in the form of counseling and debriefing, and play

or art therapy, provides a continuum for healing and rehabilitation. The main objective

of Balik Kalipay’s project in Pikit, for example, is to continue to facilitate the psychosocial

recovery process of primary school and daycare age children, and their families from

the experience of war.

Prepare and empower the community to become responsive and active partners

towards change. Empowering survivors, activities such as trainings are a means to build

their capacity in conflict resolutions skills and in a community-based psychosocial ser-

vice system. Part of any psychosocial rehabilitation program is the training of partners

to enhance skills and coping capabilities, encouraging them to develop cooperation and

solidarity. Psychosocial rehabilitation programs have come to include components cov-

ering livelihood support and assistance, coping skills management, and youth and

children’s development.

• Nagdilaab Foundation: The organization assisted some 160 families and women

in areas that experienced deprivations by the ASG, and these include Barangays

Golden Harvest and Materling in Lantawan, Balobo in Lamitan, and the town of

Tumahubong in Sumisip. Aside from relief services, trauma healing sessions and

other psychosocial services in these areas, the NGO conducted training on com-

munity organizing and capability building. Another project is the Recycling War



Trash for Peace (RWTP) Project of the Nagdilaab Foundation and the Ateneo Re-

search Center of the Ateneo de Zamboanga University.

• Integrated Rehabilitation Program of the Balay Rehabilitation Center: Under

the Youth and Children’s Development component of this project, Balay worked

towards leadership and peace advocate formation through peace camps, skills

training, peer counselor seminars, parent-child encounters, workshops on children’s

rights, and support for youth organizations. Under the Coping Skills Development

component, the Integrated Rehabilitation Program conducts workshops on trau-

matic stress management, critical incident stress debriefing, and peace dialogues.

The Livelihood Support and Assistance component meanwhile works towards the

capability enhancement of stakeholders to set up therapeutic and sustainable in-

come-generating projects, support to livelihood projects and establishment of co-

operatives.

deepening

recycling war trash for peace (RWTP)—

nagdilaab foundation92

Study the following description of the Recycling War Trash for Peace (RWTP) of the Nagdilaab

Foundation.

Background: The concept of the Recycling War Trash for Peace (RWTP), a project of the

Nagdilaab Foundation and the Ateneo Research Center of the Ateneo de Zamboanga University,

is a holistic project towards the attainment of the culture of peace. Under this project, Muslim

and Christian out of school youths (OSYs) shall undergo training in creative arts to transform war

remnants such as empty ammunition shells into materials of peace. With the communities that

have experienced armed conflict as the indirect beneficiaries, the RWTP followed social prepara-

tion to orient the communities about the project and to solicit participation in community

healing rituals for the collection of war remnants. What makes the project innovative is its premise

that healing is one of its key objectives rather than on income generation, which is the emphasis

peculiar to most livelihood programs. While the Nagdilaab Foundation has yet to conduct a

psychosocial and economic impact assessment of the RWTP, the proponent shared optimism

about the success of the project. At the time of the visit of the UP-CIDS-PST team in Isabela, the

project was only in its training-implementation phase. According to Nagdilaab Foundation Coor-

dinator Esperancita Hupida, one of the other innovative features of the project is that it can be

easily replicated in other areas like Jolo and Cotabato.



Objectives:

1) To provide healing and training of OSYs in enhancing their skills in creative arts, empha-

sizing that production and marketing are not the sole purposes of the project;

2) To explore and translate into concrete works the creativeness and potentials of OSYs in

contrast to the well established “recipe” of projects such as handicrafts and basket-

making;

3) To integrate peace building values such as self-respect among the OSYs in relation to

their co-participants and the outside community, placing stress on understanding, trust

and cooperation in all endeavors relative to the promotion of a culture of peace.

Components: The project has four components: 1) healing, 2) recycling, 3) productivity, and

4) human resource capability.

Since the participating OSYs are mostly victims of violence, RWTP can provide a more

constructive venue for healing through the application of creative arts. Using an ap-

proach that is different from that employed in conventional Orientation Towards Peace

(OTP) training, the RWTP’s approach is to re-channel their time and energy towards

attaining a positive outlook on life. Families are encouraged to participate in community

healing through rituals for the collection of remnants of war undertaken in the selected

and organized communities.

The RWTP works on the notion of recycling the more visible remnants of armed con-

flict, such as metal scraps left by the combatants, bullet shells and mortar capsules, into

functional and decorative products. Five areas in Basilan, namely barangays Kapatagan,

Tabuk, Tabiawan in Isabela City, and Lantawan Poblacion and Tairan in Lantawan, have

been initially identified as sources for these war remnants, which are to be transformed

into products that are indicative of the desire for peace by their makers and by the

people of Basilan in general.

The RWTP provides a venue for OSYs to put their idle time into more productive use,

with the profits gained to benefit the OSYs, their families and their respective communities.

The human resource capability component entails that, through the entirety of the

project, the OSYs are expected to have developed and enhanced their capabilities for

daily living, in particular, to meet at least their own needs and those of their dependents.

Discussion Point:

What do you think of the Recycling War Trash for Peace (RWTP) of the Nagdilaab

Foundation?



module twelve

muling pagsasaayos ng nasirang pagsasama

(rebuilding lost links)

Focal Topic: Reconciliation and Rebuilding Social Relationships

Time: 50 min

Objective: To identify goals, strategies and influencing factors of reconciliation and re-

building social relationships

Materials: 4 pcs - Written story (including the facilitator’s)

3 pcs - Pens

6 pcs - Bond papers

3 pcs - Cartolina

3 pcs - Markers

Mechanics:

1) Participants divide into 3 teams.

2) The facilitator distributes an exercise kit to each team. The kit contains a paper with a

written story, a pen, a few sheets of bond paper, cartolina and a marker.

3) All teams receive the same scenario:

Suggested Story: “Bohelebung, Basilan, Y2K” in Module Seven.

4) Participants carefully read the story, analyze it and begin sharing ideas on how to recon-

cile the parties in conflict. The scenario doesn’t have an ending and so the approaches

on how to reconcile the parties should serve as the story’s resolution.

5) Based on their resolution, participants use the letters of the word RECONCILIATION

written big and vertically in the middle of a cartolina as an acrostics game, i.e., they think

of solutions to reconciliation in terms of words or phrases that bear a letter in the word

reconciliation. The letter can be the first in the word or the last or in the middle.

6) The acrostics charts are posted on the board while story endings are shared in the circle.


Guide Questions

What are the givens in the scenario?

What can be a good possible ending that will bridge the gap in the relationships and why?

When you hear the term “reconciliation” what immediately comes to your mind?

What are the objectives, strategies, facilitating and debilitating factors that must be

considered to effect a genuine reconciliation?



inputs

why reconciliation and rebuilding social relationships?

The following is a discussion of the aims of efforts towards reconciliation and rebuilding

social relationships. Central to the discussions are examples of the programs undertaken by the

CSOs that participated in the UP-CIDS-PST study Documentation on Peace Building Efforts by

Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in the Philippines to Address the Psychosocial Conse-

quences of Armed Conflict and Violence.

Address the lack of confidence, mistrust and hatred for other ethno-linguistic groups,

and the destruction of social relationships, which are the results of armed conflict

and violence. The first step in the process of reconciliation is raising a collective and

individual consciousness of the existence of biases and prejudices that hinder peace-

building efforts and these could be addressed through the provision of psychosocial

rehabilitation work. These activities would have prepared and empowered the commu-

nity to become responsive and active partners towards change.

• Summer Institute for Peace and Development (SIPDM) of the SCC, the GENPEACE

Project of NDFCAI-WED, and the Twinning of Schools Project of Balay: All these

projects are geared towards an increase of awareness, understanding, and appre-

ciation of the cultures and beliefs of the various communities in Mindanao, and the

promotion of cultural diversity, which are necessary for a pluralistic community to

live harmoniously and in peaceful coexistence. For example, the core theme and

message of the GENPEACE Project stresses the need of living and working together

peacefully, on shared goals and seeking non-violent solutions to the conflict.

Bridge and rebuild social relationships affected by armed conflict. The various pro-

grams on reconciliation and rebuilding social relationships provide continuity to the

process of healing, empowerment and change.

• Southern Christian College-Center for Media and Arts of the Community Edu-

cation, Research, and Extension Administration (SCC-CEREA-CMA): The center

explores all avenues to reach a greater number of people. Part of the tri-media

advocacy programs of the SCC-CEREA-CMA are the Kapihan sa Kalinaw (Coffee

for Peace), a weekly community and issue-oriented show aired over local cable

television, and the Paaralang Pangkapayapaan (Schools for Peace), a radio advo-

cacy program aired over a local radio station covering five provinces. Both pro-

grams discuss current and relevant issues and concerns on peace and development.

The Kapihan sa Kalinaw and the Paaralang Pangkapayapaan serve as venues to

air peoples’ vision and dreams, aspirations and hopes for their future and as means



of advocacy work with government organizations in advancing public policies.

Through these two channels, the SCC conducted peace campaigns to foster among

its listeners, a deeper understanding of social issues and respect towards different

religious beliefs.

module thirteen

muling pagbalik sa pamayanan

(returning to the community)

Focal Topic: Demobilization and Reintegration of Former Combatants

Time: 60 min

Objective: To identify goals, strategies and influencing factors of demobilization and rein-

tegration of former combatants

Materials: 3-5 boxes – Clay

15 pcs - Popsicle sticks

10 pcs – Cartolina

5 pcs – Markers

5 pcs – Pencils

5 boxes - Craypas.

Other available objects around

Mechanics:

1) Participants form 3-5 teams.

2) Each team is equipped with a set of clay, popsicle sticks, cartolina, markers and craypas.

3) The facilitator instructs the teams to create 2 sets of sculptures mounted on 2 pictures.

