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VYTAUTAS MAGNUS UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF ECONOMICS AND MANAGEMENT BACHELOR STUDIES Nikita Kuznetsov ANALYSIS OF THE IMPACT OF PANDEMICS ON THE ECONOMY Bachelor final thesis Economics study program, state code -6121JX034 Study field of Economics Supervisor Lect. Vitalija Kardokaitė-Šimanauskienė (degree, name, surname) Defended assoc. prof. dr. R. Bendaravičienė (Dean of the faculty) Vilnius, 2021

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Page 1: VYTAUTAS MAGNUS UNIVERSITY

VYTAUTAS MAGNUS UNIVERSITY

FACULTY OF ECONOMICS AND MANAGEMENT

BACHELOR STUDIES

Nikita Kuznetsov

ANALYSIS OF THE IMPACT OF PANDEMICS ON THE ECONOMY

Bachelor final thesis

Economics study program, state code -6121JX034

Study field of Economics

Supervisor Lect. Vitalija Kardokaitė-Šimanauskienė

(degree, name, surname)

Defended assoc. prof. dr. R. Bendaravičienė

(Dean of the faculty)

Vilnius, 2021

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Nikita Kuznetsov. ANALYSIS OF THE IMPACT OF PANDEMICS ON THE ECONOMY.: Bachelor

thesis in Economics and Finance / Supervisor Vitalija Kardokaitė-Šimanauskienė / Vytautas Magnus

University, Faculty of Economics and Management, Department of Economics. – Vilnius, 2021. – .55 p.

SUMMARY

In this paper the economic impact of pandemics is analyzed and the relationship between the

governmental measures, used to mitigate the effects of pandemics, and the economic performance of the

country is evaluated. The importance of this topic is also proved by the great interest of scientists and the

abundance of scientific articles. The problem addressed in this paper is to asses, what is the impact of

pandemics on countries’ economies? The object of the research is the impact of pandemics of countries‘

economies. The aim of the paper is to analyze the impact of pandemics on countries’ economies. The

methods used in the first part of the thesis is the systematization of scientific literature, assessing the

impact of the pandemic on the economy. The methods used in the second part of the paper: a

mathematical model to determine the development of the stages of a pandemic and a comparative logical

and graphical analyses of the economic indicators carried out to evaluate the impact of different policy

approaches used to fight against the effects of the pandemics on the countries‘ economies. Research

results revealed that the pandemic itself considerably contributes to a fall in the economic activity and

spending.

Keywords: economic activity, financial support, mitigation measures, pandemic, SEIR model.

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Nikita Kuznetsov. PANDEMIJOS POVEIKIO EKONOMIKAI ANALIZĖ: Ekonomikos baigiamasis

darbas / Darbo vadovas vardas Vitalija Kardokaitė-Šimanauskienė / Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas,

Ekonomikos ir vadybos fakultetas, Ekonomikos katedra. – Vilnius, 2021. – 55 p.

SANTRAUKA

Baigiamajame bakalauro darbe yra analizuojamas pandemijos poveikis šalių ekonomikoms ir

vertinamas ryšys tarp vyriausybės taikomų pandemijos poveikio ekonomikai slopinimo priemonių ir

šalies ekonomikos būklę charakterizuojančių ekonominių rodiklių. Nagrinėjamos temos svarbą įrodo

mokslininkų susidomėjimas bei mokslinių straipsnių gausa. Šio baigiamojo darbo problema nagrinėja

koks yra pandemijos poveikis šalių ekonomikai. Darbo objektas - pandemijos poveikis šalies

ekonomikai. Baigiamojo darbo tikslas - išanalizuoti pandemijos poveikį šalies ekonomikai.

Baigiamajame darbe naudojami tyrimo metodai: mokslinės literatūros, vertinančios pandemijos poveikį

ekonomikai, analizė ir sisteminimas; matematinio modelio SEIR, pandemijos stadijų raidai nustatyti,

taikymas; lyginamoji loginė bei grafinė ekonominių rodiklių analizė, atskleidžianti kovos su pandemija

metodų poveikį šalies ekonomikai. Gauti tyrimo rezultatai atskleidžia, jog pandemija ženkliai prisideda

prie ekonominės veiklos apimčių ir išlaidų sumažėjimo.

Raktiniai žodžiai: ekonominė veikla, finansinė parama, pandemija, pandemijos poveikio

ekonomikai mažinimo priemonės, SEIR modelis.

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CONTENTS SUMMARY ........................................................................................................................................ 2

SANTRAUKA ..................................................................................................................................... 3

INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................... 5

1. THEORETICAL ASPECTS OF THE IMPACT OF PANDEMICS ON THE ECONOMY .......... 7

1.1 Theoretical concept of pandemics ............................................................................................... 7

1.2 Theoretical aspects of the impact of pandemics on the economy ................................................. 8

1.3 Review of research analyzing the impact of pandemics on the economy ....................................16

2. ANALYSIS OF THE IMPACT OF PANDEMICS ON THE ECONOMY: CASES OF SWEDEN

AND DENMARK...............................................................................................................................23

2.1 Methodology of the analysis of the impact of pandemics on Sweden and Denmark economies ..23

2.2 An overview of pandemic situation in Sweden and Denmark.....................................................27

2.3 Results of the analysis of the impact of pandemics on Swedish and Danish economies and the

comparison of the results with other research ..................................................................................35

CONCLUSIONS ................................................................................................................................44

REFERENCES ...................................................................................................................................46

STATISTICAL INFORMATION SOURCES .....................................................................................50

ANNEXES .........................................................................................................................................51

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INTRODUCTION

Relevance of the topic. Several years ago, the author of the book “The Black Swan: The Impact

of the Highly Improbable” Nassim Taleb called viruses the greatest threat to humanity in the coming

years (Avishai, 2020). In 2019, the World Health Organization released A World at Risk report (GPMB,

2019), warning humanity of the potential devastation of the pandemics. As it can be seen now, many

countries were not prepared for this type of threat. The spread of the virus was greatly facilitated by

globalization, so revered by the modern consumer society and so favored by it. Now people must face

the downsides of this process.

The economic system, due to its complexity, cannot adapt so quickly to current changes.

According to the forecasts of the European Commission, as of December 2020, the European economy

will lose about 7% of GDP, government budgets of the European countries will hit budget deficit of 8%

on average and the have already lost trust of the citizens significantly. Also, according to many

dictionaries and source search engines (Merriam-Webster, 2020), “pandemic” was declared the word of

the year, so the relevance of the pandemic studies is higher than ever.

The topic of the mitigation policy strategies is of particular relevance today as well. Quarantine

seemed to be the only way to solve the problem in many countries. However, unlike most European

countries and Scandinavian peers, Sweden has abandoned tough containment measures since the start of

the pandemic. This decision was vigorously discussed all over the world throughout 2020.

The problem addressed in this paper is to assess, what is the impact of pandemics on countries’

economies?

The object of the paper is the impact of pandemics on countries’ economies.

The aim of the paper is to analyze the impact of pandemics on countries’ economies.

To reach the aim of the paper the following objectives were set:

1. To analyze the theory and concept of pandemics and its socio-economic impact.

2. To present, compare and evaluate previous researches that analyzed the impact of pandemics on

the economy.

3. To analyze the impact of pandemics on the economy, developing the research methodology and

adapting it to perform the analysis of pandemic impact on Sweden and Denmark economies.

4. To present the results of the research and compare them with the results of previous research.

This paper is structured in 2 main parts.

In the first part pandemics in terms of an external shock leading to a crisis of the economic

system are analyzed. It examines 4 pandemics, from the Great Plague of the 14th century to the 2009

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swine flu pandemic. The last chapter of the theoretical part provides an overview of the researches

evaluating the impact of pandemics on the economies, specifically of COVID-19. The second empirical

part examines the impact of pandemics on the economies of Sweden and Denmark, taking into account

the mitigation measures used.

Research methods. The analysis, systematization, and generalization of scientific literature are

performed. The comparative logical and graphical analyses are used to analyze data. A mathematical

model of the spread of the epidemic is applied, on the basis of which a conclusion is made about the

appropriateness of the mitigation measures taken in Sweden and Denmark. Then, the cross-sectional

comparison of the main economic indicators is used. Lastly, the main findings and results of the analysis

are provided and compared with other studies on the topic.

Information sources. In the theoretical part, the analysis and evaluation of scientific articles

were performed. In the second part a comparative analysis of statistical data and graphical analysis are

used. Coronavirus statistics and economic data were taken from John Hopkins Database, Our World in

Data website, Statistiska Centralbyran (Swedish Statistical Webpage), Danmarks Statistik (Danish

Statistical Agency), reports of the European Commission and the website of the International Monetary

Fund.

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1. THEORETICAL ASPECTS OF THE IMPACT OF PANDEMICS ON

THE ECONOMY

In this part of the paper the impact of the pandemic on the country’s economy in theoretical

terms will be analyzed and an interpretation of the concept of a pandemic will be provided, as well as a

grouping of pandemics according to certain features.

The possibilities of analyzing the impact of a pandemic on the economy are examined by

analyzing scientific articles already performed and empirical researches on this topic already published.

1.1 Theoretical concept of pandemics

The topic of epidemics and pandemics is very complex. In 2020, it gained even more interest

and will attract more and more researches over the next few years. To begin with, it is worth giving

definitions to these objects of the study. World Health Organization (WHO) - directing and coordinating

authority of international health uses the definition, proposed by the Oxford Dictionary of Epidemiology.

