vol5.pdf

peace-bu i ld ing exper iences

of church-based o rgan i za t ions in b ico l

volume 5

Learning Experiences Study on Civil-Society Peace Building in the Philippines

of Church-based Organi za t ionsPeace-Bui ld ing Exper iences

in B ico l

Jovic Lobrigo and Sonia imperiaL

2005

UP-CIDS

Learning experiences study on civiL-society peace BuiLding in the phiLippines Volume 5: Peace-Building exPeriences of church-Based organizations in Bicol

Published by the UP Center for Integrative and Development Studies (UP CIDS) in partnership with the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP).

Copyright 2005 the United Nations Development Programme Manila Office.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means including information storage and retrieval systems without permission from the UNDP and UP CIDS. Inquiries should be addressed to:

UP Center for Integrative and Development Studies, Bahay ng Alumni, University of the Philippines, Diliman, Quezon City 1101 Tel/Fax: (632) 9293540 Email: [email protected]

United Nations Development Programme30/F Yuchengco Tower RCBC Plaza, 6819 Ayala Ave. cor. Sen Gil J. Puyat Ave.,Makati City 1226 PhilippinesTel: (632) 9010100 Fax (632) 9010200

The National Library of the Philippines CIP Data

Recommended entry:

Learning experiences study on civil-society peacebuilding in the Philippines.- - Diliman, Quezon City : UP-CIDS, c2005. 5v. ; cm.

CONTENTS: v.1. Framework and synthesis oflessons learned in civil-society peace building / Miriam Coronel Ferrer v.2. National peace coalitions / Josephine C. Dionisio v.3. Psychosocial trauma rehabilitation work / Marco Puzon, Elizabeth Protacio-De Castro v. 4. Peace education initiatives in Metro Manila / Loreta Castro, Jasmin Nario-Galace and Kristine Lesaca v.5. Peace building experiences of church-based organizations in the Philippines / Jovic Lobrigo and Sonia Imperial.

Published in partnership with the United NationsDevelopment Programme (UNDP).

1. Peace-buildingPhilippines.2. Peace-buildingCase studies.3. Civil societyPhilippines. I. UP Center for Integrative and Development Studies (UP-CIDS).

JZ5538 303.69 2005 P061000334

ISBN 978-971-742-095-0 (vol. 1)ISBN 978-971-742-096-7 (vol. 2)ISBN 978-971-742-097-4 (vol. 3)ISBN 978-971-742-098-1 (vol. 4)ISBN 978-971-742-099-8 (vol. 5)

cover design Ernesto Enriquebook design and layout East Axis Creative

The opinions expressed herein are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect the views of the UNDP.

contents

vii list of acronyms

xi acknowledgments

1 introduction

7 the case study 9 The Armed Conflict in the Bicol Region

15 The Catholic Church and Its Peace-Building Work in Bicol

32 Evaluating the Bicol Churchs Peace Building

51 toolkit 53 Introduction

56 Module 1: Understanding Peace

62 Module 2: Understanding Conflict and Violence

74 Module 3: Understanding Human Rights

89 Module 4: Peace Building

116 references

119 annexes 121 Annex 1: Universal Declaration of Human Rights 126 Annex 2: Universal Declaration of Human Rights (plain-language

version)

vii

acronyms

AFP Armed Forces of the Philippines

AMP Augustinian Missionaries of the Philippines

ARMM Autonomous Region for Muslim Mindanao

BBC Bishop-Businessmen Conference

BCCO Basic Christian Community Organizing

BEC Basic Ecclesial Community

BEMJP Bicol Ecumenical Movement for Justice and Peace

BRPC Bicol Regional Party Committee

BRSAC Bicol Regional Social Action Commission

CODE-NGO Caucus of Development NGOs

CARHRIHL Comprehensive Agreement on the Respect for Human Rights

and International Humanitarian Law

CASAFI Caceres Social Action Foundation, Incorporated

CBCP Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines

CBD Coalition for Bicol Development

CCJD Center for Community Journalism and Development

CfP Coalition for Peace

CHR Commission on Human Rights

CIA Criminal Investigation Agency

COPE Community Organizing for Philippine Enterprise

CPG-ALSOG Communist Party Group Albay Sorsogon

CPLA Cordillera Peoples Liberation Army

CPP Communist Party of the Philippines

CRG Civil Relations Group

CSAC Children in Situations of Armed Conflict

CSO Civil Society Organization

DILG Department of Interior and Local Government

DSAC Diocesan Social Action Commission

DSWD Department of Social Welfare and Development

ECSA Episcopal Commission on Social Action

EO Executive Order

FGD Focus Group Discussion

GFC Guerilla Fronts Committee

GRP Government of the Republic of the Philippines

HOPE Hearts of Peace

JPAG Justice and Peace Action Group

KBP Kapisanan ng mga Brodkasters sa Pilipinas

KI Key Informant

l e a r n i n g e x p e r i e n c e s s t u d y o n c i v i l - s o c i e t y p e a c e b u i l d i n g

viii | a c r o n y m s

KSPN Komite sa Platon

LGU Local Government Unit

MILF Moro Islamic Liberation Front

MNLF Moro National Liberation Front

MSPA Multi-Sectoral Peace Advocates

NASSA National Secretariat for Social Action

NDF National Democratic Front

NGO Non-Government Organization

NPA New Peoples Army

NPCCR National Pastoral Consultation on Church Renewal

NUC National Unification Commission

OTG Organized Threat Group

PCP II Second Plenary Council of the Philippines

PISA Priests Institute for Social Action

PLDFI Prelature of Libmanan Development Foundation, Incorporated

PMP Philippine Misereor Partnership

PO Peoples Organization

POW Prisoners of War

PPA Power Purchase Agreement

RDC Regional Development Council

RP Republic of the Philippines

RPF Regional Peace Forum

RPOC Regional Peace and Order Council

SAC Social Action Center

SAC-JP Social Action Center Justice and Peace Desk

SIO Social Integration Office

SPACFI Socio-Pastoral Action Center Foundation, Incorporated

TC Thematic Coordinator

TFTP Task Force Detainees of the Philippines

UCCP United Church of Christ of the Philippines

UN United Nations

UNDP United Nations Development Programme

UP University of the Philippines

VFA Visiting Forces Agreement

ZOPFAN Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality

ix

acknowledgments

We are grateful to a number of individuals, institutions and organizations without whose contribution this study would not have been completed.

The research team of the entire UNDP Learning Experiences Study who patiently re-

viewed the preliminary report during the initial round table discussions and pointed

out gaps and areas that needed clarification and substantiation.

The offices of the Regional Commission on Human Rights and the Regional Peace and

Order Council.

The directors of the Social Action Centers of the Bicol Region: Fr. Emmanuel Basas of

the Diocese of Masbate, Fr. Leo Doloiras of Diocese of Sorsogon, Fr. Granwell Pitapit,

of the Prelature of Libmanan, Fr, Ronaldo Rodelas of the Diocese of Daet, and Fr. Nel-

son Tria of the Archdiocese of Caceres, for their support and cooperation in providing

primary and secondary data on past peace-building efforts of the Church in their

respective areas.

Bishop Jesus Varela, Msgr. Ralph Salazar, Msgr. Frank Monje, Rev. Fr. Ricardo Barquez,

Jr, Rev. Fr. Eulogio Lawenko, and Pastor Sam Divino of the United Church of Christ of

the Philippines. Deeply involved in various peace-building activities, they unselfishly

shared a substantial portion of their time giving full accounts of their experiences as

peace advocates.

The leaders and members of cause-oriented groups and religious organizations who

actively worked for justice and peace and acted as key informants for this study: Jean

N. Llorin and Bernadette Gavino of Naga City, Judge Jonet Ayo of the Regional Trial

Court, Sr. Yoli Lunod of the Augustinian Missionaries of the Philippines based in Cama-

rines Norte, Judge Igmedio Camposano and Ms. Nora Aribon of Masbate, and Tootsie

Jamoralin of Sorsogon.