4) The first set is all about weapons and ammunitions used in armed conflict. Here,

participants use the materials to fashion half of the clay into killing instruments. The

team should come up with at least 5 pieces.

5) When done, the sculptures are scattered on a cartolina.

6) Participants draw people holding the weapons, thus creating a mixed-media 3-dimen-

sional drawing-cum-installation art, representing the combatants.

7) Then using the other half of the clay, teams create a new set of sculptures that symbol-

izes means to demobilize and reintegrate former combatants. Teams can make sepa-

rate sculptures for adults and for children.

8) Finished sculptures are likewise scattered on the second cartolina and similarly, draw-



ings of people holding them are added, creating a totally different picture.

9) Each team presents their masterpieces in the plenary.


Guide Questions

What different weapons can you identify?

How are these used by people in combat?

What can be possible ways of demobilizing and reintegrating former combatants?

If you are to create sculptures to represent the opposite of the symbolism of guns, what

images will you create?

How do you think people will relate with these images/sculptures?

inputs

why demobilization and reintegration of former combatants?

The following is a discussion of the aims of efforts towards the demobilization and reintegra-

tion of former combatants. Central to the discussions are examples of the programs undertaken

by the CSOs that participated in the UP-CIDS-PST study Documentation on Peace Building

Efforts by Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in the Philippines to Address the Psychosocial

Consequences of Armed Conflict and Violence.

Aid re-entry to the family and community. These programs include the provision of

educational and livelihood assistance not only for ex-combatants but victims of armed

conflicts in general.

• Nagdilaab Foundation, Balay Rehabilitation Center and CCF-Basilan: While

these three organizations have no specific or special programs for the demobiliza-

tion and reintegration of former combatants, their respective programs on the

provision of educational assistance have also been extended to ex-members of

armed groups. These organizations also help facilitate, assist, and coordinate the

reintegration and rehabilitation of former combatants in cooperation with the

Provincial and Municipal Social Worker Development Officers. Balay’s psychosocial

development response also extends to former combatants.

• Peace Literacy Program of the NDFCAI-WED: Participants of the program also

included active members of the MILF. The NDFCAI-WED notes that pockets within

the MILF ranks had invited them to conduct literacy programs and even shared

their facilities, madrasahs, houses, and selected venues such as under the canopy of

trees for the classes. The objectives of these classes are to help them read and write,



and to help them make decisions for their own lives and families. The NDFCAI-

WED also extended its Credit Assistance Program in the reintegration and rehabili-

tation work. With the applicant’s entrepreneurial potential as one of the criteria, the

financial assistance program is designed to provide seed capital for graduates of the

Functional Literacy, Adult Education, Entrepreneurship and Skills Training Pro-

grams to put up home-based businesses. Technical assistance is also provided by

the NDFCAI-WED in the marketing, design, and packaging of the products, with the

WED Crafts Center in Cotabato City as the display center.


learning modules

chapter five: towards convergence

module fourteen

isa, dalawa, tatlo

(one, two, three)

Focal Topic: Working Together

Time: 20 min

Objective: To understand and appreciate the value of non-duplication

and complementation

Mechanics:

1. Participants sit in a circle.

2. The facilitator instructs them that the game simply involves counting 1, 2, 3, until every-

one is accounted for.

3. The trick is, at any given point, anyone but one can start and continue counting. When-

ever two or more people simultaneously say a number, the counting should start all over

again. The game does not end not until everyone is accounted for—i.e., everyone had

his/her own number.

4. Discussion follows with the facilitator relating the exercise to working together of dif-

ferent institutions.

Guide Questions

What do you think/feel about your experience of the game?

What can we learn from it in relation to working together?

Why is it important for different groups to complement and avoid duplication of work

and turfing?



input

inter-agency cooperation–coordination–convergence

Inter-agency cooperation can be an effective strategy to:

Maximize limited and precious resources.

Make the staff more effective through the active involvement of stakeholders.

Increase the capacity of the staff in managing and coordinating relief efforts and opera-

tions and their preparedness for any complex emergencies, particularly displacements.

Reinforce relationships with local partners

Coordination is meanwhile defined as “something going about a project with the assistance

of a partner organization who shares the same task.” 93

Inter-agency cooperation and coordination play a great role in the interface of PRW and

peace building. The facilitating and coordinating roles played by CSOs like the Immaculate Con-

ception Parish in Pikit underscore the reality that any form of intervention program in times of

complex emergencies is about the following:

Fostering of peace

Empowerment of affected communities and individuals

Effecting needed changes for the elimination of the root causes of the conflict

As such, CSOs must always be in search of innovative ways to address the consequences of

violence or armed conflict, for windows and opportunities, and for new partners, principles and

practices in peace building.

deepening

Study the following article on the role played by the Immaculate Parish Church in Pikit in

coordinating and complementing relief efforts during the outbreak of hostilities between govern-

ment troops and MILF forces in Central Mindanao (see pages 61-62).

Discussion Point:

What do you think of the efforts undertaken by the Immaculate Conception Parish?

part three:preparing for the journey—raising sails

161

introduction

in her father’s footsteps94

From her home in Kanimbungan, a little girl named Rajam walked to school daily barefoot, keepingher precious rubber slippers in her bag with her pencil and notebook. Many of her classmates, the sonsand daughters of laborers at the Tairan Plantation, laughed at how she gingerly cared for her slippers,which she wore only when she reached school. Nonetheless, seven-year old Rajam did not mind theteasing. Her parents, who lived off the land by cultivating and selling coconuts, sugar cane, pineapple,abaca and bananas, could not afford to buy her slippers every time she lost or wore them out. Herprotective and conservative father, Mutamad Saladjin, a Tausug-Yakan, nonetheless was a popularfigure in their area and a member of the Ansar El Islam, one of the numerous Moslem organizationsthat mushroomed in Mindanao during the post-World War II period. Despite his popularity, Rajam’sfather remained eternally humble, always stressing to his children the importance of understandingthose who cannot. He left a lasting impression on her eldest daughter Rajam Mutamad, with whomI caught up at her spacious and comfortable two-story residence in Mabarakat Village in Isabela.

Born in peaceful 1949 Basilan, Rajam remembers growing up guided by her father’s wisdom. “Myfather always told me about the importance of respect,” said Rajam. “And the lack of respect towardsthe Moslems by the Marcos government was the reason why he joined the MNLF.” Governmentsoldiers had burned down the mosque that he had built in the Puno Mohadje area. Rajam, who wasthen a sophomore nursing student in Manila, returned home to find her beloved Basilan on the brinkof war. Early in 1972, a soldier tipped the venerable Mutamad Saladjin that he was going to bearrested by the military. With his family, he immediately took refuge in the jungles of Kanimbungan,which provided them and his 5,000 people under his wing, protection from the soldiers, who wereunfamiliar with the almost impenetrable territory. After five months in the forest, Rajam, the daughterof one of the most wanted rebel leaders in Basilan, became restless. She wanted peace. She wantedher father to surrender to the government. With the blessings of her mother but unknown to herfather, she boldly decided to go to Manila to negotiate for a cease-fire with the government, alone.She was leaving behind her first-born son Omar, and her beloved father.

From Kanimbungan, she hiked all the way to Tairan, where she boarded one of the company copratrucks filled to the sides with Christian and Moslem families fleeing the fighting. Every time there wasa checkpoint, 23-year old Rajam only closed her eyes, just waiting for the military to discover heridentity —the daughter of Commander Mutamad. Hanging for her dear life at the side of the truck,



she finally made it to Isabela and proceeded to her uncles at the Log Pond district who refused to takeher in. After wandering aimlessly around the town, she spent the night at the harbor in one of thewaiting boats, among the Badjao. From there, she made it across the strait to Zamboanga City, whichwas crawling with military soldiers and spies. She knew that she could not stay long in the city withoutbeing discovered. There was no other ship bound for Manila except a cargo ship, the M/V Davao. Afternine days since she left home, Rajam finally made it to Manila.

The undisputed and legendary bravery of the Tausug heroine Putli’ Isara surfaced in Rajam, whodirectly went to Camp Crame, which she penetrated on a concocted safe conduct pass allegedly issuedby a certain Col. Bankula. “Inaamin ko, anak ako ng rebelde.” (I admit it, I am the daughter of a rebel.)Rajam recalled the day she faced one Col. Arevalo in Camp Aguinaldo, the nerve center of the Philippinemilitary. Placing her love for peace and for her father above herself, Rajam faced the powers of themilitary alone and she bared to the colonel her plans to call for her father to surrender to the govern-ment. “Pwede ko syang ma-convince na sumurender.” (I can convince him to surrender.), she remem-bered saying with complete confidence to Colonel Arevalo who was struck with her boldness. Her onlydemand was a safe conduct pass to return to Basilan. After a week, she returned to Zamboanga City.There, Rajam, still under the watchful eyes of the military, met with SouthCom officials to negotiate fora cease-fire and her father’s surrender.

Sometime around the end of October or the start of November 1972, Rajam, her husband and a fewcompanions, on board a military launch, landed in Kalayan, from where she hiked to Kanimbungan. Hercondition to the military was to return three days after in the same place at high noon. She said that ifthey failed to return by then, the negotiations would not push through. After a couple of hours of hiking,they arrived in Kanimbungan, which was deserted, save for Mutamad’s youngest brother, Hajji IsmaelSaladjin. Rajam and her uncle started hiking in for 12 hours across the dark inhospitable forest. At 3:00AM, they arrived in Mutamad’s camp in Galayan, near the Mahayahay area. People were afraid ofRajam, whom they greatly suspected as a government spy. At noon the following day, she came faceto face with her father, whom she had not seen since she had left without his knowledge for Manila.The night had fallen, and in a location near a cave with a spring, the rebel leader and his eldest daughterbecame locked in discussion.