The definition of an epidemic is:

The occurrence in a community or region of cases of an illness, specific

health-related behavior, or other health-related events clearly in excess of

normal expectancy. The community or region and the period in which the cases

occur are specified precisely. The number of cases indicating the presence of

an epidemic varies according to the agent, size, and type of population

exposed; previous experience or lack of exposure to the disease; and time and

place of occurrence…Generally, a disease that exhibits large inter-annual

variability can be considered as epidemic. (Dictionary of Epidemiology, 2014)

So, according to the definition, epidemic is always some sort of unusually large number of

health-related events, and it can be used to define not only virus outbreaks, but some other high-volume

events affecting health. However, a lot of attention in this paper is devoted to COVID-19 and it has a

different official status - on March 11, 2020, the World Health Organization announced that the outbreak

of coronavirus infection COVID-19 had become a pandemic (WHO, 2020). Thus, the definition of a

pandemic, presented by Porta in A Dictionary of Epidemiology is the following: “An epidemic occurring

over a very wide area (several countries or continents) and usually affecting a large number of people”

(Porta, 2014). Thus, pandemics are just epidemics of a higher scale, spreading along many countries and

inflicting a substantial part of the population.

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Diseases have always accompanied people. Somewhere they hardly disturbed the humanity,

somewhere they forced it to fight back and prosper, and somewhere they made a huge contribution to the

destruction of the empires (Gray, 2020, para. 3). Nevertheless, humanity does not stand still, improving

medicine, social policy and living conditions - never in history has the standard of living been so high.

Consequently, the fact that humanity does not face so many infectious diseases in the quality of massive

outbreaks like in industrial era and before can be attributed to these changes in people’s wellbeing (Bloom

& Cadarette, 2019). All the more unexpected and destructive is the emergence of a new virus capable of

undermining the foundations of a modern society based on the intertwining and codependency of sectors,

countries and regions.

The world of the 21st century is a world of uninterrupted trade and the pursuit of wealth. The

stronger are the negative consequences that humanity is forced to endure after epidemics and pandemics,

from changes in trade due to supply chain disruptions to bans on voluntary movement imposed by states

to prevent the spread of the virus (Snower, 2020, p. 4).

The potential economic losses can be enormous as many sectors are affected - tourism,

healthcare, agriculture and transport (Delivorias & Scholz, 2020). All of this is underpinned by

accelerated urbanization, increased international travel and climate change, making the outbreak of any

virus a global problem.

Nevertheless, finding problems in the modern economic system, realizing its vulnerability to

external factors, people can make it better, help to adapt and make it more flexible. Overall, the economic

impact of a pandemic is sometimes difficult to quantify. The qualitative and quantitative costs incurred

by both society and individual households can vary significantly depending on the severity of the

pandemic, the long-term effects and projected costs (indirect or direct). The historical context is also very

important - in the past, demography played the main role in shaping economic activity, but now

information spreads instantly, so business is much more sensitive. Thus, pandemics and their impact on

world economies is a very serious topic requiring much effort to analyze thoroughly to make the system

more resilient to it.

1.2 Theoretical aspects of the impact of pandemics on the economy

This part of the paper explores 4 infectious diseases, which affected the economic activity of

countries. The reason why these particular epidemics were chosen is very simple - they all influenced

the development of economic and social relations in countries around the world to one degree or another.

So, the Spanish woman instilled in Asia a culture of wearing masks, which was reflected in the current

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trends in the spread of the virus, while in European countries this culture eventually disappeared (Horii,

2014, para. 3). SARS and the 2008-2009 swine flu pandemic are recent examples of how even mildly

contagious and not very fatal diseases can lead to regional or global destabilization.

The Black Death.

The most important pandemic in many ways is (at least for the European history) the Black

Death. According to various estimates, it carried out lives of one-fourth to one-third of the European

population (Khan, 2003, p. 273), meanwhile producing a significant effect on culture, politics and

economics. The mortality rate was sometimes so high that some cities lost up to three quarters of their

citizens.

At the same time, the level of wealth of the population before the epidemic itself (until 1347)

did not differ in any way from the well-being of the inhabitants of China, but immediately after the events

of this epidemic, there was a sharp jump in the income of the population (Sharp, 2012). Undoubtedly,

this was facilitated by the loss of population, directly affecting the land-labor ratios, respectively,

significantly raising wages. All this is a component of the Malthusian model, built in 1798 by the famous

English demographer Thomas Malthus. The implication of his growth model was that all forms of life

with an abundance of resources are characterized by exponential population growth. However, at some

point, resources begin to be scarce and growth slows down. This is called the Malthusian trap - a typical

situation in the pre-industrial era, when at some point in time population growth outstripped the growth

in food production due to limited soil fertility. However, this system stopped working in the industrial

era, because the concept of capital appeared, which helps to increase production and develop

technological progress. Thus, having wiped out a significant part of the population of Europe, the plague

helped the survivors to rise to a new level of equilibrium steady point of the Malthusian model.

An interesting observation is that all groups, regardless of income and age, were equally affected

by the virus (Cohn, 2003, p. 67), which is not the case with the current epidemic (UNDP, 2020, p.

11).Also, this outbreak became a spark that set fire to the conditions of the social order. The feudal system

suffered a blow from which it was ultimately unable to recover. Villages were depopulated, land values

fell, production costs dropped. Many fiefdoms have disintegrated into more modern contractual

relationships (Bell & Lewis, 2004).

According to the research made by Voigtländer: “… the mortality channel alone can account

for at least half of the increase in per capita incomes in early modern Europe. The largest component

came from more frequent warfare. Diseases spread by trade… made smaller contributions” (Voigtländer

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2012, p. 30). However, no one should forget that the plague created a more "attractive" background for

constant military conflicts, increasing the income of the population, thus giving the war causation.

Thus, the Black Death played a very important role in creating the foundation for evolving social

relations and is a good example of how a terrible in its scale endogenous catastrophe can have positive

consequences in the long term. This is why Africa's deadly HIV epidemics could potentially increase per

capita income (Young, 2005, p. 423).

The Spanish Flu.

The 1918-1919 influenza pandemic, also called the Spanish flu pandemic, has one of the highest

death tolls during the healthcare crises in human history. This outbreak of influenza is accounted for at

least 40 million people dead, however some of the researches affirm, that number is very close to 100

million people worldwide (Quammen, 2012, p. 331).

There are several theories regarding the causes of the emergence of this virus, and none of them

has been proven to be the one and only (Kolata, 1999, p. 53). The virus could originate in China and get

to Europe through the military divisions that sailed to participate in the First World War. Another theory

is that the virus was first encountered in the combat positions - in trenches in France and Germany. And

finally, the third theory, which has the highest number of supporters as well as it is cited much more

often - the virus came from the Midwestern United States, along with the military (Barry, 2005, p. 117).

There is no reliable source saying that the virus first appeared in Spain. The reason why this

virus began to bear the name of this country is simple - Spain did not take part in the First World War,

so its media didn’t censor what was happening at the front like other countries did. Therefore, information

about the unknown virus killing people in the trenches of France, Germany and other countries

participating in the war was first spread in Spain. Global troop movements during the war and

demobilization afterwards had greatly contributed to the spread of the virus in a world where human

movement had generally been at much lower levels.

When it comes to a detailed analysis, it becomes very hard to determine the targeted impact on

the world economy caused by the pandemic precisely, as many countries were in the protracted war,

which contributed to the economy destruction a lot by itself. Particularly destructive was that the profile

of mortality, as it was everything different from what was expected - instead of a regular U-shape, when

2 age-specific groups primarily affected were young children and the elderly, it was more of a W-shape

(Figure 1). Its distinguishing characteristic was that men and women of the age from 15 to 44 were

primarily affected (Brainerd & Siegler 2003, p. 5). As the influenza was enormously deadly to the

primary labor force, it, in fact, severely affected the economy damaging the labor supply thus affecting

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businesses and families economically. This effect was amplified by the fact that many young people lost

their lives in the war, thus each subsequent life of a person of the "working age" became even more

valuable. Meanwhile, in the USA, these deaths by the Spanish flu surpass the number of combat deaths

during World War I, World War II, the Korean War, and Vietnam all together (Brainerd & Siegler 2003,

p. 2). In their studies, Brainerd and Siegler demonstrated the impact of the pandemic on economic trends

in the United States in the first decade after the pandemic (1920-s) and in the following to even-out all

the possible disruptions caused by the independent factors.

Figure 1. Age-Specific Death Rates from Influenza and Pneumonia in the U.S.

Note: Compiled by an author using data from “The economic effects of the Influenza pandemic” by Brainerd &

Siegler research, 2003, Centre for Economic Policy Research. № 3791, p. 36

They used the standard neoclassical Solow model (1956) (which came to be used to estimate

economic growth in the industrial era, where the Malthusian model was no longer applicable), implying

a diminishing marginal utility of capital. According to it, regardless of the shock occurring in the

economy due to the diminishing marginal utility of capital, the growth in utility will return to the steady-

state level k0, where k is the amount of capital per worker. Even if the shock’s effect is positive and the

amount of capital per worker goes up, it will slowly return to the equilibrium point. Moreover, the larger

the shock (pandemic in this case), the larger the initial increase in output per worker as well as in the

capital per worker, and the more negative will be the subsequent growth in output per worker. (Figure

2a). In a simple AK model, according to Romer (1987), implying a constant utility from capital, due to

shocks such as pandemics, a new state will be formed, from which the utility of capital will subsequently

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grow. Thus, in contrast to the Solow model, the following growth rate is positive since the amount of

capital produced by every worker will continue to grow (Figure2b).