Finally, we wish to acknowledge the special contribution of Ed Garcia of International

Alert and Atty. Soliman Santos Jr. of the South-South Network for the Engagement of

Armed Groups, both resource persons in the national validation workshop for this

study. Their knowledge and expertise in armed conflict and peace issues provided

helpful insights to enhance the usefulness of this study.

introduction

During the period following the 1986 EDSA revolution, the new government of President Corazon C. Aquino demonstrated a strong commitment to work for a just and lasting peace in

the country. Attempts to achieve the goals of peace found concrete expressions in early priority

programs on national reconciliation with the rebel forces of the Communist Party of the Philip-

pines (CPP), New Peoples Army (NPA), and the National Democratic Front (NDF). Among others,

the programs included the release of political prisoners, and the start of political negotiations

that led to a sixty-day cease-fire agreement. President Aquinos declaration of 1990 to 2000 as

a Decade of Peace (Proclamation 467-A) called upon all sectors of Philippine society to make

real efforts toward the attainment of peace. The well-attended National Peace Conference held

in October 1990 represented a broad-range multisectoral response to this declaration. Around

the same year, the Multisectoral Peace Advocates (MSPA) tried to promote the resumption of

political negotiations between the government and the CPP-NPA-NDF since talks broke down

in January 1987 amid political uncertainty. But talks never resumed under the Aquino adminis-

tration. The NDF offered to reopen talks on condition that Aquino reject the renewal of the US

lease to the military bases in the country. Aquino chose to support the lease renewal, although

in the end, the Philippine Senate rejected a new treaty to this effect.

In 1992, President Fidel V. Ramos renewed initiatives toward peace and reconciliation with

the issuance of Executive Order (EO)19 creating the National Unification Commission (NUC).

The NUC was envisioned to constitute a viable amnesty program and peace process that would

lead to a just, comprehensive, and lasting peace. More important, it was conceived as a means

to deal more effectively with the problem of bringing back the rebels to the fold of the law

through the participation of all concerned sectors of society. This objective called for a series of

regional and provincial multisectoral consultations in which the root causes of armed conflicts

were identified. The overall feedback from these consultations reflected to a large extent, the

sentiments, values, and cultural convictions of people across the nation.

The NUC consultation process concluded that the armed conflicts in the country are rooted

in widespread poverty and economic inequity, grave injustice and abuse of power, poor gover-

nance, the control of power by a few, and the exploitation of indigenous cultural communities,

particularly the lack of recognition of their ancestral domain. A documentation of the sectoral

| i n t r o d u c t i o n


consultations also pointed to other critical concerns that needed attention, for example, moral

decadence, foreign intervention and domination, diversity in political beliefs and ideology, en-

vironmental degradation, the continuing militarization in some areas, and the physical, mental

and psychosocial effects of war on civilians living in war zones.

EO 19, which established the NUC and sought the participation of all sectors in public

consultations, provided the impetus for nongovernment organizations (NGOs), the church, the

academe, and other civil-society groups to network and renew their involvement in the countrys

peace process. In effect, these nonstate actors went through a paradigm shiftfrom one that is

mainly developmental to one promoting nonviolent change and the peace agenda.

In the succeeding administrations of President Estrada (1998-2000) and Macapagal-Ar-

royo (2000-2003), multisectoral consultations were not as eagerly pursued. A large sector of the

society continued to live in acute poverty, grave injustice, and exploitation. The persistence of

armed conflicts in the countryside added to the peoples suffering.

These developments show the need for more sustained peace-building initiatives as well

as support from a much broader peace constituency. This brings into focus the role that civil-

society groups have played in the countrys struggle for genuine peace. Such groups are viewed

as third party to the ongoing conflict between the state and the nonstate armed groups and

are, therefore, in a better position to engage in mediation and other forms of peace building

basically on account of their credibility, impartiality, and nonantagonistic relationship with

the state and armed nonstate actors (NSAs). It is from this perspective that the peace efforts of

civil-society organizations (CSOs) as peace organizations are increasingly recognized. In the

same light, a study of the experiences of these peace organizations and the effectiveness of their

peace-building strategies becomes more relevant as the country continues to forge new ways

of resolving the armed conflict and achieving the goals of a just and lasting peace.

the undp study

Policies geared at promoting peace remain high on the agenda of the national government.

Moreover, the problem has elicited a wide response from many international organizations. In

this direction, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) embarked on a Learning

Experience Study on the Peace-Building Experiences of the Civil-Society Sector in the Philippines

through its DILG-UNDP Decentralization and Local Governance Program: Strengthening In-

stitutional Capacities for Participatory Local Governance. The present case study on Catholic

church-based peace-building experiences in Bicol is part of this UNDP study.

To achieve the purpose of the whole UNDP research, case studies were conducted along

i n t r o d u c t i o n |

v o l u m e 5 : p e a c e - b u i l d i n g e x p e r i e n c e s o f c h u r c h - b a s e d o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n b i c o l

four thematic areas that included: (1) Peace Coalitions, (2) Psychosocial Trauma Rehabilitation,

(2) Peace Education, and (4) Bicol Churches. These themes were selected to provide a good

representation of the range of peace-building programs and activities pursued by CSOs in the

Philippines (excluding Mindanao and the Cordilleras). The case studies were generally guided

by the following objectives:

1) Document the peace-building experiences of the organizations by focusing on activities,

issues addressed, and strategies employed.

2) Evaluate the effectiveness of the strategies employed in terms of impact on the policy

issue, the ground-level situation, and the perceptions, attitudes, and behavior of pri-

mary stakeholders.

3) Draw lessons from the experiences by identifying enabling and hindering factors in

the achievement of peace-building objectives.

The report that follows presents the results of the documentation on the theme Church-

based Peace-Building Experience in the Bicol Region, as undertaken by the Social Action Center

of the Diocese of Legazpi, province of Albay, Bicol.

the study framework

The research on the peace-building experience of church-based organizations in Bicol es-

sentially followed the framework developed by Miriam Coronel Ferrer for the documentation

of civil society experiences in peace building (see Volume 1). The conceptual basis for the study,

as presented in the framework paper, emphasized the importance of the peace process as a

mechanism to end armed hostilities and pave the way to the full democratization of Philippine

society. The framework also highlighted the important role that CSOs play in sustaining the

peace process, aware as they are of the serious consequences of armed conflicts in many parts

of the country and the need to bring about economic, social, and political reforms to address

the causes and consequences of the internal war. The rationale of the entire research is reflected

in this framework. The present study on the peace-building efforts of the Church in Bicol was

guided by this framework and the overall objectives of the entire study.



scope of research

This documentation covers the reference period 1986 to 2003, which spans the adminis-

trations of four Philippine presidents: Corazon Aquino (1986-1992), Fidel Ramos (1992-1998),

Joseph Estrada (1998-2001) and Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (2001-2004). The period following the

election of Macapagal-Arroyo to the presidency in May 2004 is not covered.

The geographic coverage of this study includes six dioceses and one prelature, corresponding

to the six provinces of the Bicol region. The provinces include Camarines Norte, Camarines

Sur, Albay and Sorsogon, all in mainland Bicol, and the two island provinces of Masbate and

Catanduanes. The parishes on the southern part of Camarines Sur belong to the archdiocese

of Caceres, while those on the northern route are covered by the Prelature of Libmanan. The

study emphasized provincial-level initiatives, although significant activities at the parish and

barangay levels were also mentioned.

The documentation was confined to those activities that were directly related to peace

building. Other developmental activities, which were not consciously pursued to address the

goals of peace, were excluded. Furthermore, although the documentation has been confined

to the activities of the church and church-based organizations including other religious sects,

interfacing activities of other civil-society groups were also identified.

research methodology

To provide a broad range of information on the churchs peace-building activities and

interventions, the research team employed several qualitative tools for research as described

below.

A review of existing documents on peace-building activities initiated or participated

in by the church in the six dioceses and one prelature of the Bicol region during the

period 1986-2003.

Focused interviews with key informants (KIs) who were identified as most knowledge-

able because of their involvement in various peace-building work during particular

administrations and some key events during the period covered by the study. The KIs

provided in-depth and detailed information on key events as well as valuable insights

that proved helpful in analyzing the impact of the strategies pursued by the Church

in its peace-building work.

Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) to supplement data gathered from KIs. The FGD is

considered an effective tool for validating or clarifying data obtained from key infor-

i n t r o d u c t i o n |


mants. It provided additional insights on the situation of armed conflict in Bicol and

other current issues needing further exploration.

Roundtable discussion on the initial report to identify gaps and related information

that could lead to a more comprehensive analysis of the armed conflict situation.