Two days later, at the agreed time, Rajam appeared from the brush in Kalayan. She returned toZamboanga City to meet with Commodore Romulo Espaldon, the overall commander of governmentforces in Mindanao and asked for a cease-fire. Espaldon, who grew up among Moslems in Simunul andhad fought alongside them during World War II, praised Rajam for her persistent efforts to have acease-fire agreement between the government and her father’s fighters in Kanimbungan and Galayan.Rajam returned to Manila, bearing her father’s demands and after 15 days, the government approvedthe proposed cease-fire. Negotiations for surrender lasted for seven months and in 1973, MutamadSaladjin and his associates were brought to SouthCom, where Comm. Espaldon cordially met andsaluted them. They soon traveled to Manila and the rest, Rajam says, is history.

With a twinkle in her eye, Rajam recalled an extra-ordinary incident that showed her father’s heartfull of respect and mercy towards non-combatants in the midst of a war. Mutamad, a true follower of


C H A P T E R S I X | 163

chapter six: going to journey

Islam, intervened on the behalf of a Christian couple caught by a fellow commander, whose men wereeager to fire bullets at their hostages. Gagged and tied to a post, they were ready to be executed forcrimes they did not know. Mutamad convinced the itchy trigger fingers to let the poor Christians go. Heeven had some of his men escort the couple to safety, leaving them not far from an army outpost. A fewyears later, on his way down from a motor launch at the pier, Mayor Mutamad noticed a group ofstrangers waving and cheering at him. They embraced and carried him on their shoulders, shouting howa good and merciful man he was. A man and a woman approached him. “Do you not remember us?”they asked the old man. Surprised by the sudden outpouring of love, he failed to recognize the couple.“We were the ones you saved from death… My relatives and I have come here to thank you and showyou our support.”

“Bang magtanem kew kahapan, inaninun kew kahapan isab,” (If you sow goodness, you will reapthe same), Rajam recalled what her father often told her during a more peaceful and happier time inKanimbungan. It was a rule that Mutamad Saladjin lived by and Rajam, his eldest daughter, was simplyfollowing his footsteps.

In Part Two, we have learned the responses made by civil society in addressing the conse-

quences of armed conflict and violence. Part Three is where we start to prepare for our own

journeys to peace. Take some time to look back from where we started and see how much we

have traveled.

164

module fiftteen

mga bituin ng kapayapaan

(stars of peace)

Focal Topic: Action-Planning

Time: 90 min

Objective: To identify courses of action, objectives, strategies, facilitating and hindering

factors in addressing peace issues

Materials: 6 pcs - Cardboard

6 pairs – Scissor

At least 50 pcs – Assorted colored papers


3 balls – Strings/yarns

6 pcs - Markers

6 boxes - Craypas

Mechanics:

1) Participants form 6 groups each focusing on particular theme: post-war physical and

social construction; psychosocial counseling and trauma relief; reconciliation and re-

building social relationships; fact-finding, mercy and cease-fire monitoring missions;

demobilization and reintegration of former combatants; and pre-conflict prevention

measures.

2) Focusing on how to better conduct and implement programs and activities on a par-

ticular theme, participants identify specific objectives that should guide the course of

action.

chapter six: going to journey



3) Then participants share ideas on how to achieve these objectives by identifying strategies.

4) Using force field analysis, the team identifies enabling and disabling factors that can

contribute and hinder respectively the course of action.

5) The team creates a visual report.

6) Each team is given a set of art materials which includes but not limited to cardboard,

colored papers, cartolina, glue, markers, craypas, scissors and strings.

7) The task of each team is to create a spiral mobile by drawing and cutting the lines of a

spiral using cardboard and scissors, and attaching stars on different edges using the

strings. The mobile can be further decorated using other materials. A peace symbol is

attached at the top of the mobile.

8) Objectives are written on the stars. Attached to the stars are the strategies written on

cut-out papers in the shape of a hand. Enabling or facilitating factors are written on

flower-or-dove-like cut-outs while disabling or hindering factors in guns-and-bombs-

shaped cut-outs.

9) Mobiles are hang from the ceiling.

10) Each team reports.


Guide Questions

What courses of action should be taken to achieve peace?

What objectives should be targeted?

What strategies should be devised to achieve these objectives?

What are the facilitating factors in peace building?

What are the hindering factors?

See pages 42-46 for a discussion of strategies and facilitating and hindering factors in psycho-

social rehabilitation work.

module sixteen

pagbabago

(change)

Focal Topic: Assessment of change in policy, ground-level situation and mindset of primary

stakeholders



Time: 60 min

Objective: To assess the change in policy issue, ground-level situation, and in perception,

attitude and behavior of primary stakeholders

Materials: 1 pc - Life-size drawing of the human body

1 roll - Masking tape or double tape

At least 40 pcs - Round meta cards

At least 40 pcs – Triangular meta cards

10 pcs - Markers

Mechanics:

1) As a way of introducing the topic, the participants play an observation game.

2) Participants form pairs and identify who is A and B.

3) As carefully observe their partners.

4) Then the facilitator instructs As to turn their back while Bs make three changes in their

body—e.g., removing a watch, folding the sleeves of shirt, putting the wallet in a differ-

ent pocket.

5) When the facilitator says “Face your partners,” As look at their partners and identify the

three changes done.

6) Then it is As’ turn to make the changes and Bs’ to guess.

7) Discussion about changes and observation ensues.

8) Then facilitator segues to introduce the main topic of the activity which is assessing

changes in the policy, ground-level condition and mindset of stakeholders.

9) Participants divide into three teams, each team focusing on a particular area of assessment.

10) In order to assess changes, teams must be able to identify the before and after conflict

state, and find out if there is any difference.

11) The “before” conditions are re-established based on an earlier game (A Cartogram, 2

Pictures and A News) while the “after” conditions are written on round meta cards.

Changes in the before-&-after conditions are written on triangular meta cards.

12) Posted on the board are the output of A Cartogram, 2 Pictures and A News are posted

on the left-hand side of the board and a drawing outlining the human body marked

AFTER on the right-hand side with a meta card marked THE CHANGE in the middle.

13) The first group is called to share their report. While reporting meta cards are posted on

specific areas of the respective drawing: policy after-condition are posted on the hands,

ground-level after-conditions on the feet, and after-conditions in attitude/perception/

behavior in the brain and in the heart. Change meta cards are posted in marked column.

14) Then the next group reports, so on, so forth.




Guide Questions

What was the situation before?

What is the situation now?

What changes did we observe?

What prompted the change?

What is the role of the stakeholders in these changes?

How do these changes affect the lives of the community? The conflicting parties? The

civilian population? Third parties?

lessons learned

Several lessons can be drawn from the experiences of CSOs to address the psychosocial

consequences of violence and armed conflict. The various responses undertaken by these orga-

nizations show a wealth of good practices that could be applied in providing psychosocial help in

communities that have been ravaged by war and experienced periods of armed conflict. The

following are eight themes identified by the UP-CIDS-PST on the lessons learned by CSOs doing

psychosocial help in the Philippines:

1) Individuals, institutions and members of the community need to be dynamic and

creative to address the psychosocial consequences of armed conflict and violence at

the personal and collective levels. The experiences of CSOs oriented towards psychoso-

cial help in the Philippines point out to the importance of building the capacities of

individuals, institutions, and communities as a valuable step in addressing the psy-

chosocial consequences of violence and armed conflict. These include conflict manage-

ment skills.

2) In conducting psychosocial help, organizations stressed the importance of maintain-

ing credibility in the eyes of the people they wish to serve—paying attention not to be

closely identified with a political entity or particular religious group. It was revealed

during the FGDs in Cotabato and Basilan, that some NGOs were closely identified with

certain politicians that a change in administration made it difficult for them to operate

in areas controlled by the rivals of the politicians so with whom they had been identified.

3) In conducting psychosocial help, organizations stressed the importance of involving

the community, exploring all possible strategies in addressing the issues and concerns.

Programs and staff note the importance of paying attention to local nuances, and being

careful to become sensitive to culture, beliefs, and traditions of the community.

4) There is the need to be careful not to encourage a dole-out mentality among the



stakeholders. By allowing them an active role in the planning, implementation of the

projects, they are given a sense of ownership. It is important to be non-selective in the

provision of psychosocial services and transparent in dealings and provision of services,

monitoring and evaluation.

5) Networking, linkages and partnerships with LGUs, traditional and key leaders of the

community are important. Organizations and workers need to observe a code of con-

duct to ensure continued good relations with the community, such as observing prin-

ciples of confidentiality, being gender- and culture-sensitive and other simple practices

such as wearing appropriate attire when visiting Muslim areas.

6) Programs have to be dynamic and creative to be able to address the needs of the

community and there should be constant evaluation and monitoring on the part of

the staff to determine the successes or failures/weaknesses or strengths of a given

program. Integrative community-based approaches have been described as more

successful.

7) There is a need to create (or review and reinforce existing) laws, policies, ordinances,

and resolutions on the provision of psychosocial care for people that have experi-

enced armed conflict. However, careful emphasis must be placed in identifying local

healing ways and practices. There is also the need to care for the caregivers, to ensure

their safety and well-being.

8) There is the need to establish programs to address the consequences of violence in

areas such as Mindoro Occidental, and the need to push civil society groups to take a

more active role in this regard. Much more training needs to be done, stressing the

important role of the LGUs in the provision of these trainings, which need to be culture-

sensitive.

module seventeen

pagwawakas at panimula

(ending and beginning)

Focal Topic: Closing Ritual

Time: 30 min

Objective: To end the session with a ritual of hope for peace and solidarity in action

Materials: Papers of the bowling ball (from an earlier game)

Walis tingting



At least 30 pcs - Strings of assorted colors (1-1/2’ long)

30 pcs - Small colored papers (for origami)

Lyrics of song

Minus-one music

Candles, Lighter/match

Mechanics:

1) The pieces of paper used for Module Ten are scattered on the floor.