Figure 2a. Solow model Figure 2b. AK growth model.

Source: The economic effects of the Influenza pandemic (2003).

The most important conclusions of their study, where they used the regression analysis, was that

both the overall mortality rate from influenza and pneumonia in 1918 and 1919, and the mortality rate

among people of the working age are significantly and positively associated with the subsequent growth

in real income per capita from 1919-1921 to 1930 in the US states. Thus, it was found out that: “the

epidemic is positively correlated with subsequent economic growth in the United States, even after taking

into account differences in population density, urbanization, levels of income per capita, climate,

geography, the sectoral composition of output, human capital accumulation, and the legacy of slavery”

(Brainerd & Siegler, 2003, p. 27). The results show that one death per thousand led to an average annual

growth rate of real income per capita over the next ten years to at least 0.15 percent per year. Thus, it is

fair to say that in this particular “pandemic” case Romer’s AK model worked better, setting up a new

equilibrium point with the higher capital utility. However, they also found that in 1919-1920 the number

of business failures was unusually high, possibly due to deaths and the economic fallout from the

pandemic. This means that the post-flu gain is, at least in part, only a return to the trend.

Additionally, some communities started implementing non-pharmaceutical intervention (NPIs)

in order to reduce transmission by decreasing contacts between people, at least in the US (Bootsma &

Ferguson, 2007, p. 7588). The research suggests by completing the correlation analysis, that: “the most

important conclusion from this work is that the timing of public health interventions had a profound

influence on the pattern of the autumn wave of the 1918 pandemic in different cities. Cities that

k0 – capital per worker. Steady-state level k1 - capital per worker. New level

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introduced measures early in their epidemics achieved moderate but significant reductions in overall

mortality. Larger reductions in peak mortality were achieved by extending the epidemic for longer”

(Bootsma & Ferguson, 2007, p. 7591). However, it was also found that right after the restrictions were

lifted, transmission rebounded.

An important fact is what Crosby wrote in his book: “the states with the highest excess mortality

rates – Pennsylvania, Montana, Maryland, and Colorado – had little indeed in common economically,

climatically or geographically. Unlike previous epidemics which traveled on a slow east-west axis, the

Spanish Lady struck in a sudden, random fashion.” (Crosby, 1989, p. 66). Undoubtedly, it is also

important to remember about the First World War, which also had a significant impact on economic

trends in the country, but the authors of the article tried to minimize the impact of variables that are not

shocks from the pandemic.

The SARS-CoV-1 epidemic.

Severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) was the very first deadly epidemic that people

encountered in the 21st century. The infection quickly spread from China in just over six months, infecting

people in several dozen countries, but China and Hong Kong were the ones most severely affected by

the outbreak. The strain of this virus showed a mortality rate much higher than its "peace-loving" brother

SARS-COV-2 - out of 8437 cases of infection by July 2003, 813 deaths were recorded, which is

equivalent to almost 10% (Lee & McKibbin 2004, p. 119). It is noteworthy that this virus, like SARS-

CoV-1, disproportionately affected the elderly population, especially those with existing chronic

conditions (mortality in this group of the population was over 50%) (Siu & Wong, 2004, p. 72).

Even though the virus was “mothballed” rather quickly, negative economic consequences could

not be avoided, luckily, they turned out to be short-lived. For example, in Hong Kong, the demand curve

suffered the most, as people were afraid of getting infected, so they preferred to stay at home. As a result,

retail sales in April 2003 fell by 15% compared to the previous year, and the use of public transport

decreased by 20% (Liu, Hammitt & Wang, 2003, p. 17).

The tourism sector suffered the most: the flow of tourists decreased significantly (from 1.5 million a

month to 700,000). albeit only for 3 months (see Figure 3). Overall, the number of travel from/to Hong

Kong by any means of transport has been reduced. Thus, the volume of travel by land transport decreased

by 50%, by sea by 72%, and by air by 77% (Siu & Wong, 2004, p. 81). Additionally, under SARS,

countries had to take measures to stimulate the economy by introducing relief packages. Taiwan, for

example, has approved a $ 1.4 billion stimulus package to cover business and medical expenses. In turn,

Hong Kong approved $ 1.5 billion for economic recovery (Liu, Hammitt & Wang, 2003, p. 22).

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Figure 3 Number of visitors arriving in Hong Kong (August 2002 to August 2003).

Note: This graph was adopted from “Economic Impact of SARS: The Case of Hong Kong” by Siu & Wong, 2004,

Asian Economic Papers, 3(1), p. 77.

SARS has proven to be important in understanding the economic impact of the epidemic. He

clearly demonstrated that the economic impact is not limited to the loss of lives and health care, which

were low in SARS case. Most of the economic losses are caused by psychological factors; fear and

uncertainty reduced demand, and expectations for the future are redefined. The SARS epidemic also set

a precedent for government involvement in the fight against the epidemic to reduce the economic losses

it causes.

Even though the economic consequences of the epidemic were short-lived, they seriously

puzzled scientists, politicians and the world community. The author put it: “As the world becomes more

integrated, the global cost of a communicable disease like SARS is expected to rise.” (Lee & McKibbin

2004, p. 115). As it can be seen now, these predictions were not founded.

The H1N1 pandemic of 2009.

H1N1 is the last pandemic that humanity went through before the advent of COVID-19. It all

started suddenly - appearing in Mexico in May 2009, it took the virus only 5 weeks to reach all the

inhabited continents, forcing the WTO to proclaim this outbreak a pandemic. As for the official statistics

of morbidity and mortality, there are conflicting estimates. WHO has confirmed about 18,000 deaths,

while some studies suggest that 151,700–575,400 deaths in the first year of a pandemic were attributed

to the influenza virus (Dawood, Iuliano & Reed, 2012, p. 692). A notable feature of this influenza virus

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Visitors arriving in Hong Kong

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is its targeting - 80% of all fatal cases occurred in the age group under 65, while usually influenza acts

differently, as the percentage of the age group from 65 is accounted for 80-90% of all influenza-related

human losses.

According to the scenarios that were developed by Warwick J McKibbin, this pandemic was

recognized as mild, based on epidemiological estimates of the virus mortality and its prevalence rate

(mild, moderate, severe, ultra) (McKibbin,2009). The 2009 swine flu virus has been shown to be

relatively mild, and therefore competent public health measures can help with this type of pandemic

(Verikios et al., 2011). The mortality rate was calculated at 0.026% (BBC, 2009).

However, due to the low mortality rate of the virus, little is known about its economic impact.

However, the virus has still impacted health systems around the world, especially in Latin America. For

example, in Chile, the pandemic resulted in losses of $ 16 million due to decreased productivity of

workers due to illness. If we extrapolate this study to the US economy while keeping the pandemic the

same, then in the US, a decrease in productivity would result in a loss of $ 2 billion. The tour also suffered

badly. industry in Mexico, losing nearly a million visitors in 2 years, resulting in a loss of $ 2.8 billion

(Delivorias & Scholz, 2020).

In England, for example, the cost of treating patients with this strain of influenza was estimated

at an additional £ 45.3 million (the first wave of £ 20.5 million in additional spending on patients, and

the second £ 24.8 million) over the two years from 2009 to 2011.

Table 1

Epidemics and Pandemics analyzed.

TIME PERIOD DEATH TOLL STATUS

The Black Death 1347-1351 25 M Pandemic

The Spanish Flu 1918-1919 50 M Pandemic

SARS-COV-1 2003 813 Epidemic

H1N1 Pandemic 2009

18,000

(151,700–575) Pandemic

COVID-19 (2020-12-

28) 2019-present 1.8 M Pandemic

Note: Compiled by the author based on the information about pandemics from CDC and Encyclopedia Britannica

All epidemics, with the exception of the plague of 1347, broke out unexpectedly, spread with

the lightning speed, and then dried up in just a year. Even though the mortality rate of 2 of them (SARS

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and influenza of the 21st century) was insignificant, they still exerted a very strong pressure on the

economies of the countries in which the most massive outbreaks of infections occurred. Spheres, that

were hurt the most were the once largely dependent on the consumeristic choice and substitutional

variability – tourism and retail. However, such an event could potentially have much larger and

widespread economic consequences. The duration and unknown nature of the disease, coupled with its

high infectiousness, can create a lot of uncertainty for both politicians with investors and ordinary

citizens. This is exactly what happened in 2019.

1.3 Review of research analyzing the impact of pandemics on the economy

The coronavirus has taken hold in people's lives. No one can be surprised by the mask mode,

the need to maintain a distance and other precautions in order to not to let the infection to spread. There

are many ways to combat the spread of the virus. As the Imperial College COVID-19 Response Team in

their Report 9 highlights, states can combine preventive and isolation protection measures, which lead to

a big variety of different scenarios - it is worth at least looking at how the governments of countries

within Europe itself reacted differently, and there are many more scenarios around the world. A group

of scientists presenting their report about “Non-pharmaceutical interventions” proposed two fundamental

strategies (Ferguson, 2020, p. 3):

1) Suppression. This strategy aims at reducing the reproduction number (R), thus the virus will have

less carriers and eventually burns down. It can be reached by eliminating human-to-human contacts or

dropping it down to the very essential minimum.

2) Mitigation. This strategy aims at reducing the health impact of epidemic, not eradicating it

completely, until the “herd immunity” builds up. This is when the outbreak will fizzle down on its own

and the pathogen is no longer able to find a host easily.