Regional and national validation workshops prior to the finalization of the thematic

paper to gather more insights from resource persons known for their knowledge and

expertise in peace building.

The key informants in the Social Action Centers (SACs) of the different dioceses were

purposively identified. Initial interviews and setting of appointments followed. KIs were also

considered as sources of referrals for additional KIs, particularly those extensively involved in

earlier peace-building activities.

the research

With some exceptions, the research process basically followed the methodology proposed

for the study. With SAC Legazpi providing administrative support, the research started with the

thematic coordinator (TC) sending letters of notification to the SAC directors of the six dioceses

in the Bicol region. Through this letter, the TC informed the directors about the case study

on the peace-building experiences of the church and solicited their cooperation in providing

information as well as related source materials and documents. The TC also requested for as-

sistance in endorsing the researchers to individuals who could provide in-depth information

for the study as key informants. Meanwhile, other possible key informants from other provinces

and those known region-wide for their active involvement in peace building were identified

by SAC-Legazpi.

The review of related documents on peace-building activities initiated or participated in by

the church began in the diocese of Legazpi and was confined to activities that took place dur-

ing the period 1986 to 2003. This period encompasses the administration of former presidents

Aquino, Ramos, Estrada, and Arroyo. Data from these documents identified more individuals

who could provide detailed information on the activities or prominent conflict-related cases

of mediation and negotiation.

Initial field visits to the different dioceses were conducted in the mainland provinces of

Camarines Norte, Camarines Sur, Albay and Sorsogon, and the island province of Masbate

followed. Catanduanes was later dropped from the study because the presence of insurgent

groups in this island province was found to be a recent phenomenon.



Contacting possible key informants was not easy since most of those identified were already

living elsewhere. Young peace volunteers who were active during those significant years have

either pursued their own careers or have married and settled in Manila. The SACs of the different

dioceses have also lost contact with their earlier volunteers. Priests who were involved in the

peace process were already assigned in different parishes, and some of them were no longer

involved in peace-building work.

If making initial contacts with key informants was difficult, convening an FGD to provide

supplementary data proved to be an even more daunting task. Given the requirement of a ho-

mogenous group as condition for an FGD and the tight schedule of most potential participants,

more time was required to agree on a common date when at least ten of them would be available.

It was simply impractical to wait considering the timetable set for the study. To compensate

for data gaps which the lack of FGDs was likely to create, more key informants were included

on the list of those to be interviewed. These KIs included the bishops, priests, and the leaders

and members of cause-oriented groups and religious organizations who had actively worked

for justice and peace.

The data presented in this report were largely based on focused interviews with key infor-

mants and those culled from the documentation of peace-building activities during the reference

period (1986-2003). Newspaper clippings and the documentation of proceedings and output

of consultation, workshops, and conferences also provided a wealth of relevant information

about the peace process in the region.

An interview guide was prepared to facilitate interviews with key informants. To compensate

for the lack of more FGD data, additional questions were used to validate related data gathered

from other KIs and to fill the gaps created by their failure to recall dates, names, and other details

of significant events. Similarities in the responses of the KIs to particular questions generally

served to validate information. More important, the strategy of interviewing additional KIs

enabled the research team to clarify or qualify vague issues and statements of earlier KIs. The

data have been partly validated with the SAC directors during the regular monthly meeting of

the Bicol Regional Social Action Commission (BRSAC) on July 29, 2004.

A regional validation workshop that served as a forum for FGD was held on September 9,

2004, at the Social Action Center, Legazpi office. Participants mostly came from the SACs of

Sorsogon, Legazpi, and Masbate, including priests and lay individuals who have advocated and

worked for peace in the region during the period covered by this study. Retired Bishop Jesus

Varela, a prominent figure in local mediation and negotiation events, also came to share his

observations and raise unexplored issues related to the present armed conflict.

the case study

the case study

the armed conflict

the bicol region

Occupying the southern stretch of Luzon, the Bicol Peninsula is surrounded by bodies of

water that can both be barriers and highways for contact with people from other provinces

outside the region. The area is bounded on the north by Lamon Bay and Pacific Ocean on the

east, the Sibuyan Sea and Ragay gulf on the west. It has land access to the rest of Luzon through

its neighbor on the north, Quezon Province (see Figure 1, Map of the Bicol region).

Bicol is accessible to Manila and the rest of Luzon through air, land, rail, and sea. Manila is

about nine-hours drive from the province of Camarines Norte for those taking the south road

of the ManilaBicol route, and about forty-five minutes by air transportation.

The region is composed of six provinces with four contiguous provinces comprising the

mainland: Albay, Camarines Sur, Camarines Norte, and Sorsogon. Separated from the mainland

by sea are the two island provinces of Catanduanes and Masbate. There are seven cities in the

region: Naga and Iriga in Camarines Sur; Legazpi, Tabaco, and Ligao, in Albay; Sorsogon; and

Masbate.

It has a total land area of 1,763,249 hectares or approximately 17,632,400 square kilometers.

Camarines Sur is the biggest, with 526,682 hectares (Naga City and Iriga City included), and

Catanduanes the smallest, with 151,148 hectares. The other provinces have the following areas:

Albay-Legazpi, 255,257 has.; Camarines Norte, 211, 249 has.; Masbate, 404,769 has. Of this land

area, 1,250,460 hectares are alienable and disposable while 359,789 hectares are public forest

areas.

The regions topography is generally hilly and mountainous except for a few stretches of

plains extending from Camarines Sur to the southwestern part of Albay and several smaller

coastal and inland plains in other parts of the peninsula. This characteristic of the regions ter-

rain makes it highly favorable for the growth and movement of armed dissident groups.

As of 2000, the Bicol region registered a population of about 4,755,076, which represented

in the bicol region

0 |t h e c a s e s t u d y


eight percent of the countrys total population. In terms of distribution in the region, Camarines

Sur has the biggest population followed by Camarines Norte, while Catanduanes has the smallest

population.

The region is basically an agricultural area. The average rural family lives on rice, corn, and

coconut production, farm labor, and small-scale fishing. Due to frequent exposures to typhoons

and flood or drought, Bicol exhibits low levels of productivity. It has the worst poverty situation

in Luzon. At 53.1 percent poverty incidence in 2000, the region ranks third in poverty incidence

in the country (with the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao and Central Mindanao as

the first two).

Among the Bicol provinces, Masbate is the poorest with a poverty incidence of 70.9 percent

in 2000. Albay and Camarines Sur are better off with a poverty incidence of 47.8 and 48.7 percent,

respectively. They are both classified as first-class provinces. The other three provinces hover

around the 50 percent mark, although Catanduanes and Sorsogon actually exhibited an increase

Figure 1Map of the Bicol Region

t h e a r m e d c o n f l i c t i n t h e b i c o l r e g i o n |


in poverty incidence in 1997. Masbate and Sorsogon are classified as second-class provinces,

while Camarnes Norte and Catanduanes are classified as third class.

the armed conflict in bicol

Although the region may be described as relatively peaceful, the peace and order situation

obtaining in some areas is continuously threatened by intermittent aggressions committed in

the course of the fighting between government forces and the insurgent groups, notably the

CPP-NPA forces. The region is thus typically identified as a key conflict area where the military

and CPP-NPA forces operate. It is in this light that a documentation of peace-building expe-

riences in the Bicol region finds particular significance.

The objective of the CPP-NPA-NDF is to seize political power and eventually supplant the pres-

ent form of government with communist rule. This is being realized through the protracted peoples

war strategy of encircling the cities from the countryside through armed struggle. The peasantry is

the main force of the revolution. Political, economic, social, and psychological actions drive a

wedge between the government and the people. The CPP-NPA-NDF network includes national

democratic organizations operating in the open, legal, and parliamentary arena.

The failed peace talks in 1986, Aquinos declaration in early 1987 of a total war policy

against the CPP/NPA forces, and government endorsement of different vigilante groups led to

an increase in human rights violations in 1987. A report released by the Justice and Peace Desk

of SAC-Legazpi in October 1987 confirmed the growing number of vigilante groups in the region

that were also perceived as bandit groups sowing terror among the Bicolanos. During the period,

Albay was identified as having the highest number of human rights abuses (twenty-eight) fol-

lowed by Sorsogon with twenty-two; Camarines Sur, eighteen; and Masbate, six. The majority

of the victims were peasants. Other victims were workers and youth activists.