2) Participants are given each a tingting (small stem in coconut leaves) to use in sweeping

the papers.

3) Facilitator evokes reaction from the participants if the mission is possible or not. S/he

asks them what to do to simplify the task.

4) Participants collect the tingtings and a volunteer holds them together.

5) Volunteer uses the collected tingtings to sweep the papers off the floor.

6) Then while in a circle, participants are given strings/yarns of at least 2 different colors

(about 1-1/2 feet long).

7) Altogether, they connect the strings on both ends forming a huge circle of strings while

saying: “I connect my efforts to your efforts. We work hand in hand. Together we will be

able to build a lasting peace.”

8) Then the circle of strings will be used to tie together the tingtings.

9) The walis tingting (broom-sticks) is turned upside down to let it stand.

10) Then participants are given each a small piece of colored paper and pen to write down

their intentions for peace. It can be a short prayer, a dream, a wish, short message of

hope, etc.

11) Participants are guided to create a bird origami out of the paper.

12) One-by-one, participants put the bird-shaped papers on the tips of the walis tingting

while expressing their intentions.

13) The ritual concludes with everybody holding hands together while singing “Let There Be

Peace.” It would better if there was a minus-one music to accompany the singing, and

lighting of a few candles.

171

endnotes

1. Taken from the results of the FGD “Documentation of Civil Society Experiences in Peace-Building”

at the SCC Global House in Midsayap, Cotabato from June 8 to 9, 2004, attended by representatives

from the Balay Mindanao Office, Balik Kalipay, the NDFCAI-WED and the SCC-CEREA-IPDS.

2. A truth commission is a body established to investigate human rights violations (HRVs) committed

by military, government, or other armed forces under the previous regime or during a civil war.

Former President Aquino gave broad powers to the Presidential Committee on Human Rights to

investigate HRVs attributed to the military during the authoritarian rule of her predecessor Marcos.

However, the committee never issued a final report.

3. Philippine Headline News Online, “Mindoro NPA Threat Growing – Army”, Nov. 3, 2001, http.//

www.newsflash.org/2001/11/htframe.htm

4. Philippine Headline News Online, “Oriental Mindoro Offered as Balikatan Site”, March 7, 2003,

http://www.newsflash.org/2003/03/htframe.htm

5. Interview conducted by Agnes Camacho and Marco Puzon with a worker for a church-based group

in San Jose, Mindoro Occidental on June 30, 2004, identity concealed for security reasons.

6. An account of the state of life in the evacuation centers in Pikit poblacion in 2000 given to Marco

Puzon by Josephine Mamites, Balik Kalipay volunteer and social worker, during a tour around the

town center on the morning of June 10, 2004.

7. Interviews conducted by Agnes Camacho with Basilan Provincial Social Worker and Development

Officer (PSWDO) Eduardo Baird for the on-going Children Caught in Conflicts Project of the UP-

CIDS-PST on June 3, 2003 in Isabela City and with a barangay official from Lantawan in May of the

same year.

8. Interview conducted by Marco Puzon with a barangay official in Atong-Atong, Lantawan in Sep-

tember 2000 for an unfinished manuscript, a travelogue around Basilan.

9. Church Partners’ Profile, Tabang Mindanaw, http://home.mindgate.net/tabangmindanaw/

about_us.html

10. History, Balay Rehabilitation Center website, www.balayph.org

11. Interviews conducted by Marco Puzon with former Balay Executive Director Flora Arellano of the

Polytechnic University of the Philippines Human Rights Center in Manila on August 31, 2004.

12. Interview conducted by Marco Puzon with Esperancita Hupida, Coordinator of the Nagdilaab Foun-


172 | E N D N O T E S

dation, in Isabela City, Basilan, on June 2, 2004.

13. See Addendum: Profiles on Displacement, Philippines in the Specific Groups and Individuals, Mass

Exoduses and Internal Displacement, Report of the Representative of the Secretary-General on

internally displaced persons, Mr. Francis M. Deng, submitted pursuant to Commission on Human

Rights esolution 2002/56 at http://www.hri.ca/fortherecord2003/documentation/commission/e-

cn4-2003-86-add4.htm



from the Balay Mindanao Office, headed by its Regional Coordinator, Maricar Edmilao.



16. Based on a profile prepared by Josephine Mamites of Balik Kalipay.

17. The MOA in the Handling and Treatment of Children Involved in Armed Conflict was signed in

2000 by then Vice-President and DSWD Secretary Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and the heads of vari-

ous government agencies and offices, including the AFP, the Philippine National Police, Depart-

ment of National Defense, Department of Health, Department of the Interior and Local Government

and the Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process (OPAPP).

18. Mga Inisyal na Pagkakasundo Patungkol sa Usaping Pangkapayapaan at Pantaong Kaseguruhan, a

document detailing the consultative meeting between the representatives of the Mangyan tribes,

AFP and local government held at San Isidro Formation Center, San Jose, Mindoro Occidental on

September 6, 2003.

19. Interview conducted by Marco Puzon with Fr. Bert Layson, at the Pikit Parish Church in Pikit on June

10, 2004.



from the Balay Mindanao Office, Balik Kalipay, the NDFCAI-WED and the SCC-CEREA-IPDS.

21. Interview conducted by Marco Puzon with Balay Executive Director Lorena dela Cruz at the Balay

Head Office in Quezon City on August 30, 2004.

22. The Tau-buid community is divided between the naka-damit or those who have already taken to

wearing modern clothing and have converted into Christianity, and the di naka-damit or those who

choose to shun all influences from the outside world and still wear traditional clothing made of tree-

bark. Mr. Lumawig says that close to 80 percent of the Tau-buid in his area are still of the latter

variety. Visits to the villages of the di naka-damit Tau-buid Mangyan are allowed only in designated

areas.

23. Mga Inisyal na Pagkakasundo Patungkol sa Usaping Pangkapayapaan at Pantaong Kaseguruhan, a

document detailing the consultative meeting between the representatives of the Mangyan tribes,


E N D N O T E S | 173

AFP and local government held at San Isidro Formation Center, San Jose, Mindoro Occidental on

September 6, 2003.

24. Interview conducted by Agnes Camacho and Marco Puzon with PASAKAMI Chairman Juanito

Lumawig regarding Tau-buid life-ways and practices on June 30, 2004 in San Jose, Mindoro Occi-

dental.

25. Taken from an unpublished manuscript by Marco P. Puzon on the life of the people of Basilan in

2000. The short article is an account of the reaction of the people in Sitio Magpantay in Bohe Tambis,

Tuburan, Basilan on the news of the eruption of a war in Jolo on September 16, 2000.

26. UP-CIDS-PST, Teaching Peace, Human Rights and Conflict Resolution, Teaching Manual, UP-CIDS-

PST/British Embassy-Manila, 2003, p. 81.

27. Ibid, p. 81.

28. Ibid, p. 27.

29. Taken from the Psychosocial Network Pre-test Documentation, Takepan, Pikit, Cotabato, Novem-

ber 14 to 20, 2004, UP-CIDS-PST/Regional Emergency Psychosocial Support Network (RESPN),

unpublished.

30. Filing Knowledge Gaps: a Research Agenda – The Impact of Armed Conflict on Children – The Flo-

rence Workshop, July 2 to 4, 2001, Florence, Italy, p. 21.

31. Ibid, p. 20.

32. Adapted from Basic Principles on page 20 of the “Filing Knowledge Gaps: a Research Agenda – The

Impact of Armed Conflict on Children – The Florence Workshop, July 2 to 4, 2001, Florence, Italy.

33. Filing Knowledge Gaps: a Research Agenda – The Impact of Armed Conflict on Children – The Flo-

rence Workshop, July 2 to 4, 2001, Florence, Italy, p. 21.

34. Aldaba, F.T, and Petilla, M.J.P. in “Overview of West Papua and Mindanao Situation” from the Round

Table on Inter-Faith Collaboration for Peace and Development by the Catholic Institute for Interna-

tional Relations (CIIR), Aldaba and Petilla, Eds., 2004, Philippines.

35. Beckett, J., Political Families and Family Politics Among the Muslim Maguindanaon of Cotabato, in

An Anarchy of Families, State and Family in the Philippines, Edited by McCoy, A.W., Ateneo de

Manila University Press, p. 293.

36. Loughry, M., and Ager, A (editors), The Refugee Experience – Psychosocial Training Module (Rev.

Ed.) Volume 1, Refugees Studies Center (2001), pp. 32-33.

37. Ibid, p. 32.

38. “Demilitarize All National Minority Communities!” Bulatlat Vol. 3, No. 26, August 3-9, 2003.

39. “The Soldiers Ruined Our Lives – Reign of Terror in Three Towns in Mindoro Occidental” Bulatlat

Vol. 4, No.1, February 1-7, 2004.

40. Werning, R., Children in Situations of Armed Conflict, Reflections on a burning issue.

41. Interview conducted by Agnes Camacho and Marco Puzon with PASAKAMI Chairman Juanito


174 | E N D N O T E S

Lumawig regarding Tau-buid Mangyan life-ways and practices on June 30, 2004 in San Jose, Mindoro

Occidental.

42. Lifted from the narrative report, an interview with Sonia, a 16-year old child soldier, which is part of

the UP-CIDS-PST’s “Children Involved in Armed Conflict in East Asia and the Pacific: Case Studies

Project”.

43. Updates on the Mindanao Displacement due to the January 2003 Armed Conflict between the GRP

and MILF, As of October 2003 www.balayph.org/


Ed.) Volume 1, Refugees Studies Center (2001), p. 76.