The choice of measures ultimately depends on the relative feasibility of their implementation

and their likely effectiveness in different social contexts. For example, the American sociologist Charles

Murray describes the importance of the geographical aspect and population density when choosing

restrictive measures: “The relationship of population density to the spread of the coronavirus creates sets

of policy options that are radically different in high-density and low-density areas ”(Murray, 2020). In

several of his studies, he considers 3 American fractions: New-York, dozen large cities beyond New-

York as well as small cities, towns and the countryside. In the US 91% of the population live in counties

with the population density of 2000-3000 people per square mile – where the amount of COVID-19 cases

is unproportionally lower than in highly populated cities: “the sensible thing for government to do about

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the pandemic in a small town or small city is different from the sensible thing for government to do in a

big, crowded city” the author says. Thus, the strategy to fight the pandemic may vary not only within one

country, but within one city sometimes, which may make things way more difficult for the politicians

and legislators. However, this is the case for America, where the urbanization criteria are different from

the European standards.

However, disregarding the population density, the population-wide social distancing should be

implemented, as this policy has the largest impact .Additionally with some other intervention policies –

school and university closure, home isolation of cases, quarantining, tracing – has the potential to restrain

transmission below the threshold of R=1. R is a measurement showing an average rate of a pathogen’s

contagiousness (Bates, 2020, para. 3). Thus, in order for the virus not to spread, this indicator must be

below 1, then less than 1 person will pick up the virus from each infected person, which means that the

pandemic should not fade away. However, there is another important variable – k, which means how

dispersed the pathogen is. Thus, the unpredictability of the virus is shown. For 11 months of collecting

epidemiological statistics, it became clear that the pathogen of the COVID-19 virus is overdispersed,

which means that it tends to spread in clusters (Cevik, Marcus & Buckee, 2020, p. 8). From the other

hand, diseases like flu are very deterministic and tend to show the right picture of transmission with just

R variable. Therefore, a more comprehensive system needs to be developed with the coronavirus.

Excessive variance makes it very difficult to deduce patterns and learn lessons from any events.

For example, infection / non-infection events are asymmetric in their knowledge contribution. For

example, if we consider an event that could potentially lead to the infection of many people: the actively

discussed case in Springfield, Missouri (Hendrix, Walde & Findley, 2020). Hairdressers who were

infected with the COVID-19 continued to work with masks, having contact with 139 clients. None of

their clients were infected - 67 people were tested and the rest did not report symptoms. And, since no

one was infected, it can be concluded that masks are significantly useful in preventing infection. But, on

the other hand, knowing the chaotic nature of the spread of the infection and the applicability of the

Pareto principle, in the event of infection of one of the clients, this would have become even a more

weighty proof that masks do not help to contain the infection.

While over-variance makes some conventional methods of studying cause and effect difficult,

there is a sphere that should be studied to avoid turn bad luck into disaster – socio-economic policies due

to their high dependency on numbers.

The developing COVID-19 pandemic can truly be called the most significant pandemic since

1918’s influenza. Economically speaking, it caused the contraction as severe as the Great Depression

almost a century ago (Fan, Jamison & Summers., 2020, p.129). This crisis affected many spheres of

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people’s functioning – according to the forecasts, economic output will shrink by 5.2% in 2020

(European Commission, 2020, p. 172), World Health Organization claims it a public health crisis, as

many countries were (and are) struggling with the amount of people in need of medical help entering

medical facilities on the daily bases with addition of the shortage of personal protective equipment and

ventilators. In the developing countries people are experiencing food limitations, so they are forced to

choose - death by hunger or COVID-19. This is due to the problem, that is caused by the social security

systems in poor countries, giving people no choice but to work on the interconnected supply chain to

make a living. Failing that, supply chain system will crunch, thus affecting the rich (developed countries).

Realizing how complex political decisions and their consequences are, economists reacted quickly by

providing analyzes and forecasts of scenarios, giving politicians a qualitative and qualitative analysis to

work with.

This part of the thesis is devoted to reviewing the research and analyzing the lessons that can be

drawn from them. Most of the research has been based on a time-tested epidemiological model called

SIR, in which economic variables have been introduced to manage public health and the economic impact

of pandemics. These models formalize the compromise that all countries must come to in order to form

the optimal (if possible) socio-economic strategy to combat the pandemic.

SIR is a simple mathematical model that shows how the infection spreads across the population.

SIR is an acronym which stands for Susceptible, Infected and Recovered (or removed). All people of the

population are divided between these 3 groups. Susceptible (S) are those at risk been infected, as they

are not immune to it. Infected (I) people are those who are undergoing the process of the disease and can

be contagious. Removed (R) are people who cannot be infected due to different reasons (either being

immune to it, deceased or immune after successfully going through the status of being infected). Dynamic

in this model is measured on the basis of two parameters: β, the rate at which infected individuals

encounter susceptible individuals and successfully transmit the virus, and γ, the rate at which infected

people recover or die:

Recovery rates are ranging widely even inside one disease: Ebola’s recovery rate was from 75%

to 10% in some outbreaks. Influenza recovery rate depends on the strain of it going up to 99.998% (18

deaths per 100,000 people) (CDC, 2020).

Another important indicator is the “basic reproduction number”, which reflects how many

people will be infected by one person with the virus before he/she recovers from it. Talking about the

basic reproduction number (R0), it is important to give some examples of what it can be. Thus, measles

is very infectious R0 = 15, which means that every infected person is responsible for 15 new

contaminations, SARS in 2003 was more infectious than cold R0=3 but way less than measles and regular

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flu ranges R0= 0.9-2.1. Needless to say, these are the in-born attributes of the diseases and it is up to the

policies implemented to drop the contamination by public regulatory rules.

Additionally, economists imply one more category – Exposed (E) to account for the individuals

who are infected but not infectious yet. Implying this parameter, the model imposes that there is an

incubation time in a new host for the virus to become infectious.

The first research, done by Atkeson (2020) (see Table 2), shows SEIR model, implying that the

transmission rate (β) can change to account containment measures implemented by a government or

change of behavior. The analysis reproduces models at different levels of transmission to simulate the

rate at which the virus spreads. Also, in this research, the models varied in the absence / presence of

containment measures for the spread of the virus. Depending on the presence and severity of the virus

containment measures applied, the transmission rate ranged from 3.0 (no containment measures) to 1.0

(strict quarantine). The bottom line of this study is that regardless of the measures taken to control and

protect the population, in the long term it is impossible to contain β <1.0, which translates into a

widespread of the virus and, consequently, in a lot of fatalities (Atkeson,2020).

However, Atkeson's study did not look at the impact of the pandemic on economic societal

relations. Accordingly, in their study, Eichenbaum, Rebelo, and Trabandt: “allow for the interaction

between economic decisions and rates of infection (Eichenbaum, Rebelo & Trabandt, 2020, p. 1)”. In

addition to the standard indicators used in the SIR model, it is considered that infection can occur at work

or during shopping. They also consider that sick people make their decisions differently - they may not

go to work or ask someone to go shopping for them. Thus, this system takes into account how people

make economic decisions in a pandemic, because for many categories of citizens, utility of consumption

is more important than the utility of being infected. Thus, people decide to work less in exchange to stay

safe and sound. In their study, they apply the models (the medical preparedness model, the treatment

model, the vaccination model), including various social scenarios, and also consider models that are

based on the measures taken to contain the spread of the virus. (shelter-in-place orders or bars and

restaurants closure). They found out, that the optimal measures of virus control reduce the peak level of

infection to 3% from 5% as well as the death toll to 0.21% from 0.26% (Eichenbaum, Rebelo & Trabandt,

2020, p. 21).

The next research conducted by Alvarez, Argente, and Lippi (2020) was based on SIR model

with the inclusion of lockdown measures to find the specific type of lockdown which minimizes the

economic losses as well as the lives carried out by the pandemic (and measures implemented). Their

quantitative analysis classifies the features of the optimal lockdown policy – shape, intensity and duration

of it. Additionally, they do not imply testing in their model. As a result, their optimal policy looks like

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“the implementation of the severe lockdown beginning couple weeks after the outbreak, which covers

60% of the population in a month and gradually weaken it to 20% of the population after 3 months”

(Alvarez, 2020, p. 1). Most importantly, everything comes down to the lockdown implementation and its

effectiveness – ineffective lockdown makes the optimal time of lockdown shorter. Thus, economic costs

of the ineffective lockdown rapidly overweight the positives of it, as the lockdown doesn’t succeed with

its main function – decrease the transmission of the virus (Alvarez,2020).

Similarly, Jones, Philippon, & Venkateswaran (2020) include the mitigation policy. However,

they support suppressive measures of a way higher scale and, as a result, they conclude that both the

cumulative death rate may drop to 1.75% from 2.5% and the death rate to 0.15%. This comes from their

“learning by doing” assumption that says that people working at home are getting better at this in time

and from hospital congestion when the infection rates are high (Jones, Philippon, & Venkateswaran,

2020, p. 11).

Additionally, there were the studies that include testing in the model. One of such analysis was

conducted by Piguillem & Shi (2020). They show that “if the government has no means to identify the

carriers of the virus, the observed mandatory quarantines around the world seem to be close to what it

can be considered optimal. However, if the government can increase the intensity of testing over subjects,

that is a far superior strategy “(Piguillem & Shi, 2020, p. 42).

Lastly, there is a research, analyzing the heterogeneity effects of COVID-19. Kaplan, Moll &

Violante (2020) integrate the expanded SIR model with the variables like income & wealth inequality,

sectoral occupation. In their model, economic exposure to the pandemic is strongly correlated with the

level of income. Thus, the lower the income the more exposed you were to the pandemic and the measures

accompanying it (Kaplan Moll & Violante, 2020, p. 5) (Table 2).