The above conditions paralleled the reported statistics on the strength of rebels at the na-

tional level. The CPP-NPA reached its peak during the same year (1987) and gradually declined

until 1996 when the dissidents regained strength. This trend is matched by the national figures

on firearms in the possession of the dissidents, which exhibited a sharp drop from 1987 to 1988,

and continued to decline slowly until 1995.

A 1995 report of the Commission on Human Rights for 1994 said that the insurgency sit-

uation in the Bicol region was rather deceptive. Except for Catanduanes where insurgents did

not operate, the mainland provinces of Sorsogon, Albay, Camarines Sur, and Camarines Norte

were reported to be continuously threatened by the presence of both armed rebels and criminal

groups. The 1994 records of the CHR regional office showed ninety-two human rights violation

|t h e c a s e s t u d y


cases filed with the office, with Camarines Sur and Albay having the highest number (forty and

twenty-six, respectively). The groups with the highest number of violation cases were the Phil-

ppine National Police (PNP) with thirty-two; the NPAs, sixteen; Philippine Army (PA), twelve;

and unidentified armed men, nine.

A 1994 report made by the Civil Relations Group (CRG) of the AFP claimed that in Sorsogon,

the NPA continuously engaged in liquidations of alleged government informers, robbery, and

harassments. It also stated the capture or surrender of some top NPA leaders, including the

third-top NPA leader in the Communist Party Group of Albay and Sorsogon (CPG-ALSOG)

resulting in the reorganization of the local communist hierarchy. The report adds that in the

months following the capture there was a notable decline in NPA strength in the province due

to desertion, surrender, or capture of rebels. Ambuscades and extortion, however, reportedly

continued.

In 1995 the Bicol region experienced a lull in the intensity of armed conflict, which was

believed to be a consequence of heavy military offensives in the area in the previous year. Again,

the national data matched this development with statistics showing the strength of NPA rebels

reaching the lowest point for a short period in 1995. Despite the decline in fighting, human

rights abuses continued, including killings for which the military and paramilitary groups were

mainly responsible. This was the finding of the 1995 report of the regional office of the Human

Rights Commission for the year 1994.

In May 1999, following the ratification of the RP-US Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA), the

level of armed conflict once again escalated. In 2002 the United States placed the NPA on its

list of foreign terrorist organizations.

More recent developments show heightened NPA tactical offensives in the Bicol region.

Currently, the CPP-NPA forces are believed to be strongest in Camarines Sur and Albay although

recently too, frequent armed encounters, atrocities and other types of human rights violations

have been reported in Masbate.

The areas in Camarines Sur where the CPP-NPA forces are believed to be strongest are lo-

cated on the eastern part of the Isarog Mountain and is known as the Partido area. In particular,

the Philippine Armys 42nd Infantry Battalion concentrates its operation in Tinambac, Lagonoy,

the Caramoan peninsula, and Presentacion which are all located at dispersed points on this

eastern section of Mount Isarog.

In Albay, almost all municipalities in the third district of Albay, particularly Pio Duran, Ligao,

Guinobatan, Jovellar, and Libon are reportedly affected. Contiguous to Guinobatan is Camalig

in the second district which is also identified as a critical area.

The rebel group in Bicol operates under the Bicol Regional Party Committee (BRPC) of the

CPP-NPA-NDF. According to a 2003 report of the Regional Peace and Order Council (RPOC), in

t h e a r m e d c o n f l i c t i n t h e b i c o l r e g i o n |


early 2002, the CPP-NPA in the Bicol region comprised five provincial party committees and

operated in twelve guerrilla fronts, each with its own Guerrilla Front Committees (GFCs). In

addition, there were three independent Komite Seksyon sa Platoon (KSPN) throughout the

region. With four guerrilla fronts, Camarines Sur has the biggest concentration of CPP-NPA

forces. The Organized Threat Group (OTG), as the CPP-NPA-NDF is referred to in the RPOC,

reportedly had 674 regular members as of the first quarter of 2002 in Bicol. Camarines Sur and

Albay were identified as the strongest areas (156 and 138 members, respectively), followed

closely by Sorsogon.

The weakest area was Catanduanes, with reportedly sixteen members. According to an army

press release in October 2003, rebels were known to come to the islands southern towns of San

Miguel and Pandan in the early 1990s simply for rest and recreation or to hide from pursuing

troops for most parts, they were based in Camarines Sur. However, military reports confirmed

that the underground movement had established a baby front committee on the island initially

the growth of the Cpp-npA in bicol

The first quarter of 1970 marked the beginning of student protest and mass actions in Manilathe so-called First Quarter Storm (FQS). In the same year, the Southern Luzon Party Committee was established as the first regional committee of the CPP. It launched its first attack on government troopers in San Pedro, Iriga City, in 1971. When the writ of habeas corpus was suspended in the same year and Martial Law eventually declared in 1972, many student activists and labor organizers went back to their hometowns. Among them was Romulo Jallores, who returned to Bicol in 1971 and established an NPA base called the partido area in Tagaon, Camarine Sur, on the eastern side of Mount Isarog. Jallores came from a poor family of abaca farmers and strippers of this town. Jallores, known as Kumander Tangkad, was seriously wounded in an encounter with Philippine Constabulary soldiers. He was eventually killed while in Naga City, where he was recuperating. Six months later, his younger brother Ruben, known as Kumander Benjie, was also killed by PC soldiers in a remote village in the town of Ocampo, Camarines Sur.

The cause that the Jallores brothers courageously fought for has gained followers in the short period that they organized the NPA in the partido area. The large crowd that flocked to the Catholic Church where their wakes were held showed the beginnings of the CPP-NPA movement, and the escalation of the armed conflict in the province and later throughout the region. An NPA command has been named after the Jallores brothers.

Governments failure to institute agrarian reform and the suspension of many rights fanned the growth of the communist insurgency. Human rights violations allegedly committed by government forces prolifer-ated with impunity both in the urban and rural areas of the region.

|t h e c a s e s t u d y


called, Ang Isla Kong Pusa (My Island Cat). The high incidence of poverty in the province, the

lack of public utilities such as roads and electricity, and a geographic profile that is conducive

to the proliferation and mobility of insurgents were cited as major factors contributing to the

strength of insurgents on this island and the rest of the province.

the case study

the catholic church

Among the civil-society groups engaged in peace building, the Catholic Church in the Philippines is widely recognized for its strong capacity to collaborate with government and NGOs and even with other religious

groups in forging new ways to facilitate reconciliation and promote human rights. The unprece-

dented EDSA people power that dismantled the Marcos dictatorship in 1986 further catapulted

the Catholic Church to a prominent place in Philippine contemporary history. Although the will

of the people was a decisive factor in the success of the uprising, the voice of the Catholic Church

through Cardinal Jaime Sin was undeniably the motive force that sustained the mobilization of

the people during the critical days of the uprising.

In the ensuing years, the Catholic Church emerged as an avenue for contact and dialogue

with communist rebels. At present, the credibility that it enjoys with the society at large, the dy-

namism of its top leaders, and its being closely in touch with the grassroot through the parishes

are advantages that have enabled the church to work effectively in pursuit of both the spiritual

and social transformation of its constituents.

In this study, churches are viewed in its collective sense as institutions. Citizens also com-

prise their membership in the same manner that civil-society groups are citizens organizations.

And because of its demonstrated commitment to the cause of peace, the church may also be

construed as a peace organization.