45. Ibid, p. 111

46. Zaide, G.F., Pagsanjan, In History and Legend, in www.pagsanjan.org/hometown/

historychap7.html

47. Based from a pakikipagkuwento between Marco Puzon with Dr. Felipe de Leon on February 16,

2005.

48. The CVO as defined in the Combined Second and Third Report of the Government of the Republic

of the Philippines to the United Nations Human Rights Council.

49. “Armed or Not, They are Children – A Primer on the Use of Children as Soldiers in the Philippines,”

Philippine Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers (PCSUCS)/ Canadian International Develop-

ment Agency (CIDA) 2004, p. 4

50. Ibid, p. 6

51. “Armed or Not, They are Children – A Primer on the Use of Children as Soldiers in the Philippines,”

Philippine Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers (PCSUCS)/ Canadian International Develop-

ment Agency (CIDA) 2004, p. 9

52. Environment and Social Development Unit, World Bank East Asia and Pacific Region, Social As-

sessment of Conflict-Affected Areas in Mindanao, Philippines Post Conflict Series #1, p. 19.

53. May, R.J., The Wild West in the South: A Recent Political History of Mindanao in Mindanao: Land of

Unfulfilled Promise, New Day Publishers, Quezon City (1992), p. 142.



55. Philippine Center on Transnational Crime (PCTC) Paper on Drug Trafficking, http://

www.pctc.gov.ph/edocs/papers/Drug%20Trafficking.htm

56. Gutierrez, E., The Unfinished Jihad, in Rebels, Warlords and Ulama, A Reader on Muslim Separatism

and War in the Southern Philippines, Institute for Popular Democracy, 2000, p. 289.

57. Ibid, p.289

58. Puzon, M., Crisis in the Southern Philippines – Displaced families, traumatized children and hatred:

The Price to Pay for Peace and Order? in the Regional Emergency Psychosocial Support Network


E N D N O T E S | 175

Quarterly Newsletter, Vol. 2, No. 1, (January-March 2003), p.1





61. From the proceedings of the “Enhancing Partnerships Towards Effective Strategies of DDRR” –

Second National Consultation Workshop on the Use of Child Soldiers in the Philippines, November

9 to 12, 2003, Lauremar Beach Hotel, Opol, Misamis Oriental, Philippine Coalition to Stop the Use

of Child Soldiers (PCSUCS), p. 84

62. Ibid, p. 84

63. Ibid, p. 84

64. Taken from the Psychosocial Network Pre-test Documentation, Takepan, Pikit, Cotabato, Novem-

ber 14 to 20, 2004, UP-CIDS-PST/Regional Emergency Psychosocial Support Network (RESPN),

unpublished.

65 CRC, Training for Relevant and Responsive Therapy, Book I: Conference Papers (1994), pp. 1-2.


67. Dela Cruz, L.B., Balay Holds Summing Up Conference, in Balitang Balay, Vol. 11, No. 2, (Aug. 2003 –

Jan. 2004), Balay Rehabilitation Center, p. 15.

68. The Psychosocial Working Group – Working Paper, Centre for International Health Studies, Queen

Margaret University College, Edinburgh, United Kingdom, http://www.forcedmigration.org/psy-

chosocial/papers/conceptualframework.pdf

69. Citing Alger and Strang (2001), Anasarias, K., Unpacking Social Trauma in Balitang Balay, Vol. 11, No.

2, (Aug. 2003 – Jan. 2004), Balay Rehabilitation Center, p. 15

70. Ibid, p. 15

71. Ibid, p. 16

72. Institute for Peace and Development Studies (IPDS) Concepts of Peace and Development, IPDS

Brochure

73. Ibid

74. Ibid

75. Church Partners’ Profile, Tabang Mindanaw, http://home.mindgate.net/tabangmindanaw/

about_us.html


77. Ibid

78. Clientele, Balay Rehabilitation Center website, www.balayph.org

79. CRC, Training for Relevant and Responsive Therapy, Book I: Conference Papers (1994), p. 1.

80. Domingo, M.R., The Psychosocial Program of the Children’s Rehabilitation Center in Children of the


176 | E N D N O T E S

Storm, Vol. 4 No. 3 (July-September 1993), Children’s Rehabilitation Center, p.4.

81. Anasarias, K., Unpacking Social Trauma in Balitang Balay, Vol. 11, No. 2, (Aug. 2003 – Jan. 2004),

Balay Rehabilitation Center, p. 16.

82. Ibid, p. 16

83. Domingo, M.R., The Psychosocial Program of the Children’s Rehabilitation Center in Children of the

Storm, Vol. 4 No. 3 (July-September 1993), Children’s Rehabilitation Center, p.4.

84. Camacho-de la Cruz, M.T., Camacho, A.Z., Responding to the Needs of Children in War, A Case

Study of the Psychosocial Work of the Children’s Rehabilitation Center-Negros at the Namulo Re-

location Site, (1994), p. 9

85. Ibid, p. 11

86. Protacio-de Castro, E. et al, Community Participation in the Recovery and Reintegration of Chil-

dren in Situations of Armed Conflict, The Philippine Experience, p. 60.

87. Participants to the FGD in Midsayap, Cotabato suggested the addition of this category/theme.

Regarding this category, while there appears to be an overlap in concepts, conflict prevention - as

viewed by the FGD participants in Midsayap - includes “everything”. However, a closer look into the

activities lumped by the participants under this category shows that the conflict prevention efforts

focus on issues that have to do with ancestral domains, indigenous territorial governance, rights to

self-determination and land issues that may be the root or help contribute to the conflict. The

inclusion of conflict prevention as one of the categories is in recognition that land issues and the

competing socio-economic systems of the Muslim, Christian and IP communities are among the

roots of the conflict in Mindanao. The UP-CIDS-PST team also incorporated a suggestion by Miriam

Ferrer for the sixth category to include in the conceptual discussion on conflict prevention other

efforts like the inking of an agreement between Tau-Buhid Mangyan organization PASAKAMI and

government military leaders in Mindoro, and efforts to prevent disadvantaged children in Cotabato

and Maguindanao from joining armed groups like the MILF. In the case of the latter, the participat-

ing organizations have lumped such activities under the demobilization and reintegration of former

combatants category.



89. Quinones, S.L., Service Learning Program of the Library Science Department, College of Teacher

Education, SY 2003-2004 Report, Southern Christian College, p. 2

90. Based from a profile of the Summer Institute for Peace and Development Motivators (SIPDM) pre-

pared by the Community Education, Research, and Extension Administration – Institute for Peace

and Development Studies (CEREA-IPDS).

91. Quintos, B., Damulog Villagers, NGOs Work for Community Rehabilitation in Balitang Balay, Vol. 11,

No. 2. (August 2003-January 2004), p. 26.

92. Based from a profile of the Recycling War Trash for Peace (RWTP) Project supplied by the Nagdilaab

Foundation, Inc.


E N D N O T E S | 177

93. Dela Paz, C., First Psychosocial Conference Held in Mindanao, in Balitang Balay, Vol. 11, No. 2. Aug

2003-January 2004, p. 33.

94. Taken from an unpublished manuscript by Marco P. Puzon on the life of the people of Basilan in

2000. The article is a condensed version of the biography of Rajam Mutamad, the daughter of an

MNLF rebel leader in the 1970s and head of a medical NGO.

appendices

185

Christian Children’s Find (CCF)-BasilanTrota Park, CCF Building, 10 Carlos P. Garcia St., Isabela City 7300, Basilan

(062) 200.7274

Contact Person: Eliza del Puerto (deceased), Program Director, Basilan

Background: The CCF, a non-profit, non-sectarian NGO, is one of the leading organizations in champi-

oning children’s issues in the country. It has been working in the Philippines since 1954. Its projects all

over the country include community health, nutrition, sanitation, micro-enterprise, education and

early childhood development programs. The CCF-Basilan began operations in 1988, serving both Chris-

tian and Muslim communities, through programs on infant and maternal health, TB treatment, child

and youth participation in social reform, and grassroots leadership development and community em-

powerment.

Nagdilaab Foundation, Inc.c/o Bishop Querexeta Formation Center, Carlos P. Garcia St., Isabela City 7300 Basilan

[email protected]

(062) 200.7423

Contact Person: Esperancita E. Hupida, Coordinator

Background: The Nagdilaab Foundation, Inc. was established by former staff members of the Inter-

religious Dialogue and the Women’s Desk programs of the Isabela Foundation, Inc. The NGO aims to

improve the capability of rural and urban communities to be active partners in the development of

Basilan. Its vision and mission are backed by a commitment to peace and development in partnership

with the communities.

Southern Cotabato Colleges Community Education, Research and Extension

Administration-Institute for Peace and Development Studies (SCC-CEREA-IPDS)Balay Kalinaw, SCC Facultyville, Midsayap, Cotabato

[email protected]

(064) 229.8323

(064) 229.8753

Contact Person: Dr. Erlinda Santurias, SCC President

Background: The IPDS was established in March 1999 to concretize the mandate and commitment of

the SCC to peace and development. One of its visions is to “help build a caring and sharing community

in a just, free, prosperous and democratic society through an enlightened citizenry committed to the

pursuit of lasting peace and people’s development.” The propagation of the culture of peace, the exten-

sion of the frontiers of knowledge, studying the interrelationships of peace and development through

research, the enhancement of people’s participation, and the building of lasting peace are among its

appendix 1

186 | A P P E N D I C E S


undertakings. IPDS believes that peace and development should be holistic and integrated, demand-

ing constant consultations with individuals and communities.