Table 2

Research of COVID-19 and its impact on the Economies.

DATE MODEL SUBJECT OF

RESEARCH

CONCLUSIONS

Atkeson March 2020 SEIR

Liquid virus

transmission over

time.

No mitigation policies can

deter the virus once β>1.0

Eichenbaum,

Rebelo &

Trabandt

April 14,

2020

SIR

(extended)

Relationship

between the disease

spread and the

Containment measures

reduce:

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economy. Economic

decisions.

Infection’s peak level – 5%

3%

Death toll – 0.26%

0.21%

Alvarez, Argente

& Lippi

April 6,

2020

SIR

(extended)

Quarantining people

once suspected in the

contact. Cost of

statistical life.

Lockdown costs.

Severe lockdown 2 weeks

after the outbreak.

Effectiveness of a lockdown

is extremely important.

Jones, Philippon

&

Venkateswaran

Ap2ril

10,2020

SIR

(extended)

Working from home.

Learning by doing.

Hospital congestion.

Front-loaded mitigation

policy. Work from home

immediately.

Cumulative death rate –

2.5% 1.75%

Death toll to 0.15%

Piguillem & Shi June 8,

2020 SEIR Testing

Quarantine and enacting of

it becomes more selective.

Kaplan, Moll &

Violante

September,

2020

SIR

(extended)

Testing, Wealth &

Income Inequality,

Unequal economic

consequences of the

pandemic. Welfare costs

are large.

Note: Compiled by the author based on the research analyzed.

The spread of the coronavirus pandemic has led not only to a public health crisis, but also to an

economic one. The literature reviewed in this section makes it clear that human behavior is very

important when choosing a model to fight the virus. Ignoring the behavior of people in response to a

pandemic can result in dire consequences in both health and welfare, as happened in 1918.As authorities

choose the NPI policies to follow, it is imperative for them to consider how it affects people’s lives and

how reasonable they are, otherwise it creates a distrust effect making everyone worse-off.

This chapter has described the concept of a pandemic. Also, a historical analysis of past

pandemics was carried out, taking into account their impact on the economy. The following is a review

of scientific papers that look at pandemics in terms of their socio-economic impact. There are many

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variables that affect the course of a pandemic. So, measures to contain infection (social distancing,

isolation etc.) have an inversely proportional effect on the mortality rate, reducing the number of infected

people, and people of low income are more exposed to negative consequences from a pandemic.

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2. ANALYSIS OF THE IMPACT OF PANDEMICS ON THE

ECONOMY: CASES OF SWEDEN AND DENMARK

In this part of the paper the economies of Sweden and Denmark will be compared in under the

pandemic conditions. The overview of the pandemic circumstances will be given with respect to their

different approaches used. The results of the analysis of the impact of pandemics on countries’ economies

will be provided and compared with the results of previous scientific research.

2.1 Methodology of the analysis of the impact of pandemics on Sweden and

Denmark economies

The section presents a simple SEIR model for the COVID-19 pandemic. SIER models are

commonly used in order to understand the flow the virus spreads with. The reason why it is used in this

analysis is simple – the amount of days the pandemic is in action reflects the economic performance of

the country. The longer the pandemic is present, the lower the chance that the contagion policy can rely

on the strict lockdown measures, as it exhausts the economy and makes in very vulnerable. Based on the

literature review, the scale of suppression measures in place directly affects the economic activity in the

area affected. So, the main goal of this part of the analysis is to show, using the model, how differently

the pandemic has been developing in Sweden and Denmark with the help of the previous research, which

are related to the costs of lockdowns, isolations, social distancing and other NPI intervention measures.

Analysis of previous studies has identified that the direct costs of the COVID-19 pandemic related to the

amount of infected people and mortality are lower than the indirect losses conditioned by the crisis (Noy,

2020). It means that the low amount of COVID-19 cases and deaths does not necessarily correlate with

a low economic impact. Also, analysis of previous studies identified that fiscal measures, virus mitigation

measures, interconnectedness with the world supply chain are the factors that influence economic

performance under the pandemic conditions.

For the statistical information of economic indicators the official data sources are used: ECDC,

Our World in Data, Statistiska Centralbyran (Swedish Statistical Webpage), Folkhalsomyndigheten

(Swedish Public Health Agency), Danmarks Statistik (Danish Statistical Agency) in order to compare

and evaluate the COVID-19 cases of Denmark and Sweden. For the assessment of analysis of the impact

of pandemics on the economy, based on theoretical analysis, hypotheses are raised, the model of

assessment will be constructed, and the correction of variables will be made. Also, the most suitable

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method for the investigation will be selected based on the model test. Additionally, the limitations of the

analysis will be presented.

The model that is used in this section is called SEIR. The original model was developed by

Kermack & McKendrick in 1927 and was an infectious disease dynamic model. It simulated the course

of the disease dividing the population between 3 categories and tracking changes among them over time.

SIR – S (susceptible, those who are at risk of getting the disease), I (infected, those who can transmit the

disease) and R (removed, who have been exposed by the virus and either died or recovered from it).

However, in the model of this analysis, there will be one extra category – E (exposed, those who are

infected but not infectious yet). Thus, the population (N) fraction would look like this: N = S + E + I

+R. The model implies, that the person gets infected first and has some time (σ) before he/she becomes

infectious himself, so called incubation period (Kermack & McKendrick, 1927). Other 2 important

parameters used are, the transmission rate (β) showing how “successful” the person is at transmitting the

virus to the other encountered individuals, and the recovery rate (γ), showing at which rate infected

people die or recover. With all that being said, the formulas will look like this:

1) 𝑑𝑆

𝑑𝑡= −𝛽𝑡𝑆

𝐼

𝑁

2) 𝑑𝐸

𝑑𝑡= 𝛽𝑡𝑠

𝐼

𝑁 − σE

3) 𝑑𝐼

𝑑𝑡= σ𝐸𝑡 − γ𝐼

4) 𝑑𝑅

𝑑𝑡= γI

5) β = 𝑅𝑡γ

The first equation shows that the susceptible population goes down due to the number of newly

infected. The second equation shows the number of new exposures minus the fraction developing the

symptoms. The third equation shows that the infected population goes up with people with the developed

symptoms minus the people removed (recovered or dead). The fourth equation shows the amount of

people recovered within the given timeframe. The fifth equation shows how the transmission rate is

formulated.

This model is used to create scenarios for the spread of a pandemic, taking into account various

variables. So, the model will use several variants of the variable R0, which stands for disease transmission

rate, in different situations. Depending on the location, population density, mitigation measures, personal

protective equipment, etc., disease transmission rate may vary, which directly affects the degree of

infection of the population. The value of R0 corresponds to the transmission of the disease with no

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mitigation efforts. This is a critical parameter for evaluation the progression of the disease in the

population and the economic costs of mitigation. The problem is that this indicator is not very reliable

due to the problem of overdispersion discussed in the part 1.3. However, from the perspective of creating

a mathematical model for identifying the duration of a pandemic, this is the most appropriate variable to

reflect the concept of the spread of the virus. So, even in the reports of the World Health Organization,

the indicator is indicated at the level of 2 to 4, which creates completely different patterns of distribution.

However, the initial R0 was chosen as R0 = 2.8, (Ferguson et al, 2020), however, depending on the

adopted pandemic containment policy, this indicator may fall to below 1, which leads to the conservation

of the virus and a further drop in the level of infection by the population.

The initial conditions for all experiments are set as follows. The initial value of I is set to one in

a million for Sweden, corresponding to 10 initial cases there given a population of 10 million. As for

Denmark, I value is set to one in 500 thousand, corresponding to 10 initial cases there given a population

of 5 million. The initial value of E = 4I, corresponding to an initial 40 individuals carrying the virus but

not yet contagious for both the countries. These values roughly correspond to the initial outbreaks in

Sweden and Denmark in late February, however this data is based on a grain of improvisation, as the

number of cases is very difficult to track without the proper systems which were not available at the very

beginning.

The incubation period (Tinc) was chosen to be 5.2 days. It is a mean indicator presented by the

World Health Organization (WHO), when in reality the incubation period may differ from 2 to 14 days.

The infectious period (Tinf) is the variable showing the time period when the person is infectious

to others. This indicator also varies significantly among the sources but is chosen to be 2.3. Thus, the

data for the implementation of the mathematical model was developed.

Table 3

Parameters used in SEIR model for COVID-19 pandemic

PARAMETER DENMARK SWEDEN

Infectious period (Tinf.), in days 2.3 2.3

Incubation period (Tinc.), in days 5.2 5.2

R0 at the beginning of the outbreak 2.8 2.8

Population size 5806000 10230000

Initial suspected cases 10 10

Mitigation measures Strong/Moderate Moderate/Weak

Note: Compiled by the author using WHO data, Statistiska Centralbyran and Danmarks Statistik

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Each figure shows 3 sets of variables – Susceptible (blue line), Infectious (orange line) which

also includes the Exposed variable component represented in the incubation period and Recovered (green

line) [see Annex 2a, b]. Figures show, that the level of Susceptible people does not change significantly.

It means, that mitigation measures work correctly, decreasing the level of contagiousness of the

population. However, the presence of such strict control measures leads to the fact that they must

eventually be abolished, leading to subsequent outbreaks of the pandemic. Thus, for the full functioning

of the society, it is necessary either to significantly reduce the number of the population in the Susceptible

category, which means that the population develops herd immunity, which means that the most

vulnerable segments of the population will have less chance of becoming infected. Or we need to develop

a vaccine that will help a society move from the Susceptible category to the Recovered (or rather

Immune) category.