Records in the different dioceses of the Bicol region reveal that peace building represents

a continuing effort and long struggle of the local church people. Over the years, as is true with

other areas in the Philippines, the Bicol clergy has endeavored to reach its constituents through

various pastoral issuances like the pastoral letter, pastoral guideline, pastoral statements, and

pastoral exhortations, including denouncements. Although such public issuances reach down

to the parish level, they are less likely to result in serious reflection among the people, much

less effect profound changes in their attitude and perspectives on societal matters affecting

their lives. At best, they bring about a heightened consciousness about the moral implications

of some economic, political, or social issues confronting them. Given this weakness, a more

focused approach to respond to issues and problems involving social and economic justice is

pursued at the community level through the dioceses Social Action Programs.

and its peace-building work in bicol

| t h e c a s e s t u d y


Each of the dioceses of the Catholic Church in the Philippines has its own social action arm

supported by the National Secretariat for Social Action (NASSA). In the Bicol region, there are

seven Social Action Centers (SACs) registered with the Securities and Exchange Commission as

nonprofit organizations. They represent the five dioceses, one prelature, and one archdiocese that

comprise the six provinces of the region, namely, Legazpi (Albay), Sorsogon, the Archdiocese of

Caceres and the Prelature of Libmanan (Camarines Sur), Camarines Norte, Masbate, and Vi-

rac, Catanduanes. NASSA is the national secretariat of the Catholic Bishops Conference of the

Philippines (CBCP), which is recognized as the collective image of the church in the country

although it does not have canonical authority over the individual dioceses (see sidebar, a brief

history of the NASSA).

The mission and vision statements of the different SACs share a commonality in substance

in the sense that they all embody a commitment to social justice and the spiritual transforma-

tion of the communities they serve. To pursue this commitment, programs engaged in by a

typical diocesan SAC may include: (1) relief and rehabilitation, (2) livelihood, (3) environment,

(4) health and nutrition, and (5) protection of women and children. The implementation of the

programs tends to vary in terms of emphasis and approach.

The Justice and Peace Desk was later added to the component programs of the diocesan

SACs as a direct response to the insurgency problems and human rights violations during the

Marcos years. The Justice and Peace Desks of Sorsogon and Legazpi SACs were especially active

during this period.

Inspired by the success of the 1986 uprising in which the Church played a key role, and

President Aquinos avowal to pursue peace, the churches in most parts of Bicol took the lead in

various peace-building and reconciliation efforts in the first decade of the post-Marcos period.

The Catholic Church and other religious groups in Albay, Sorsogon, and the island province of

Masbate were particularly active in facilitating dialogues and negotiations with rebel groups.

In most dioceses, both Catholic and Protestant churches, the United Church of Christ of the

Philippines (UCCP) in particular, also supported local NGOs peace and human rights advocacy

campaigns.

Although actual peace-building activities in the SACs of the Bicol dioceses are less prominent

compared to other aspects of their work, the church is recognized as the center of true devel-

opment, committed as it is to social, political, and economic reforms. Spiritual transformation,

however, continues to be its major thrust.

The presentation of the peace-building experiences of the Church in Bicol is conveniently

grouped into three periods corresponding to three presidential terms beginning from 1986 to

2003. Significant events occurring in the respective provinces are also presented.

t h e c a t h o l i c c h u r c h a n d i t s p e a c e - b u i l d i n g w o r k i n b i c o l |7


the history of nASSA (Excerpted from the NASSA Annual Report 2004)

The Philippine Catholic Churchs involvement in social action work was institutionalized in 1966 with the founding of the Episcopal Commission of Social Action (ECSA) and the National Secretariat for Social Action (NASSA) as its action arm.

Its birth roughly coincides with the post-Vatican II, a period of great strides in the evolution of the Churchs social teachings. Several encyclicals and major documents called for renewed social involvement. Pope Paul VIs Populorum Progressio in 1967 was a landmark encyclical and practically the bible of social-action efforts in the 1970s.

In the Asian region, social action apostolate was beginning to gain ground with pioneers like Father Walter Hogan and his Priests Institute of Social Action (PISA) in Hong Kong. In August 1965, thirty-two Filipino priests attended a month-long training at PISA. It paved the way for the creation of the Episcopal Commission and NASSA.

NASSA gave birth to social action centers (SACs) all over the country. Now totaling eighty, the SACs have become responsible for the organization, direction, and coordination of social-action activities in the parishes and Basic Ecclesial Communities (BECs).

NASSAs work has been strongly grounded on the Church social teachings. It gives criteria for reflection, guidelines for judgment, and direction for action. Thus, NASSA views social teachings as the application of the Gospel to concrete situations.

Today, NASSA continues to respond to the calls of the Philippine Church for greater and deeper social involvement and people empowerment. It has adopted the crucial recommendations and redefined its thrust based on the Second Plenary Council of the Philippines (PCP II) in 1991, the National Pastoral Consultation on Church Renewal (NPCCR) in 2001, and several regional assemblies and important resolutions such as the National Social Action General Assembly.

In its thirty-seven years of existence, NASSA has gone through several paradigm shifts and reorganiza-tions. However, it has remained faithful to its commitment to serve the poor.

the aquino period

The first months of Aquinos presidency sought to achieve national reconciliation through

peace negotiations. The government offered an amnesty program that encouraged NPA

guerrillas to surrender their firearms in return for unconditional amnesty, financial reward,

the promise of livelihood training, and rehabilitation. The sixty-day cease-fire agreement was

signed on December 10, 1986, and the Aquino government ratified Protocol 2 of the 1949 Ge-

neva Conventions. The breakdown of peace negotiations between the government and the

8 | t h e c a s e s t u d y


CPP-NPA-NDF in January 1987 renewed hostilities. The NPA saw the offer of amnesty as a ploy

to break their ranks.

the regional consultation on justice and peace (1986)

Through the Social Action Center Justice and Peace (SAC-JP) desks, a regional consul-

tation on justice and peace was launched on July 8-10, 1986. Priests, nuns, and church workers

gathered to reflect on current developments and to re-examine the orientation and direction

of the justice and peace program. They believed that in strengthening its justice and peace

program, the church can respond effectively to the needs of the times and be supportive

of peoples struggle. The bible passage below was invoked at the launching of the regional

consultation.

No one patches up an old coat with a piece of new cloth, for the new

patch will shrink and make an even bigger hole in the coat. Nor does anyone

pour new wine into used wineskins, for the skins will burst, the new wine will

pour out, and the wine will be ruined. Instead, new wine is poured into fresh

wine skins, and both will keep in good condition. (Matthew 9:16-17)

Some of the problems discussed at the regional consultation were the continuing human

rights violations as manifested in tenancy problems, labor exploitation, warlordism, and militar-

ization in all its forms (salvaging, harassment, illegal arrests and detentions, and toleration and

participation in illegal activities). To address these, some immediate and long-term solutions

were recommended during the regional justice and peace consultation. Among the urgent solu-

tions considered were participation in public hearings, dialogues with government agencies, legal

aid, media liaison, and campaign for the indemnification of victims of human rights violations.

On the other hand, continuing education and organizing work, including networking with other

peoples organizations (POs), were proposed as viable options for a longer-term solution. SAC-

Legazpi simultaneously implemented appropriate programs to respond to poverty and health

problems. Subregional consultations with farmers, bishops, clergy, and cause-oriented groups

were also deemed important to ensure broader participation at the local level. As a final state-

ment at the regional consultation, the justice and peace group defined its goal of total human

liberation in terms of intensified conscientization, organization, and action.

human rights in bicol (1987)

A 1987 Justice and Peace Desk report of SAC-Legazpi condemned President Aquinos total

t h e c a t h o l i c c h u r c h a n d i t s p e a c e - b u i l d i n g w o r k i n b i c o l |


disregard for Protocol 2. This was reported in the face of excessive human rights violations

resulting from the worsening conflict between the government forces and the CPP-NPA rebels.

Civilians perished and properties were destroyed in search and destroy operations of the Scout

Rangers, Marines, and Philippine Army troopers.

Then bishop of the Diocese of Legazpi, Concordio Sarte, expressed grave concern over the

proliferation of so-called vigilante groups which he said polarized the people and created more

problems than solutions. Bishop Sarte nonetheless remained optimistic that lasting peace could

be achieved if both sides the government and the rebels pursued peace on the negotiating

table. The bishops statement, We tried to keep in touch with the rebels but lost contact with

them, attested to the Churchs efforts to respond to the problem at that time.

SaC justice and peace action group 1987

This group was organized to form an effective system in every parish, vicariate, and dio-

cese for reflection, study, and documentation that would lead to action for the cause of justice,

peace, and development. It was intended to safeguard and defend human rights and provide

members with a venue for continuing study and sharing that would deepen their commitment

to serve the people. It also coordinated efforts of groups, organizations, and individuals in the

province whose basic concern was to uphold the peoples rights.