Notre Dame Foundation for Charitable Activities, Inc.-Women in Enterprise

Development (NDFCAI-WED)WED Building, Santos St., Krislamville Subdivision, Sinsuat Ave., 9600 Cotabato City

[email protected]

(064) 421.1954

(064) 421.7184

Contact Person: Myrna B. Lim, Executive Director

Background: This community extension arm of the College of Commerce of Notre Dame University in

Cotabato City was established in 1984. Its projects are specifically focused on literacy and enterprise

development for marginalized and unemployed women and out-of-school youth in the city and munici-

palities of Maguindanao province. The NGO envisions the empowerment of women through programs

on functional literacy, adult education, and entrepreneurship training.

Currently under the auspices of the Archdiocese of Cotabato, NDFCAI-WED received numerous local

and international awards and recognitions, among these the 1997 UNESCO-King Sejong International

Literacy Prize.

Balik Kalipay, Pikit OfficeCaballero St., Poblacion, Pikit, Cotabato or c/o Oblates of Mary Immaculate, Pikit Parish Church,

Poblacion, Pikit, Cotabato

(064) 393.1470

(064) 393.1402 (Pikit Parish Church)

Contact Persons: Dr. Ernest Guevarra, Project Manager;

Background: With a name that means “return to happiness” in Visayan, the Balik Kalipay project opened

in Pikit in January 2002, providing psychosocial intervention to the displaced, especially children. The

project initially covered six villages in the municipality, with 29 volunteer-teachers and 158 youth volun-

teers.

Based in Manila and funded by the Royal Danish Embassy , Balik Kalipay is also supported by the Phil-

ippine Business for Social Progress, University of the Philippines-Center for Integrative Studies (Psy-

chosocial Trauma Program), the Department of Social Welfare and Development, and religious and

village officials in Pikit.

Balik Kalipay’s office in Manila is headed byDr. June Pagaduan-Lopez , who can be contacted at the

UPCIDS, G/F Bahay ng Alumni, Magsaysay Ave., UP Diliman Campus, 1109 Quezon City, email:

[email protected], tel.:(02)929.3540

Balay Rehabilitation Center, Mindanao Office025 Villamarzo St., Poblacion, Kidapawan City, Cotabato

[email protected]

(064) 288.5641

Contact Person: Maricar Edmilao, Coordinator

Background: The Mindanao Office was created to serve internally displaced families in Mindanao. Balay,

A P P E N D I C E S | 187


which means “house, shelter, or home” in many Philippine languages, was established in 1985. Initially,

the NGO only provided medical and legal services to political detainees, but has since expanded its

services to provide psychosocial relief and rehabilitation programs to internally displaced families and

communities.

Executive Director, Lorena B. dela Cruz is based in the NGO’s main office in Quezon City. [National Office

Contact Details:› 25 Maalindog St., UP Village, Diliman, Quezon City, email: [email protected], tel.:

(02) 929.8054]

Social Services Commission, Apostolic Vicariate of San JoseBishop’s Residence, San Jose 5100 Occidental Mindoro

(043) 491.2141

(043) 491.1507 or 491.2141

Contact Person: Fr. Philip Alex Alcantara

Background: Created in January 1983, the Apostolic Vicariate of San Jose, Occidental Mindoro covers 13

parishes and is served by 30 priests, 41 religious brothers and religious sisters. The 1966 founding of the

Episcopal Commission of Social Action and the National Secretariat of Social Action by the Philippine

Catholic Church led to the formation of social action centers throughout the country. Like other SACs in

the country, the one in San Jose, Mindoro Occidental is responsible for the organization, direction, and

coordination of social action work in the parishes and units called Basic Ecclesiastical Communities

(BECs). SAC projects range from cooperative development warehousing to social reform, advocacy and

other social services.

PASAKAMIc/o Mangyan Mission or SAC, Bishop’s Residence, San Jose 5100 Occidental Mindoro

(043) 491.2141 (SAC, Apostolic Vicariate of San Jose)

Contact Person: Juanito Lumawig, Chairman

Background: PASAKAMI is a grassroots-based federation of five Mangyan organizations from Mindoro

Island, namely SAKAMAIMO of the Iraya Mangyan, SASSAMA of the Sta. Cruz Alangan Mangyan,

HABANAN of the Buhid Mangyan, HAGURA of the Hanunoo, Gubatnon, and Ratagnon Mangyan, and

FAMATODI (Fakasadian Mangaguyang Taobuid) of the Tau-buid Mangyan. As the unified voice of the

various Mangyan groups, its addresses issues such as ancestral domain, livelihood, security, education,

and health. Among its aims is to strengthen the capabilities of the various Mangyan tribes or tribal orga-

nizations to carry out culturally sensitive programs in their respective geographical areas.

188

sample program of CRC:

integrated summer group therapy program (ISGTP)

background: The CRC lauched its the Integrated Summer Group Therapy Program or ISTGP in 1986 to

reach out to more children for longer periods of time, particularly during the summer vacation months.

The first ISTGP mixed children affected by armed conflict with street children, and the guest facilitator

used only one module for both groups. While it was considered a breakthrough, the first ISTGP was not

as successful as planned.

Designed to complement the year-round group therapy program, the ISTGP took place for five to seven

weeks every summer. During this time, the children and child-workers stayed weekly at the CRC from

Wednesday to Saturday afternoon with the parents coming in every Saturday. The last week of each

ISTGP was spent in a camping activity that ended in a graduation ceremony.

Preparations for the ISTGPs begin two to three months before its actual implementation. As each ISTGP

was unique, the CRC team had to develop a new module for each summer program. Valuable insights

and lessons from the past ISTGPs were considered in the preparation of a new module. Although the

parents were involved in the planning of the modules from the start, at the time of program implemen-

tation, child participation in planning was not yet an established norm.

objectives:

To maximize the free time of the children-clients during summer by offering them a more intensive

group therapy program within a given period;

To give the child-client an opportunity to integrate with other children-clients and their families

who have had similar experiences.

components/process: Three complementary components were combined: 1) children’s activities, 2) par-

ents’ activities, and 3) joint parents-children activities. The development of each child was assessed

after the program to determine whether the child needed further intervention through the individual

therapy programs.

The children’s activities revolved around: 1) the concept of a family, 2) learning important day-to-

day routines, 3) health and hygiene, 4) faith and trust, 5) discipline, and 6) human rights and social

issues. The children’s activities, always done through cooperative work, were designed to help re-

store basic routines and support structures in the children’s lives. They also helped the child under-

stand the importance of health and cleanliness for themselves and their environment. Through

sharing sessions and creative activities, the children’s knowledge and understanding of issues such

as armed conflict, poverty, and human rights and the meaningful relationships were fostered in the

process.

appendix 2



The parents’ activities primarily prepared the parents to actively participatr in the process of reha-

bilitating their children.

The joint parents-children activities were designed to allow both groups to develop deeper and closer

relationships. Through relaxation and play activities, these joint activities enabled children and parents

to communicate effectively.

innovations/solutions/lessons learned:

The modular approach allowed the project to be

flexible, with each ISTGP taking in a number of

participants as allowed by the budget. In areas

where security reasons hampered the conduct of

the ISTGPs, the activities were held in the centers.

Resources were mobilized; the community was

asked to contribute to the project. The parents and

community were involved in the planning and

implementation and the CRC tapped numerous

volunteers for the ISTGPs. Eventually, the num-

ber of child-participants was lessened to 51.

problems/limitations encountered:

The children participating in the ISTGP often had

to return to their communities during the course of

the program. While a semblance of peace or “pock-

ets of peace” was achieved in the summer camps,

the children returned to confront the difficult situ-

ation in their home communities. In some of the

cases, the security situation preventend the con-

duct of the ISTGPs. In addtion, with some 90 chil-

dren participating in the first ISTGPs, the program

required long lengths of preparation, a large bud-

get to cover for the expenses, and posed great lo-

gistical requirements.

impact: The ISTGP’s impact is mainly on the perception, attitude and behaviour of primary stakehold-

ers. During the three-fold activities of the ISTGP, the CRC acted as a facilitator, with more emphasis given

to the process rather than to easily achievable results or outcomes. The ISTGP enabled children to re-

view the various stages and changes that they had experienced, instead of focusing on the outcome of

the activities. One impact of this method is that it helped the children discover skills and potentials, and

enabled them to share these with others. A concern for the well-being of the self and others was devel-

oped, and this was considered a seed for the development of social awareness among the children.

sample project of the UP-CIDS-PST:

teaching peace, human rights and conflict resolution

background: “Sharing resources to construct peace knowledge is a strategy for strengthening partner

organizations. This is a way of asserting peace, a way of saying that peace building should not be left to

chance,” read the report on the donation of some 2,000 peace-related books to pilot schools under the

Teaching Peace, Human Rights and Conflict Resolution Project of the UP-CIDS PST (see Puzon 2004).

The project produced a two-part teaching manual which was among the books distributed under the

project. The British Embassy in Manila, the Notre Dame University of Cotabato City, other schools in

Mindanao, including NDU Marbel, Southern Christian College, Child Peace Learning Center, Kasiglahan,

and the UN Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR) collaborated in the project.

objectives:

To develop modules for children in public and private schools in Mindanao that would promote

non-discrimination; respect for others’ beliefs, opinions, and cultural practices, and appreciation



of the plurality of cultures and ideas in Mindanao;

To teach children conflict resolution by instructing them with ways to work out differences and

conflicts using peaceful means;

To integrate the modules in English, Filipino, Makabayan, and Homeroom classes;

To develop and implement training courses for teachers to prepare them for using the modules in

the classrooms;

To equip teachers with knowledge and skills that they can use to train fellow teachers in using the

peace modules;

To establish a mechanism that will ensure the sustainability of the project.

components/process: The project tapped the schools as venues for discussing peace issues and teach-

ers as partners in peace building. It had four components: 1) the development of a manual, which was

produced after a series of consultation workshops; 2) the training of teacher-implementers, who would

use the manuals and train fellow teachers; 3) the integration of the modules with the curriculum of

elementary and high school students; and 4) the institutionalisation of the project. The empowering

and enriching participatory process involved in the development of the framework and the manuals,

and the subsequent training seminars for its users are outstanding features of the Teaching Peace project.