The selection of Denmark and Sweden is based on the division of regulatory perceptions towards

COVID-19 by them. In the meantime, many other factors can be considered almost ceteris paribus, as

Denmark and Sweden have very similar cultures, economic structure, demographics, weather and, most

importantly, they started detecting coronavirus cases approximately at the same time. Economic data will

be used in order to compare the initial consequences of the regulatory politics of these countries. Cross-

country comparison of data from the section of economic statistics, including macro- and microeconomic

indicators of Sweden and Denmark is used keeping into the consideration the anti-contagion policies that

the countries have implemented. It is worth noting, that COVID-19 was not the one and only reason

affecting the economic performance of the countries, but it caused the greatest fall still. COVID-19 has

affected. Approaches, that these two countries have used to deal with the pandemic, have played a

significant role in the way the economy has functioned since the first day of the pandemic. Accordingly,

it also affected the behavior of the inhabitants of these countries. People started to behave more

consciously and weigh their social decisions, keeping in mind positive and negative consumption

externalities.

There are several reasons why Sweden and Denmark are considered:

• Firstly, they have very similar geographic conditions, having relatively the same temperature,

humidity, and overall climate.

• Secondly, they have a similar culture, starting with languages - the citizens of these countries

can communicate without the knowledge of English, a common historical heritage and ending

with the norms of social behavior, which include the "internal" rules of social distance, a willing

obedience and law compliance.

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• Thirdly, these countries have very similar economic baseline: GDP PPC, income inequality,

average wages, as well as long-term interest rates.

• Finally, the circumstances under which the country “welcomed” COVID-19 – almost at the

same time – the beginning of March, when the first cases were detected in Sweden and Denmark.

Other European countries aren’t so comparable (except Norway and Finland), since some of

them experienced earlier outbreaks (Italy, Spain or France), have very different population density (Italy,

Belgium or UK) or demographics (Mediterraneans’ households are more extended).

In the following chapters, the situation with the coronavirus in these countries will be analyzed,

the main macro and microeconomic indicators will be considered, the fiscal policies of the countries will

be assessed to smooth out the consequences of the pandemic, and the mathematical model will be

analyzed.

2.2 An overview of pandemic situation in Sweden and Denmark

The virus spread unevenly across Europe. Some countries were affected in February 2020, while

the virus leaked to the rest of the countries in March. The virus spread chaotically, so some countries

were simply "unlucky", but much also depended on other parameters, whether it be demographic

(population density), the importance and geographic congestion of transport hubs, etc. In the short term,

the situation is somewhat disordered (See Figure 4). On the horizontal axis the amount of cases per

million citizens is indicated by March 22nd. The reason why this date was chosen is simple – this is a

week after most of the European countries implemented some restrictive measures, whether it was early

soft lockdown like in Denmark and Slovenia or late moderate lockdown like in the UK, Spain or Estonia

(Plümper & Neumayer, 2020). Most European countries took preventive measures sooner or later,

depending on their own phase of an outbreak (early, moderate or late), however this is usually when

people themselves start being cautious and obeying, using personal protective measures. So, on March

15th almost all developed countries started taking steps to fight (or hide from) the virus. So, the measures

are most likely be on effect after March 22nd. The vertical axis shows deaths to 1 million citizens ending

May 31st, as for the majority of the developed countries, it was the end of the first wave of COVID-19

(not for Sweden though), therefore the end of the lockdown. The main role here is played by the initial

"affected area". Countries, that are more to the right (Italy, Spain) were the first European countries to

be hit by the virus. As it can be seen from the figure, the bigger the initial outbreak, the greater the amount

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of deaths. According to the data, Nordic countries had very similar initial conditions – same vertical, so

the way how these countries managed this initial outbreak regulated the amount of deaths they had to

face.

The graph shows that Sweden did very poorly in comparison to its neighbors. Surely, there are

some other countries that experienced even worse death tolls e.g. UK (due to its high connectedness to

the rest of the world and bad early disease management), Italy, Spain, not to mention Belgium (very high

population density as well as sticky connectedness to the other European countries), but they all also

experienced worse initial outbreaks which were harder to manage. On the other hand, there is also a long-

term perspective, which is more important for a comprehensive and detailed forecasting. Sweden has

implemented different strategy than other Nordic countries and were forced to meet a flurry of criticism

both from the scientific community from outside the country and from within. Many Swedish scientists,

including epidemiologists, did not support the methods of dealing with the pandemic and publicly

appealed to the authorities, calling for the introduction of measures to contain the epidemic, similar to

those taken in other countries. For example, about two thousand researchers signed an open letter with a

AT

BE

BG

CZ

DKFI

FR

DE

EL

HU

IE

IT

LV

LT

LU

NO

MTPL

PT

RO

SK

SI

ESSE

NZAU

CA

UK

IS

USA

RU

R² = 0.2789

1

10

100

1000

1 10 100 1000 10000

Dea

ths

per

mill

ion

inh

abit

ants

as

of

May

31s

t

Cases per million inhabitants on March 22nd

Deaths per million inhabitants by June 30th

Figure 4 Initial COVID-19 outbreak and the death toll of it.

Note: Compiled by the author using data Our World un Data

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similar appeal at the end of March. (See Figure 5). This Figure considers 35 countries, and the situation

with the coronavirus that has developed in them. The horizontal axis shows COVID-19 cases per 1

million inhabitants, the vertical axis shows deaths from coronavirus infection per 1 million inhabitants

too. The correlation between cases and deaths is quite strong, R2 = 0.5839, so we can quite confidently

say that the more cases of infection in the country, the greater the death rate. The last date considered in

this figure is December 17, 2020. In the long term, the situation is somewhat different - the number of

cases of infection is associated with a huge number of factors, from the chosen containment policy, the

age characteristics of the population (since the virus is much more dangerous for the elderly population),

to the humidity of the air and frequent hand washing. Amongst Nordic countries Sweden stands out with

high amount of cases as well as unusually high death rate – death rate trend is lower than the actual

Swedish data, pointing out its excessiveness. The graph also shows that other Scandinavian countries

had not only a very small number of infected, but also a small death rate. They were below the trend line,

which indicates a good performance of the health care system in addition to the high social awareness

that the northern countries are famous for.

Austria

Belgium

Croatia

Czech Repubic

DenmarkEstonia

France

Germany

Ireland

Italy

Latvia

Lithuania

Luxembourg

Norway

Malta

Poland

Slovakia

SloveniaSpain

Sweden

Australia

United KingdomUSA

R² = 0.5839

0.0

200.0

400.0

600.0

800.0

1000.0

1200.0

1400.0

1600.0

1800.0

0 10000 20000 30000 40000 50000 60000 70000 80000

Dea

ths

per

mill

ion

inh

abit

ants

Cases per million inhabitants

Outbreak case-to-death ratio

Finland

Figure 5 COVID-19 Outbreak case-to-death ratio. Last date considered is December 17, 2020. (WHO)

Note: Compiled by the author using data from Our World in Data

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The external characteristics of these four countries are the same, so it all comes down to one

thing - state regulatory strategies in use. This part of the empirical analysis will look at the various

policies in the Nordic countries as they represent the breaking point explaining why the number of

coronavirus cases and the death toll are the way they are. It all starts with a look at Sweden's policy. In

mid-February, more and more information was received about a deadly new virus that forced China to

impose the draconian lockdown in some of its provinces. Unfortunately, it was not possible to leave the

virus as an endemic, as it happened with the first coronavirus outbreak in 2003. It spread to other

countries: outbreaks soon began in Korea, Iran and later in Italy. It was assumed that the Scandinavian

countries, having similar political models and cultural standards, would introduce similar policies.

Instead, it turned out to be far away from the reality – Sweden decided to take a loose approach - they

kept the restaurants open, as well as the primary schools, didn’t enforce any personal protective strategies,

relying on people’s self-consciousness. In other words, they imposed the mitigation strategy, the idea of

risk reduction. So, in this context it means that Swedish strategy recognizes the problem that senior

citizens may experience and the overwhelmed healthcare system, but they do not try to eliminate the

virus completely, as it is not possible. The Swedish strategy is built on the principles of liberal-democratic

personal responsibility, not on coercion and prohibitions.

Another reason why it was decided not to impose strict quarantine is the inevitability of a return

of the pandemic after the control measures easing. Accordingly, back in March, a report was written by

Ferguson et al. (Ferguson Laydon & Nedjati-Gilani, 2020) where they modified a simple transmission

model to reflect the evolution of the COVID-19 outbreak in Great Britain. The authors of the report

concluded that depending on the stringent virus suppression measures, a transmission bounce is created

which leads to another peak. Basically, under very suppressive measures implemented early enough, a

country can conserve the virus simply postponing the outbreak to the “better” days, until good preventive

and mitigation measures are figured out. However, long lockdown can simply be too much for the regular

people, especially when it is not very effective and requires giving up your life for many months (until

the vaccine is created) [see Annex 3].

Nonetheless, the general lockdown was not implemented because of the legal base, that restricts

enforcing measures since the voluntary measures are only allowed by the Constitution and the Swedish

Infectious Disease Act (Ludvigsson, Andersson & Ekbom, 2011, p. 450). In general, Sweden decided to

take a “trust-based” approach with some limitations, eventually leading to herd immunity as a “by-

product”, concentrating only on protecting the old and the frail (see Table 3).