The group was composed of individuals, groups, or organizations and institutions that ad-

hered to the objectives and principles of the diocesan JPAG.

camarines norte

The Task Force Detainee Ecumenical Movement, a program of the religious in the diocese

of Camarines Norte, was especially active during the Aquino regime, facilitating successful

dialogues between political detainees and the government on human rights. The movement

convened the Provincial Peace Council which was composed of then Governor Roy Padilla

Jr., the Philippine Constabulary Provincial Director Manuel Porras, Vice Governor Emmanuel

Pimentel, and representatives from other NGOs, including the media.

Camarines Norte was the scene of many cases of human rights violations including mas-

sacres, illegal arrests, detentions, and salvaging during this period. Staunch supporters of hu-

man rights during the period prior to Aquinos presidency like Grace Magana and Atty. Antonio

Carpio were illegally detained in Camarines Norte.

Atty. Carpio is from Naga City and was the chair of the KIlusang Mamamayan para sa Tunay

na Demokrasya. He went to Camarines Norte in July 1921 to join a protest rally. Troopers fired at



the demonstrators, resulting in several deaths. Carpio was probably detained illegally to prevent

him from reporting the incident to the national headquarters of the Philippine Constabulary.

albay

The Justice and Peace Action Group in the Diocese of Legazpi was formally organized in

1986 to create an effective system in every parish and vicariate that would lead to actions for

the cause of justice, peace, and development. In the same year, peace-building efforts launched

in Albay included the formation of the local cease-fire committee in Legazpi with Bishop Jesus

Varela of Sorsogon as chairman, the granting of financial assistance to the NDF as part of the

churchs effort for a successful cease-fire, and participation in Regional Peace Advocacy Train-

ing sponsored by the NASSA.

Several priests worked with the SAC-Legazpi in peace building. Among them were Fr. Jun

Barquez, Fr. Conrado Beloso, Msgr. Ralph Salazar, and Msgr. Lucilo Quiambao. Their activities in-

cluded mediation and facilitation of issuance of safe-conduct passes for rebel returnees, provision

of security and shelter to those who signified their intention to return to the fold of the law, fact-

finding missions, and extending assistance in the hospitalization and medical needs of rebels.

In 1990, the staff and priests of SAC-Legazpi were invited to attend a lecture on The Role

of the Church as Peace Maker by Bishop Francisco Claver, S.J., at Caceres, Naga City. This came

in support of President Aquinos declaration of 1990-2000 as the Decade of Peace. The Catholic

Church strongly endorsed the launching of the Decade of Peace through a powerful pastoral

letter from the CBCP entitled Seek Peace, Pursue It.

This pastoral letter proposed a comprehensive ten-point agenda for action taken from the

acts and decrees of the Second Plenary Council of the Philippines (PCP II, see: The Ten Paths to

Peace as Proposed in the CBCP Pastoral letter of January 31, 1990 on page 23). Here, the church

stressed, among others, the need to reorient values and attitudes toward the common good, and

to dismantle the structures that support discrimination and marginalization, including graft and

corruption. Through the same pastoral letter, the church strongly endorsed the implementation

of genuine agrarian reform and socioeconomic development programs, including an effective

educational system. The letter also emphasized the churchs support for the peaceful resolution

of armed conflict between the state and various groups.

masbate

A January 1987 church situationer reported the results of a dialogue sponsored by the Mas-

bate Principled Peace Movement to stabilize peace and order in Masbate. Regional represent-



atives from the government and the NDF arrived at a four-point agreement: (1) the cooperation

of the military in curbing criminality and banditry in the province, (2) prohibition on both sides

from issuing press statements while possible cease-fire violations are being investigated, (3)

maximum restraint in patrol encounters, and (4) the holding of office by the cease-fire com-

mittees at the Social Action Center of the Catholic church. Bishop Porfirio Iligan represented

the citizens panel.

Masbate civil society responded enthusiastically to the call for reconciliation. With the

backing of Bishop Iligan, the peace advocates, mostly priests, made contact with rebels through

emissaries, conducted dialogues, and negotiated with them. These moves were considered

confidence-building measures to support the cease-fire and negotiation process. The church

in Masbate in fact succeeded in extending the period of cease-fire agreement in the diocese.

Some priests, however, were branded as being NPA sympathizers and were feared listed in the

AFPs order of battle. Dialogues with the military were initiated.

The church coordinated the laying down of arms with other NGOs, law practitioners and

government agencies, notably, the DSWD. While many rebels were persuaded to return to the

fold of the law, some went back to the hills after meeting frustration in the promised financial

assistance. The possibility of assassination also loomed large among the rebel returnees. A no-

table case in Masbate is that of Nelson Nadura who was the spokesperson of the NDF during the

cease-fire. He surrendered in 1998 through the facilitation of the church. He returned to a normal

life with his family as a radio broadcaster until he met his death in an ambush early in 2004.

sorsogon

In Sorsogon, local negotiations with rebel groups were facilitated by the coordinator of the

Justice and Peace Action Group (JPAG) of the Diocese of Sorsogon. In response to Aquinos call

for reconciliation, the church in Sorsogon extended help to rebel groups who wanted to return,

although JPAG never actively advocated for the surrender. During this period, church peace

workers in Sorsogon also bore the risk of being suspected as NPA sympathizers.

the HOPE in naga/camarines sur

In Naga, a key city in Bicol, the second year of President Aquinos term witnessed the

formation of cause-oriented professionals into an alliance called Hearts of Peace (HOPE). The

group was aptly named in concurrence with the Popes words that The peace of the heart

is the heart of peace. Indeed, the group strongly believed that peace could only come with

a change of heart. A meaningful change in attitude and way of thinking at the personal level,



as members rightly believed, would gradually usher in a climate of peace and nonviolence as

a way of life.

Jean Llorin of the national Coalition for Peace (CfP) and Atty. Soliman Santos formed HOPE in

1987. Msgr. Alberto Nero, the SAC head in the Caceres archdiocese, convened the first meeting of

the members. Some of the early personalities in the coalition were Becky Torres, Berns Gavino,

and Elmer Casillan. Most of the rest of the members were from Ateneo de Nagas Social Integra-

tion Office (SIO), the schools social action arm, and from other cause-oriented organizations

based in Naga and Camarines Sur like the Community Organizing for People Enterprise (COPE),

Alyansa ng Mag-aaral na Atenista (AKMA), and Naga for Popular Democracy (NagaPopDem).

During its existence, HOPE maintained close coordination with the national CfP, which was

then under the leadership of Risa Hontiveros who is now House Representative.

Strong support for HOPE came from the Caceres Social Action Center Foundation Inc.

(CASAFI), the social action arm of the archdiocese of Caceres. The abduction and killing of

Nestor Dacara, one of the community organizers of CASAFI in Libmanan, Camarines Sur, and

the NPA bombing of two bridges in Camarines Sur, were among the flashpoint issues addressed

by the peace advocates. Pastoral letters and statements denouncing the killing and the escalating

violence were read in the churches in Camarines Sur in the ensuing weeks.

HOPE initiated various activities such as the exhibit of life-size photos of children suf-

fering from the ill effects of war. The exhibit was launched in coordination with the CfP. Street

performance of panuluyan at Christmas, a drama presentation during the Peafrancia Fiesta in

Naga, and radio interviews were also undertaken. A regular column in the local newspaper also

became a vehicle for the peace advocacy efforts of HOPE. The group also served a petition to

the GRP-AFP and NDF-NPA for Christmas and election cease-fires and dialogues. Negotiations

for the release of government troopers held by the NPA were also conducted.

What was probably the most significant accomplishment of HOPE was its success in forging

an agreement with the city government to declare Naga a Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality

(ZOPFAN) during the Peafrancia holiday in 1988. The Peafrancia is the annual celebration

held in honor of the Virgin Mary in the province. The agreement made the city a neutral ground

and a sanctuary for both soldiers and rebels. Although there was no actual response from the

CPP-NPA regarding their position on the declaration, HOPE believed that the ZOPFAN was

respected by both groups as indicated by the cessation of raids and encounters even after the

ZOPFAN period was over. Relative peace lasted until more recently in early 2004, when reports

of policemen being murdered started to surface. The ZOPFAN drew praises from the national

media and was portrayed as a model for possible replication in other high-conflict areas.

A groundswell of support for declaring Naga a peace zone came from various institutions.