In a series of consultations, the manuals were discussed and critiqued by the stakeholders and tested

among grade five and six students of the NDU. The series of consultations ensured that the manuals

were in tune with the local situation and that the various political, religious, and cultural differences of

participants and end-users were considered.

impact: Some 1,200 copies of the manual, which were published in 2003, were distributed to schools in

Cotabato City and in the towns of Aleosan, Midsayap, and Pikit in June 2004. The project placed the

responsibility to sustain the initiative on the hands of the teachers. The measurable endpoint of the

project was the eventual mainstreaming of the use of the modules in selected schools throughout

Mindanao. While not immediately measurable, it also had an impact on the perception, attitudes, and

behaviour of the teachers and children, the primary stakeholders in the project.

sample project of the CCF-Basilan:

inspiracion delos pobres

background: The Inspiracion delos Pobres Project services ten depressed barangays in Isabela City,

namely Aguada, Baluno, Begang, Busay, Cabunbata, La Paz, Menzi, San Rafael, Sumagdang, and Sun-

set/Tabuk; and seventeen other barangays in Lamitan, namely, Balagtasan, Balagtasan Legion,

Baungus, Buahan, Calugusan, Capengcongan, Kilometer 20, Maganda, Maligaya, Malinis, Matibay,

Maloong San Jose, Maloong Canal, Sta. Clara Proper, Suguemol, Tumakid, and Ulame. It services both

Christian and Muslim families, particularly children aged 0 to 14 years. The programs and services of the

project aim to ensure the survival, protection of the development rights of children, and the enhance-

ment of their participation.

objectives:

To improve the quality of life of families;



To enable families to provide a better future for their children and youth, helping them develop

physically, socially, mentally and spiritually;

To promote good family relationships towards a healthy and peaceful community.

components/process: The project has seven components: 1) education, 2) primary health care, 3) nutri-

tion, 4) potable water, 5) family promotion, 6) capacity building, and 7) En-RICH or Enhanced Rapid

Improvement of Community Health.

The education component consists of the provision of assistance in the form of tuition fees, school

supplies, allowance and uniforms for the students. It also includes non-formal education classes,

namely early childhood education and enrichment sessions, leadership training, trainers’ train-

ing, communication skills, and creative writing and arts classes. The project also initiated organiza-

tional activities to enhance children’s participation in social reforms.

Primary health care comes in the form of regular medical and dental services, including medical

consultation, treatment and medication. Under this component, parents, children and youth par-

ticipate in various sessions on how to manage health cases, such as diarrhea and acute respiratory

infections, and on topics such as promotion of herbal medicines, conduct of first aid, sanitation,

maternal and child care.

The nutrition component of the project provides services to malnourished children below five years-

old, in the form of deworming, supplemental feeding and vitamins, and referrals to hospitals. The

nutrition component also includes sessions on nutrition education and income generation

opportunities for the families, encouraging the families of malnourished children to engage in food

production.

The project also undertakes the installation of potable water systems. This is done in close coopera-

tion with the local waterworks unit and local government officials. After their construction, the water

systems are turned over to the local governments for maintenance and operation.

Under the family promotion component, the project conducts seminars on early childhood care

and development, maternal and childcare, nutrition education, caregivers’ and trainers’ training,

capacity building, and simple bookkeeping and auditing.

As part of its capacity training component, the project initiates activities such as leadership training

for children, youth, and parents, organizational management, sponsor relation management, con-

sultations, meetings, barangay and municipal-level assemblies of children. This component also

includes youth advocacy efforts and the conduct of PIME (planning, implementation, monitoring

and evaluation) sessions.

The En-RICH component increases access of women to reproductive health and other knowledge

and services on responsible parenthood, safe pregnancy, maternal child health, tuberculosis diag-

nosis and treatment.


Due to the presence of the word “Christian” in the name of the proponent, many of the Muslims in

Basilan initially had reservations in participating

in the project. They interpreted participation in the

Inspiracion delos Pobres project and all the other

projects of CCF as a vehicle for conversion into

Christianity. The language barrier between the


The hiring of Muslims as part of the CCF staff

greatly alleviated the Muslim community’s fear of

being converted to Christianity. This also helped

break the language barrier and fostered the greater



staff and the target communities also initially

posed problems in implementation. Additionally,

the inaction or slow action by the LGUs in doing

their share in the project also slowed down

implementation.

The prevailing attitude among the target commu-

nities in the selection of political leaders—the rule

of guns, goon, and gold—also affected the project,

especially when the winning local government of-

ficials were ill-equipped in governance and were

not pro-active in their leadership style.

The reported non-residence of officials and key

persons in the areas they are supposed to repre-

sent and the continued presence of the ASG also

presented serious obstacles to the implementa-

tion of CCF-Basilan’s projects.

participation of children, families and communi-

ties in the project’s activities.

The efficiency and effectiveness of the staff, par-

ticularly at the grassroots level, helped offset some

of the problems in dealing with slow action from

the LGUs.

One key strategy was the conduct of assemblies

and consultations with key leaders at the

grassroots level, which always included both the

elected officials and the traditional and religious

leaders. CCF staff and grassroots report that con-

sultation and dialogue with the imams, ustadzes

and key members of the Muslim community

helped immensely. The traditional leaders are

tasked to re-echo to their constituents the infor-

mation provided by the CCF field personnel.

impact: As far as the medical health of the target communities were concerned, CCF-Basilan reported

the following outputs: 85 percentof the targeted families availed of housing assistance, 85 percent re-

ceived dental and medical assistance, and were given access to potable water. It also reported a 50

percent decrease in the malnutrition rate among children under five years of age, as well as less cases of

skin and water-borne diseases among children and adults. Through the educational component, CCF-

Basilan reported that 100 percent of the in-school children received educational assistance, although

only 10 percent of the in-school children were promoted to the next level of education. The organization

also reported that 100 percent of the target communities participated in peace-building activities. The

impact of the Inspiracion delos Pobres Project on the ground level can be reflected in the improved hous-

ing, health, and sanitation conditions in the target communities. As far as the project’s impact on the

perception, attitude, and behavior of primary stakeholders are concerned, the interventions resulted

in increased awareness of the importance of environmental protection, preservation and management

and in the greater capacity of communities in conflict management, through the help of the CCF staff

and local leaders. The project’s impact on the policy level can be seen in the effective mobilization of

resources in the barangay, municipal and provincial levels, particularly in the potable water component.

This success is evident in the signing of a memorandum of agreement between CCF and the local gov-

ernment concerned, particularly in the provision of counterparts and operations after the turn-over of

the water systems projects to the LGUs.



sample project of the nagdilaab foundation:

recycling war trash for peace (RWTP)

background: This is a project of the Nagdilaab Foundation and the Ateneo Research Center of the

Ateneo de Zamboanga University. Under this project, Muslim and Christian out-of-school youth (OSY)

undergo training in creative arts to transform war remnants, such as empty ammunition shells, into

materials of peace, with the communities that have experienced armed conflict as the indirect benefi-

ciaries. The RWTP undertook social preparation by first orienting the communities about the project

and soliciting participation in community healing rituals for the collection of war remnants. What made

the project innovative is its premise that healing is one of its key objectives rather than income genera-

tion, which is the emphasis of most livelihood programs.

objectives:

To provide healing and training of the OSY in enhancing their skills in creative arts, emphasizing

that production and marketing are not the sole purposes of the project;

To explore and translate into concrete works the creative potential of the OSY using an approach

different from the well established “recipe” of projects such as handicrafts and basket-making;

To integrate peace-building values, such as self-respect among the OSY in relation to their co-par-

ticipants and the outside community, placing stress on the values of understanding, trust and

cooperation in all endeavours relative thereby promoting a culture of peace.

components: The project has four components:

Healing. Since the participating OSY are mostly victims of violence, RWTP can provide a more con-

structive venue for healing through the application of creative arts. Using an approach that is dif-

ferent from that employed in conventional Orientation Towards Peace (OTP) training, the RWTP’s

approach is to re-channel their time and energy towards attaining a positive outlook in life. Families

are encouraged to participate in community healing through rituals for the collection of remnants

of war undertaken in the selected and organized communities.

Recycling. The RWTP works on the idea of recycling the more visible remnants of armed conflict,

such as metal scraps left by the combatants, bullet shells and mortar capsules, into functional and

decorative products. Five areas in Basilan, namely barangays Kapatagan, Tabuk, Tabiawan in

Isabela City, and Lantawan Poblacion and Tairan in Lantawan, have been initially identified as

sources for these war remnants, which are to be transformed into products that are indicative of the

desire for peace by their makers and by the people of Basilan in general.

Productivity. The RWTP provides a venue for the OSY to put their idle time into more productive use,

with the profits gained to benefit the OSYs, their families and their respective communities.

Capacity–buidling.The OSY are expected to have developed and enhanced their capabilities to

meet at least their own needs and those of their dependents.

Note: While the Nagdilaab Foundation has yet to conduct a psychosocial and economic impact assess-

ment of the RWTP, the proponent shared optimism about the success of the project. At the time of the

visit of the UPCIDS-PST team in Isabela, the project was only in its training-implementation phase.

According to Nagdilaab Foundation Coordinator Esperancita Hupida, one of the other innovative fea-

tures of the project is that it can be easily replicated in other areas like Jolo and Cotabato.



sample project of the NDFCAI-WED:

UNESCO gender, peace, and development (GENPEACE) project

background: The concept of GENPEACE is anchored on a firm belief that communities have the capaci-

ties to transform conflict and threats into opportunities for cooperation and growth in the spirit of soli-

darity, multi-culturalism and collaboration. As such, GENPEACE’s community-based implementation

is based on UNESCO’s mandate to promote in the minds and hearts of every man, woman and child, and

their families, and to build the foundation of peace, through education and effective communications.