What about Denmark, it had its strategy very similar to those used by other European countries

with many restrictive policies and limitations (see Table 3). Denmark closed its borders, unlike Sweden,

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31

even though people were free to travel inside the country. Economic restrictions as well as gatherings

were to the greater degree limited, shutting down businesses and making people stay in their safe non-

transmitting bubbles.

Table 4

Nordic countries’ restrictions due to COVID-19

SWEDEN DENMARK NORWAY FINLAND

Schools &

Universities

Schools for children

aged 17 and above

are closed.

Kindergartens

and elementary

schools opened

in April.

Kindergartens and

elementary schools

opened in late

April.

Closed schools

(expect early

education)

Travel bans

and

restrictions

Advice against

international travel.

Recommendation

against non-essential

travel

Entry banned

with exceptions.

No limitations

of travelling

inside the

country

Entry allowed only

for residents and

citizens with some

exceptions. Two

weeks of

quarantine is

compulsory

Banned movement

between the

country’s regions.

Quarantining of

some municipalities.

Economic

restrictions

Non-essential

businesses were

open (bars,

restaurants, hair

salons).

Bars, cafes and

restaurants take

away only.

Malls were

closed.

Bars with no food

closed. Shops and

shopping centers

were open

Sports, museums,

libraries, swimming

pools, youth centers

and clubs are closed.

Take out only

Public

places

Gatherings of more

than 50 people were

forbidden. Visits to

elderly care banned.

Gatherings of

more than 10

people are

forbidden

No more than 5

people together.

No more than 10

people in public

gatherings

Personal

protection

Advised personal

responsibility and

physical distancing

Compulsory

masks in

premises

Masks must be

used in closed

spaces

Recommended usage

of face masks in

public transport etc.

Note: Compiled by the author using data from Coronavirus Government Response Tracker.

- Soft measures - Moderate measures - Hard measures

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Interestingly, state figures in Denmark show that ethnic minorities are accounted for 50% of all

the infections occurred, comprising only 9% of the total population. This is partly due to the fact that

these people are blue-collar workers forced to work on the edge of the infection transmission, so being

in the higher group of risk. In general, this type of strategy can be called the suppression strategy, aiming

at reducing the reproduction number, to below 1. The hardest part about this non-pharmaceutical

intervention (NPI) is to keep it in place (at least intermittently) until the vaccine is there for people. For

COVID-19’s case it took almost a year to create the vaccine and will take God knows how much time to

produce and supply them all over the world to immunize enough people.

The consequences in the countries of the north were very different. For example, as of June 14,

Sweden had more cases every day than all its Scandinavian neighbors combined. In fact, when you add

up the cases from the 21 EU countries with the lowest number of cases in June, Sweden still had more

cases than all of them combined. So, the cases of the disease in Sweden hadn’t been decreasing for four

months, until the end of June, when the coronavirus temporarily receded, and the degree of infection

became the same as in Denmark, Finland and Norway. However, shortly thereafter, in early September,

the virus intensified in Denmark, prompting the introduction of new restrictive measures, albeit in a

milder form, allowing businesses to breathe easy. So, this time schools and businesses were kept open,

but some restrictions were still implemented. Unfortunately, Denmark failed to contain the virus and by

December the infection rate per 100 thousand people did not differ from the Swedish, despite the

difference in approaches. Although, it should be borne in mind that Denmark has the most advanced and

comprehensive testing system for coronavirus, so the results documented in this country can be

considered as accurate as possible. As for Sweden, the infection intensified here a little later, having

caught up with Denmark by mid-October and soared significantly higher than other countries in this

comparison category. In Norway and Finland, at the same time, infection rates remained very low, which

allows residents of these countries to celebrate Christmas without listening to strong advices from

officials (see Figure 6). Another justifying point for Denmark may be the population density in the

country - it is more like the density in Western and Central Europe, exceeding the indicators of Sweden,

Finland and Norway by 5, 7 and 7.5 times, respectively.

All this is despite the fact, that Sweden didn’t work hard on testing the people until the middle

of summer [see Annex 4] Tests that turned out positive in the percentage ratio are presented there. The

lower this percentage, the higher the odds that all cases are included. In any case, determining the number

of cases of infection is not very effective, since everything is based on the number of tests performed,

which some countries do not do enough. For example, Sweden conducts far fewer tests than its neighbors

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(in percentage terms). As a result, things were underreported A more reliable indicator here is the death

rate.

As it was stated before, Sweden decided to become an outlier in this dangerous virus game,

relying on the very different approach. Basically, they have tried to develop this immune bubble for the

inhabitants collaterally to the comfortable living conditions. This strategy gradually affected the Swedish

death toll in comparison to what can be seen in other Scandinavian countries: It has 5 times more

coronavirus deaths per million people than Denmark and 11 times more deaths than Norway, during the

first wave. Then, for 3 months straight the death rate had been going down steadily and equaled the rest

of Europe at the end of July. By that time, it was expected by the official authorities

(Folkhälsomyndigheten, 2020) that there will be no outbreaks as the peak of the infection is a matter of

the past. Unfortunately, that didn’t work out well, as Sweden has started suffering the second wave, even

though the death rate is smaller. In the meantime, other Scandinavian countries managed to cope with

the second wave and kept mortality below the peak of the first wave (See Figure 7).

0

100

200

300

400

500

600

700

3/6/2020 4/6/2020 5/6/2020 6/6/2020 7/6/2020 8/6/2020 9/6/2020 10/6/2020 11/6/2020 12/6/2020

Covid cases per 1 million residents

Sweden Denmark Norway Finland

The amount of cases adjusted to the

population was very demonstrative in June,

when all Nordic countries started enjoying

non-COVID summer and Sweden had to

deal with the most severe outbreak in the

entire Europe.

Second wave didn’t differ from the

one happening in Denmark

Figure 6 COVID-19 cases adjusted to population. Last date considered is December 18.

Note: Compiled by the author using data from John Hopkins Database

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This analysis shows that the approaches chosen by Denmark and Sweden have had completely

different effects on the course of coronavirus outbreaks in these countries. On the one hand, young people

could continue to live their lives in peace, undergoing only cosmetic changes, while the older generation

was forced to watch this through the windows of their apartments (more than 90% of deaths from

coronavirus in Sweden occurred in the age group of people above 70). On the other hand, the decision

was made to introduce strict quarantine, temporarily exchanging the standard life of the 21st century for

saving hundreds or thousands of lives. Such, as it may seem, unethical compromise (if you describe the

situation too emotionally), was adopted mostly for the sake of an economic shock, or rather its absence.

As in other countries, from the very beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, the main goal of the

governments of Sweden and Denmark has been to protect the health and lives of people by reducing

contact between people, thus reducing the number of people infected at the same time. However, Danish

containment policy was not entirely different from a typical European practice of containment measures

escalation, while Sweden's strategy remained more liberal. In addition, Sweden has never entered a

period of lockdown with forced shelter-in-place orders, school closures and mandatory business closures.

The measures taken in Sweden were of a recommendatory nature, not obligatory, relying on the regional

0.0

2.0

4.0

6.0

8.0

10.0

12.0

3/17/2020 4/17/2020 5/17/2020 6/17/2020 7/17/2020 8/17/2020 9/17/2020 10/17/2020 11/17/2020 12/17/2020

Death cases per 1 million residents

Sweden Denmark Finland Norway

Figure 7. COVID-19 deaths adjusted to population. Last date considered is December 18.

Note: Compiled by the author using data from John Hopkins Database

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part of Swedish society - social consciousness. However, the severity of the Danish control measures

cannot be overestimated - the severity of these measures was generally below European (Hale, 2020). It

should be noted that in Sweden the level of trust in government institutions is high (for example, in

March, opinion polls showed that about 70% of respondents trust the recommendations of the medical

department), and according to both surveys and cellular data, many people actually sat at home and

canceled Easter holidays. Thus, in the spring, the Swedes maintained voluntary self-isolation at a level

comparable to that in Denmark and other European countries. However, the mortality rate in Sweden

was much higher than in any other neighboring country, and this is primarily due to mistakes that were

made in the introduction of protective measures, namely the late closure of nursing homes.

However, the looser system in Sweden should have paid off - a smaller decline in economic

activity and more positive macro and microeconomic forecasts than in Denmark. The economic aspects

of this comparison are discussed in the next chapter.

2.3 Results of the analysis of the impact of pandemics on Swedish and

Danish economies and the comparison of the results with other research

In this part of the work, the economic indicators of Denmark and Sweden will be assessed using

the example of their different approaches towards the pandemic in order to determine the economic

feasibility of quarantine measures in this particular case.

As it can be seen in the Scandinavian countries, the choice of approach to solving a problem is

a common trade-off between saving economies or saving lives. It is logical that under stricter restrictions,

the virus should spread more slowly, which means that the death toll from it will be less, but the economic

consequences of such measures are much more serious reflecting in low consumer spending, high

unemployment and the closure of enterprises and businesses. However, it is worth noting, that the virus

itself causes significant damage to the economy, as people cut back on their consumption due to different

pandemic-in-place behavior, because they understand the impact of their activities on the health of others

– the self-reasoning and common sense thriving approach. If people decrease their economic activity

voluntarily, compulsory shutdown can be not that damaging. Accordingly, this indirectly creates a

mechanism due to which some segments of the population, with the introduced lockdown, will not reduce

their active participation in the economy - with a decrease in the level of infection, shutdowns can make

people feel more safe and comfortable working, spending money and going outside. Thus, the situation

is created in which the virus is a detrimental factor in reducing economic activity, and the competent

shelter-in-place order is a factor that stabilizes economic activity for those potentially most affected by

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the outbreak - in this case of COVID-19, these are older people at risk. In fact, a trade-off occurs, in

which sectors of high social proximity are closed, mostly constraining the economic activity of low-risk

individuals (younger people), who otherwise would be the group mostly contributing to the spread of the

virus, with the flourishing economic activity of people of the higher age due to a reduced probability of

facing the virus.