The Naga Parochial School and the Colegio de Santa Isabel declared their schools as peace



the ten paths to peace(From the CBCP Pastoral Letter dated January 31, 1990)

1. Transforming values and mentalities into those that are truly oriented to God and to the common good: We need to be a peopleand to have leaderswho are maka-Diyos and maka-bayan.

2. Dismantling the structures (systems, e.g., ways of relating and acting in economic and political life supported by laws, policies, and entrenched practices) that favor the few and discriminate against the great majority of our people. Monopolies and a taxation system that lies too heavily on those who have less are such structures that need urgent change.

3. Designing and implementing truly transformative programs of agrarian reform, ecological promotion, and socioeconomic development geared toward the eradication of gross imbalances and disparities, and permeated by a sensitive care for people and for the earth.

4. Peacefully resolving questions of self-determination of various groups in the country within the context of national sovereignty, problems such as those posed by the MILF, MNLF, and CPLA.

5. Coming decisively to a moral and political resolution of the complex questions that revolve around the tension of national autonomy and interdependence among nations as reflected by realities such as various foreign economic interests in our country, our external economic debt, the US military presence, and inadequate transfer of technological knowledge so necessary for our economic growth and self-reliance.

6. Developing a satisfactory and effective educational system suited to our countrys needs as well as to those of the various members of the school community.

7. Freeing once and for all our most disenfranchised sectorsthe rural and urban poorfrom various forms of bondage, through a sincere practice of the evangelical option for the poor.

8. Effectively checking graft and corruption in private and public life.9. Conscientiously observing the laws of our country and effectively delivering socioeconomic services

to our people. Just taxes, for instance, have to be paid faithfully and the government must spend these honestly and wisely for the good of the people.

10. Empowering people in law so that decision making and implementing processes may truly be par-ticipatory and oriented to the common good.

zones. The Camarines Sur High School launched a Walk for Peace while the Holy Rosary Minor

Seminary held a Prayer for Peace. Support for HOPE from the church in Camarines Sur came

through CASAFI. The Jesuit community of the Ateneo de Naga also provided support in the form

of communication facilities and venues for holding meetings and related activities.

What may have actually marred the relative peace resulting from the declaration of Naga

as ZOPFAN were the shooting incidents in the city that involved persons of authority. As Santos

(2001) noted in his book Peace advocate, It was not the NPA who took advantage of the ZOPFAN



but the agents of authority. Moreover, the incident was not actually insurgency-related but

apparently had something to do with illegal activities (jueteng, illegal logging, drug trafficking,

among others.).

The most active years in the life of HOPE were 1988 and 1989. In the succeeding years,

the lack of logistical support and volunteer workers greatly hampered HOPEs peace advocacy

efforts. In the words of Santos, HOPE could have made more impact if these problems were

mitigated. Moreover, the bishop of the Archdiocese, Msgr. Leonardo Legazpi, viewed some

of the coalitions activities as too radical and later became critical of its peace initiatives. The

members, on the other hand, also expressed concern that some priests were identified as sym-

pathizers of the armed opposition group.

the ramos period

camarines norte

Camarines Norte was a high-conflict area in Bicol during the Ramos administration. The

Justice and Peace Desk of the Socio-Pastoral Action Center Foundation Inc. (SPACFI) has been

engaged in the promotion of peace since its registration in 1994. It works in partnership with

various groups in peace advocacy and the promotion of human rights. During this period, the

sisters of the Augustinian Missionaries of the Philippines (AMP) and the Task Force Detainees

of the Philippines coordinated closely in such activities. The church also engaged in advocacy

through the radio (The Bishops Hour). Being church-based, the initiatives of SPACFI were viewed

as more effective than those of other NGOs since they had the backing of the bishop and the

support of the parish. As with other peace-building groups, a major setback in the effort was

the lack of resources to fully carry out their mission.

The Protestant groups, were considered to be more active particularly in the promotion of

human rights compared to the Catholic group. They apparently had stronger mandates from

their superiors to engage in human rights work while the local Catholic leadership tended to

be more protective of the members of the clergy.

The Basic Ecclesial Community (BEC) approach was set as the avenue for educating the

constituents on peace building in the province. One of the activities of the BEC was the conduct

of prayer meetings in small communities. Pockets of nonviolent resistance to these kinds of

activities from the NPA forces operating in upland areas of Camarines Norte were encountered

by the organizers, particularly in Labo and Panganiban.

The participation in the NUC provincial consultation in 1993 is considered the most im-



portant involvement of the church in peace building efforts in Camarines Norte during this

period. The local consultations in Camarines Norte were successful and the multisectoral group

was able to come up with an agenda for unification. This was submitted to Bishop Varela of

Sorsogon who was then the chairman of the Regional Unification Council, with Pastor Harvey

Lucena of the United Church of Christ of the Philippines as vice chairman.

One of the problems raised in the conduct of the consultations in Camarines Norte was

the presence of military representatives who were reported to have conspicuously carried long

firearms inside the consultation table and persistently referred to some cause-oriented groups

as communists. Accordingly, this was not taken kindly by the representatives of many sectors.

Unlike other peace-building activities, the lack of logistical support was less of a problem in

the course of these multisectoral meetings since the government provided sufficient funds for

the NUC local consultation process. The participants in Camarines Norte consultation, however,

were somewhat frustrated with the protracted period it took for the national government to

arrive at a final agenda for peace. The Six Paths to Peace developed by the NUC to address the

agenda of seventy-one provinces represented the final product of these public consultations.

the prelature of libmanan

The Prelature of Libmanan which is a relatively new subdiocese in Camarines Sur also tried

to deal with the conflict issues in its locality. The rugged and mountainous terrain outside the

town centers of the prelature, which covers at least eight municipalities is also conducive to

the movement of rebels, although conditions in the poblaciones (town centers) were relatively

peaceful.

The prelatures early initiatives in the promotion of human rights were carried out in part-

nership with the government and the CASAFI in Naga. The active personalities in this effort

were Fr. Jose Cortez and Fr. Nelson Tria of CASAFI. Through its SAC, registered as the Prelature

of Libmanan Development Foundation Inc. (PLDFI), peace-building work within the prela-

ture was confined to mediations to retrieve the body or personal belongings of victims during

encounters.No dialogues or negotiations toward peace and reconciliation were initiated by

the prelature.

albay

The SAC-Legazpi actively participated in the NUC process in 1993. The local multisectoral

consultations contributed to the national peace process by helping build consensus among the

people, providing avenues for feedback and input especially local specifics for the substantive



agenda, highlighting the call for the resumption of peace negotiations, and serving as a mech-

anism for monitoring relevant developments and information dissemination at the local level

on the progress of the national-level peace talks.

The Diocese of Legazpi through its SAC also implemented programs in community building

through the BEC and its prison apostolate program. It also engaged in various campaigns on current

national issues and responded to cases of human rights violations. Its basic strategies consisted

of information and education drive, seminars, networking, and partnership with other NGOs.

Some problems that confronted the group were: (1) the need for a fulltime staff for the

Albay Justice and Peace Action Group, (2) lack of support from some parishes in JPAG activities,

(3) lack of interest and active involvement by the public at large, (4) presence of leaders with

political interests, and (5) lack of financial resources.

masbate

In Masbate, the NUC provincial-level consultation was organized by the diocesan SAC and was

reported to have been well represented and actively supported by the local government. Bishop

Varela, chairman of the Regional Unification Council, attended the Masbate provincial consul-

tation. The subsequent regional consultation was held in Naga City and was organized by lawyer

Soliman Santos, the head of the Regional Peace Council Secretariat. Masbate sent delegates to this

multisectoral consultation. The military was also involved, representing one of the sectors.

The Provincial Unification Committee, an organization parallel to the NUC, was created

by the provincial government of Masbate. Through this committee and upon the invitation

of the provincial governor, the organization succeeded in convening a meeting with the local

command of the CPP-NPA to talk about local issues. The talks apparently did not progress.

The local command of the CPP/NPA refused localized negotiations. No agreement in terms

of protecting human rights and observing International Humanitarian Law and human rights

law was arrived at.

sorsogon

In the early part of the Ramos administration, some distinguished rebel leaders like Celso

Minguez and Sotero Llamas met with Bishop Varela and the AFP regional commander. It was

a case of presenting each others side of the issues in the armed conflict. At this meeting, the

mutual desire for genuine peace was expressed.