Funded by the Government of the Philippines – United Nations Multi-Donor Programme (GOP-

UNMDP) 3, the project believes that diversity and cultural differences do not in themselves causesocial

enmity but should rather be the foundation for mutuality of respect, social equity, cohesion, peaceful

co-existence, and cultural solidarity. The area sites for the GENPEACE-GOP-UNMDP 3 Project are Siocon,

Zamboanga del Norte, Lake Sebu, South Cotabato, Tangkal, Lanao del Norte, Malita, Davao del Sur,

Bayang, Lanao del Sur, Buluan, Maguindanao, and Maluso, Basilan.

objectives:

To promote gender sensitive community-based peace education in conflict affected areas in

Mindanao, raise awareness for peace, and build capacity of the communities in developing and

managing activities in the area;

To scale up and mainstream functional literacy and non-formal education programs into commu-

nity-based action plans through better governance that can augment livelihood, and provide (or

improve) delivery of basic services for women and men;

To develop the use of community radio as a tool for enhancing community mobilization, collabora-

tive actions, free flow of communication among people for peace activities in the project sites;

To provide a grassroots peace agenda in the proposed UNESCO Culture of Peace Program to be

based in Mindanao that supports the GOP’s peace agreement.

components/process: The GENPEACE Project has two main components

Peace literacy. The Peace Literacy Classes are organized into the Basic Adult Education (BAED) and

Advanced Adult Education (ADED). Participatory and experiential teaching learning methodolo-

gies were used in the conduct of the Peace Literacy Classes. Non-graded tests and learning activi-

ties were used to determine the learning achievements of the participants. The NDFCAI-WED

followed an organized and systematic way of recruiting and hiring Peace Literacy Facilitators. It has

created a standard/criteria on the personnel qualifications/competencies of the applicants, such

as a graduate of a four-year degree, preferably an education course, a resident of the barangay, the

same religion and tribe as the target learners, and must have a strong commitment to undertake

the vigorous job of being a facilitator. Selection and hiring have been made community-based, with

assistance from Local Government Units (LGUs).

The NDFCAI-WED provided training in order for the peace literacy facilitators to: acquire basic

understanding of the principles, values and techniques of adult learning and integrating the cul-

ture of peace; develop within them a variety of facilitation methodologies, techniques and strate-

gies which they can utilize in their literacy classes; provide them the skills on how to develop and

utilize instructional materials that would help keep the learner’s interest, and provide them a basis

on how to monitor and evaluate the progress of the learners.



Community radio stations. Community radio stations were installed in the project areas in coopera-

tion with the LGUs. During a technical site assessment, the terrain, landscape and the natural set-

up of the identified areas were carefully studied and assessed by NDFCAI-WED and LGU officers

with the help of the technical people from Philippine Broadcasting Service (PBS). During the con-

duct of this activity, the most ideal location of the studio, transmitter and tower were identified and

recommended to the LGU.

The LGU was then required to provide their counterpart, equivalent to the actual cost of the

desired radio wattage, including the cost of the tower and studio that will be used for the installation

of the Radio Station. LGUs were encouraged to tap existing or abandoned tower and available

spaces within their area to lessen the expense of their counterpart.

The Community Media and Council (CMEC) was immediately organized, composed of a group

of leaders representing a cross-section of the community. The council was tasked as the policy and

decision-making body of the Community Radio Station. All project sites have organized their

respective CMEC and are now actively involved together with the LGUs in the different project

activities.

Intensive training was given to CMECs on how to effectively manage the community radio

station. During the training, the council was taught how to formulate policies, rules and regulations

concerning the operation of the radio station. They were also taught how to formulate Program

Design, which is the very foundation of the operation of the radio station. Election of the officers

and the station manager was also done during this training. Committees on finance, evaluation,

administration and production were also organized during the said training.


The delayed release of the GOP-UNMPDP 3

project funds posed problems for the implemen-

tation of the project. Project funds for the period of

January to November 2003 were released only

during the later part of November 2003. Another

major problem encountered by the NDFCAI-WED

was the absence of operating licenses for the in-

stalled Community Radio Stations (CRS). The Na-

tional Telecommunication Commission (NTC)

conducted an ocular visitation and inspections on

some of the CRSs, and three received NTC Notices

to cease operation.


Despite the non-releases of project funds, the

NDFCAI-WED was able to sustain the implemen-

tation of the project using its own funds. Salaries of

the facilitators, cost of learning and teaching ma-

terials, trainings and other project expenses were

all temporarily absorbed by the Foundation. Re-

garding the issue of operating licenses for the CRS,

the NDFCAI-WED signed on July 21, 2002, a for-

mal Memorandum of Agreement (MOA) with the

Office of the President of the Philippines – Press

Secretary Office, the Philippine Information

Agency; PBS; and the GOP-UNMDP 3 for the offi-

cial affiliation of the CRS with the Radio ng Bayan

PBS-PIA Radio Network. The NDFCAI-WED also

undertook meetings with the NTC on the licensure

of the CRS.



impact:

Under the Peace Literacy Classes component, the NDFCAI-WED served a total of 7,008 adult learners

from the project sites throughout Mindanao from 2002 to mid-2004. Of this number, a total of 4,107

were served under the BAED, and 2,901 under the ADED. The total number of learners served

represents 30 percent more than 5,400 target. Of the 7,008 total number of learners, 592 (259 under

the BAED and 333 under the ADED) came from Buluan, Maguindanao. Since the Foundation started

its implementation of literacy classes in 1984, dropout rates range from 2-4 percent, while for all the

Peace Literacy Classes, a dropout rate of three percent is recorded. Learners in the ADED Level can

read and comprehend simple English words, phrases and sentences. Both BAED and ADED

learners were observed to be good in mathematics. With the implementation of the project, adult

illiterates in the remotest conflict areas of Mindanao were given opportunities to learn basic

functional literacy and are now empowered community members who are motivated to participate

in community activities.

Under the GOP-UNMDP 3 model project, the NDFCAI-WED successfully installed seven CRS in

the identified communities, of which, six are currently operating. These CRS are owned, controlled,

and managed by LGUs in cooperation with organized and trained CMEC, a group of community

leaders representing a cross-section of the community. All CRS are officially affiliated with the PBS-

PIA Radyo ng Bayan Network. In most of the project sites, the community radio stations are serving

not only the entire community but also nearby municipalities. In all the radio stations, develop-

ment projects and activities of the LGU are regularly aired for dissemination and purposely de-

signed for confidence building, more particularly for peace advocacy and promotion. The seven

CRS built under the GOP-UNMDP 3 join six others built through the UNESCO-Jakarta GENPEACE

project and the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) Community Radio Project.

NDFCAI-WED is currently developing distance education modules using the radio stations as

medium of reaching and giving access to those who have no access to education.

The extensive community-based advocacy, mobilization and capacity-building activities conducted

by the NDFCAI-WED under the GENPEACE Project have lead to the involvement and participa-

tion of local leaders and their communities to the different project activities and related community

affairs. This further promoted the feeling of being part of the project and that the project is working

for them, thus the need to sustain it.

sample project of the SCC-CEREA-IPDS:

mobile institure for peace and development

background: The project stems from the need in Mindanao for peace and development that is based on

relevant and responsive education that offers a wide range of knowledge, and is committed to under-

standing to every people’s way of life, struggles and survival. It works on the premise that for the cultiva-

tion of peace, education must be borderless and liberating – a wide space to understand a multi-ethnic

society that embraces diverse outlooks.

The Mobile Institute for Peace and Development is seen as a bridge that transcends the cultural and

ethnic boundaries of the people in the community. The program particularly caters to the depressed

and marginalized community of tri-people in Mindanao, especially war-torn areas and those with an-



cestral domain claims.

objectives:

1) To enhance people’s solidarity and promote a deep sense of partnership between the community

and academic institutions through the recognition of their essential roles in the pursuit of peace

and development initiatives;

2) To integrate in formal learning institutions, the community’s practical wisdom in sustaining peace

and security of environment and other similar aspects through their IKSPB or indigenous knowl-

edge, beliefs, system and practices;

3) To live and learn from the community’s vast history and experience of peace and development

activity;

4) To cultivate and promote feasible and peaceful people’s initiatives for their respective communities;

5) To provide and facilitate venues for dialogue for any groups with different perspectives but adhere

to solidarity and share a common vision of peace and development.

components/process: In this project, the community is considered as a special area for educational ac-

tivity, with the key people in the community as the teacher and the academe as the learners. Courses for

discussion are their experiences, beliefs, philosophies, worldviews, and practices. The project has three

approaches:

Community visitation approach. Community visitation is the basic function of the Mobile Institute.

This is done in order to broaden the academic campus to reach the marginalized peoples of a com-

munity. In this way, both the academic and partner communities share a common ground in search-

ing for and dissecting social conditions.

Dialogical approach. The cornerstone of the dialogical approach is communication. Dialogue helps

fill the gap between the academic institution and the people in the community. It also fosters a

facilitating atmosphere for learning and sharing. As a result, the community discovers the relevance

of their realities in relation to national and global communities. The Mobile Institute is seen as a

mechanism to help cultivate community management plans in sustaining peace related activities.

Documentation. Documentation is crucial in the processes of the Mobile Institute, in order to make

data available to interested parties with common efforts for peace and unity.

Note: The SCC-CEREA-IPDS has conducted two Mobile Institutes that helped generate a greater social

consciousness on the part of the indigenous communities.

vol3.pdf

Documents

peacebuildingcase studies

development studiesof

civilsociety peacebuilding

peace education initiatives

psychosocial work87

civil societyphilippines

conflict situations91

consequences106 module