Peace advocates and delegates from various sectors in Sorsogon attended the Regional

NUC consultation held in Naga. Ex-General and now Senator Rodolfo Biazon and Heidi Yorac

t h e c a t h o l i c c h u r c h a n d i t s p e a c e - b u i l d i n g w o r k i n b i c o l |7


were two of the leading personalities in the NUC who attended the consultation. The peace

advocates in Sorsogon were particularly proud that the logo created for the provincial Peace

Council was adopted at the national level.

camarines sur

In 1995, CASAFI proposed to embark on a peace-building program in Naga. The bishop

of Caceres, Msgr. Leonardo Legazpi, partly rejected this in favor of a peace-building program

of a wider scale, that is, one that would cover the entire archdiocese of Caceres. Fr. Wilmer Tria

was appointed in charge of the program. Issues directly or indirectly affecting the local peace

situationbe they political or socialwere presented to the bishop for decision on whether

these would be pursued for action. Unlike the bishops of Albay and Sorsogon, the bishop of

Caceres was known to be traditional in his approach to church functions, and not receptive to

initiatives proposed by other people in the diocese.

the estrada and GMA periods

the bicol peace forums

A multisectoral group of Bicol peace advocates was activated in 1999 as part of Estradas

call for the continuation of the local peace process. It was an upshot of Proclamation 21, which

granted amnesty effective March 24, 1999, upon concurrence of Congress. In pursuance of the

provision of Proclamation 21, the Local Amnesty Board was created in Bicolone in Legazpi and

another in Naga with their respective chairpersons, executive officers, and representatives.

Toward the end of 1999, Alexander Aguirre, then National Security Adviser, met with the

multisectoral peace advocates to organize the Local Peace Forums for the Bicol provinces.

During the meeting, Aguirre presented to the peace advocates Estradas Executive Order 115

providing for the localization of the peace process. He stressed the importance of forming Local

Peace Forums that would serve as the venues for consultation, dialogue, problem solving and

peace building. Five areas were initially selected for the Local Peace Forum: Camarines Sur and

Camarines Norte in Bicol, Bohol, Davao City, and Tagum City. The insurgency problem in these

areas was recognized to have a high probability of early resolution that would have a direct

positive impact on the communities.

In the individual dioceses, very little peace initiatives were undertaken even as many per-

ceived that the insurgency and other threats to peace and order have escalated in many areas.



The trend was indicated by frequent ambuscades resulting in casualties in both government

and rebel camps and civilians, abductions of military soldiers and officers, and use of land-

mines. Many of these incidents were however believed to be politically motivated rather than

insurgency-related.

the budyong bikolnon

The Budyong Bikolnon was a local consultation-forum of various development stakeholders

in the Bicol region with a view to: (1) appreciate the prevailing national and regional situations,

(2) awaken the consciousness in peace initiatives, and (3) unite efforts toward progress and

development through peace. The Budyong Bikolnon, which is acknowledged as a clarion call

for action in view of pressing national and regional concerns on development and peace, drew

inspiration from the consultations convened nationwide by the NASSA-JP of the CBCP and the

CODE-NGO (Coalition of Development NGOS). Budyong Bikolnon was held on May 11-12, 2000,

with the theme Progress and Development through Peace.

In the said forum, the national picture was presented as quite dim given the worsening

poverty of the Filipino people. Such a situation was acknowledged to have been aggravated by

environmental degradation and bad governance reflected in graft and corruption, poor imple-

mentation of government projects, and poor delivery of basic services. Insensitivity to gender

and exploitation of children were also noted as major concerns in the national realm.

In the open forum, participants identified other issues like the lack of maturity among

politicians, lack of credit programs for the poor, massive land conversion, domestic violence,

and absence of security in land tenure as issues of concern.

Bicol was portrayed as one of the poorest regions in the country, second only to the

Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). The poverty incidence in the region was

also observed to be escalating. As a whole, poverty was seen as the effect of several interrelated

factors: income inequality, the stagnation of certain industries in the region, overfishing in

major fishing grounds, the drying up of main river basins, decreasing school enrolment, and

increasing urbanization.

The goals of the Regional Peace Forum were presented in the Budyong Bikolnon conference.

It was recalled that a national forum was convened during the regime of President Aquino, but

the strategies were later on devolved, thus the need to create localized mechanisms like the

Regional Peace Forum (RFP). While the RPF had just started, the members were described to be

very clear about their mission and the task of creating a culture of peace in communities within

the region. The RPF reportedly has no grandiose plans but intended to concentrate on small but

doable strategies that were considered more effective. A two-pronged approach was adopted:



1) Problem solving: The RPF does not look at the people fighting for a cause as the prob-

lem. It defines the problem as injustice. The RPF, therefore, recognizes the widely held

view that, if justice prevailed and the people were provided the basic services for them

to live a more humane life, a large part of the problem would be solved.

2) Negotiation: The RPF acknowledges that the people fighting for a cause are brothers

and sisters, neighbors and friends, and therefore must be treated as such in any ne-

gotiation. This is perceived to bring in more palpable effect than when negotiation is

done on an impersonal level.

The Bishops-Businessmen Conference (BBC) also presented its vision, mission and goals

during the Budyong Bikolnon. The BBC is composed of various clusters, each addressing a

specific sector like mining, education, basic services, environment and indigenous peoples,

and labor and employment. The clusters have already made their individual strategic plans

and are now translating these into policy-advocacy action.

the justice and peace desk in the diocesan SaCs

The Justice and Peace desk had folded in some dioceses particularly in Camarines Norte.

On the other hand, it has been revived in others like in Sorsogon. The establishment of a JP desk

is being considered in the Prelature of Libmanan but is still in the early stage of conceptualizing

the approaches and strategies to be pursued. At present, the continuing resettlement of upland

people threatened by insurgent groups is a major concern in the prelature. The problem results

in diminished productivity since now and then some families would resettle in the lowlands

leaving their farms uncultivated to avoid being harassed by the rebels.

Establishing a Justice and Peace Desk to promote peace is being considered by the Prelature

of Libmanan Development Foundation (PLDFI), although it has exhibited reluctance to engage

in direct brokering, so to speak, to avoid putting the church in a bad light. However, an alter-

native perceived to be contributing to the peace process and which all social action centers are

pursuing is the Basic Ecclesial Community (BEC) approach. By building the spiritual formation

and sense of values in small communities, particularly, those in high-conflict areas, the PLDPI

director hopes that the nonstate armed actors may gradually be influenced to take the path

leading to more positive attitudes toward reconciliation.

After the phasing out of the JP desk in Camarines Norte, advocacy shifted to national mobiliz-

ations such as support for the impeachment of then-President Joseph Estrada, signature campaign

and information dissemination on the Power Purchase Agreement (PPA), and political education.

Lately, advocacy included child rights, notably action-research programs on child labor.



To address increasing human-rights violations in the Diocese of Sorsogon, its SAC created

the Peace Building and Human Rights Desk, which performs much of the same functions done

by the previous JP desk. The staff is engaged in fact-finding missions on human rights violations.

The PBHR Desk hopes to strengthen the capability of its members and volunteers through train-

ing, seminars, and development of modules on peace building and human rights.

peace building in masbate

In Masbate, peace advocates believe that the activities of the rebels have somehow lessened

to the point of just maintaining specific zones of operation. This is partly traced to the internal

problems that resulted in factionalism within the CPP-NPA. The peace building pursued by the

peace advocates of Masbate was confined to those mandated by CBCP.

The Masbate Association of Peoples Organizations, the umbrella organization for peace

advocates in the province, is considered by the diocesan SAC as a mechanism that could help

institute measures to address peace and human rights problems in the province.

actors and groups interfacing with the churchs peace-building programs

Numerous groups and individuals have interfaced with church organizations in their peace-

building efforts. The local consultations in all the provinces were invariably participated in by

the religious, the farmers and fisherfolk, labor group, urban poor, women, youth and students,

educators, and the business community. A number of cause-oriented groups and NGOs like

the COPE have also participated in the process

Fact-finding missions, particularly those involving human rights violations, wer

vol5.pdf

Documents

peacebuilding work

bicol churchs peace

peacebuildingcase studies

philippines of church

peace education initiatives

development studies

philippines volume

cidslearning experiences