Using data on the economic activity of the population during the quarantine period, external

differences in the policy response to COVID-19 are used to determine the impact of social distancing

laws on consumer spending. Effective March 11, 2020, the Danish government introduced a number of

social distancing laws, including a ban on gatherings of more than 10 people; the closure of schools,

universities and non-essential parts of the public sector; and complete or partial cessation of the activities

of a number of private businesses. Bars, cafes and restaurants were affected, being forced to offer take-

out services only and a range of other places like cinemas, nightclubs, dental practices and shopping

malls were closed down due to their specific requirement of social proximity. Unlike Denmark, Sweden

has responded to the COVID19 outbreak with a lightweight approach, largely relying on the social

responsibility approach. This very different response is probably the result of historical differences in

constitutions: unlike Denmark, the peculiarities of the Swedish constitution make it very difficult to

quickly pass laws affecting individual freedoms.

Figure 8 shows that in both Sweden and Denmark, daily aggregate spending in January and

February 2020 developed in a similar way to the same period in 2019: cyclical patterns were the same as

in the previous year, and there was some increase in spending levels in both countries right before the

dropdown. As the COVID-19 outbreak erupted and around the day of Denmark's closure, spending in

both countries has plummeted and stayed below 2019 levels throughout the first wave. By mid-summer,

Denmark had fully recovered its economic activity and was reaching the excess of last year's indicators

until the onset of the second wave, which originated in the country by mid-October (the surge in activity

can be attributed to the announcement of the implementation of the new restrictive measures and the

corresponding desire of people to catch up). In the future, against the background of new restrictions and

prohibitions, economic activity was evenly below the zero level of last year's indicators.

As for Sweden, the economic activity of the population there stayed at the level of last year in

the middle of summer very shortly, when the number of cases of infection and mortality fell to

insignificant values of the level of other Scandinavian countries (which speaks of the factor of a conscious

approach). Until mid-summer, the indicator was in the area of negative values for 3.5 months, since

quarantine was announced in the Scandinavian countries. Since there was no quarantine in Sweden, the

first wave lasted for several months, which caused a consistent reluctance of people to limit their social

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activity. In the fall, the coronavirus returned to Sweden, bringing the indicators back to the level of the

beginning of the first wave by December. Places that are included in this economic activity indicator are

the restaurants, cafes, shopping centers, museums, libraries, theaters, etc.

There are also confounders, that should be discussed, in order to estimate the effect of social

distancing laws being disrupted by some other variables. First, there is no different economic exposure

caused by the COVID-19 pandemic: there was not difference trajectories of Danish and Swedish main

stock market indexes. It means, that firms were equally affected by the global contraction in economic

activity and trade in each country. Thus, even taking into account the absence of official restrictions, for

the entire time of the presence of coronavirus in Scandinavia, economic activity in Sweden did not greatly

exceed Danish during the first wave. In the summer, the absence of restrictions and the low level of

infection of the population created psychologically and in fact favorable soil for the growth of

consumerism among the Danish population, while in Sweden the level of 2019 has not been restored.

-50.00

-40.00

-30.00

-20.00

-10.00

0.00

10.00

20.00

30.00

2/18

/202

0

6/17

/202

0

10/1

5/20

20

Economic activity indicator (seasonally adjusted)

Sweden Denmark

Figure 8 Economic activity in Sweden and Denmark after the pandemic has started.

Note: Compiled by the author using data from Google COVID-19 Community Mobility Reports:

https://www.google.com/covid19/mobility/

First wave lasted less than a

month in Denmark

Second wave started in the

middle of October

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And later, in the fall, when COVID-19 recovered in Europe, both countries went into the negative pool

of values, but in Sweden the indicators were on average lower.

This part of the analysis is based on 3 analytical forecasts written by the European Commission,

department of Economic and Financial Affairs in May, July and November 2020. This was done in order

to conduct a comparative analysis of the major micro and macro indicators of the analyzed countries.

With the help of three detailed analytical articles, changes can be tracked easily to which the forecasts

have undergone. To a large extent, these predictions depend on the policies followed by the states

regarding the COVID-19 pandemic.

It seems that Sweden's economy is not much different from other Nordic countries in terms of

the GDP change predictions. Considering, that loose contagion policy was implemented mainly to avoid

economic pitfalls, this is not what they were expecting to get. The idea was to avoid the economic

downturn that could have happened with the lockdown. However, regardless the lockdown the economy

is tanking. This is not what Sweden expected. It should be borne in mind that the countries that have

-9.0%

-8.0%

-7.0%

-6.0%

-5.0%

-4.0%

-3.0%

-2.0%

-1.0%

0.0%

Sweden Denmark Finland Norway EU

Forecast of gross domestic product, volume (percentage change on preceding year)

Spring 2020 Forecast Summer 2020 Forecast Autumn 2020 Forecast

Figure 9. Gross domestic product (GDP), volume

Note: Compiled by the author using data from European Economic Forecasts of 2020.

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39

introduced a lockdown have a psychological "handicap", since people are inclined to quarantine, which

means that after its end they will be more willing to be economically active.

Figure 9 shows forecasts for three stages of 2020, two of them (spring and autumn) are full-

fledged semi-annual reports of the region's economic activity, while the summer report is intermediate

in volume. There is one thing that clearly follows from the figure - the Scandinavian countries have much

more positive GDP indicators. Initially, in May, it was predicted that the level of gross domestic product

will slightly differ from the average European trend - by one and a half percent. However, according to

calculations for November, a different picture emerges - the cumulative GDP loss in the northern

countries are, on average, two times lower than the median for Europe (-3.7% to -7.4%). Interestingly,

all Scandinavian countries had positive forecast trends throughout the year, while the forecast for Europe

did not change.

However, Sweden's real GDP fell sharply in the second quarter of 2020 due to the coronavirus

crisis (see Figure 10). The decline was especially drastic in the export and private consumption markets

(see Table 4). In general, all countries in Europe have suffered to varying degrees from cross-border

supply chain disruptions, in part due to the fact that creating a safe and functional system for the transfer

of goods takes time, which is luck of in the era of uninterrupted on-demand logistical chains, and partly

due to the fact that the biggest supplier of everything – China, was temporarily out of the game due to

COVID-19 which has forced it to shut down not only small businesses but also factories and plants,

implementing the strictest (some may say even draconian) measures to stop the spread. Thus, many

industrial enterprises had to close temporarily due to logistical problems. However, Sweden has been

able to cushion the unprecedented downturn in business activity both with softer public scrutiny due to

the coronavirus and with timely policy initiatives (IMF,2020). In response to the crisis, the Swedish

authorities have implemented a series of coordinated fiscal, monetary and financial support measures to

mitigate the impact, with fiscal stimulus for 2020 amounting to more than 16% of GDP – being equal to

SEK 805bn (almost 80 billion euros), including SEK 230bn in guarantees, SEK 240bn in budget

measures and SEK 335bn in liquidity measures. A new short-term layoff system was also introduced,

under which the employee was entitled to more than 90% of his salary, while the employer could request

50% of the cost of paying salaries through government subsidies. Citizens could get self-employment

before sick leave for up to 14 days. A tax break was introduced, according to which small businesses

could pay their income tax to a special fund, 100% of which could later be returned in an emergency

requiring an injection of funds. The most significant measures are financing temporary unemployment

benefits and sick leave costs, supporting firms that have suffered significant losses in turnover, and

increasing funding for regions and local authorities responsible for health and social services

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40

(Government Offices of Sweden, 2020). Short-term indicators of output, sales, employment, as well as

business and consumer confidence and spending expectations suggest that the economic recovery, which

began in the summer, will continue, albeit at an uneven pace across industries. Real private consumption

is projected to decline by 5% in 2020, as spending on services, in particular, is likely to recover only part

of the lost ground. The enlarged government deficit is expected to be around 4% of GDP in 2020. The

public debt-to-GDP ratio should rise sharply from about 35% in 2019 to about 40% in 2020 before

stabilizing at this level. Of course, this is related to the large stimulus measures for the economy, forcing

governments to spend huge chunks of the budget. In terms of inflation, the country's consumer price

index will fall by less than 1% in 2020. This is due to low import prices, which in turn stem from

weakened trade relations due to interruptions in supply systems and a decrease in consumer demand,

leading to lower prices. However, inflation can also be subject to increased fluctuations associated with

the different price impact of the pandemic on different categories of goods and services, creating

uncertainty in the monetary sphere (see Table 4).

-15.0%

-10.0%

-5.0%

0.0%

5.0%

10.0%

15.0%

Q1 Q2 Q3

Profiles (qoq) of quarterly GDP, volume (percentage change from previous quarter)

Sweden Denmark Finland Norway EU

Figure 10. Quarter to quarter GDP estimation.

Note: Compiled by the author using data from European Economic Forecasts of 2020.

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When it comes to Denmark, it had faced a sharp and deep economic downturn due to the

pandemic, with real GDP declining by 6.8% y/y in the second quarter of 2020.Short-term indicators show

that the recovery is in full swing, but real GDP is still projected to decline by about 4% in 2020.

Nevertheless, Figure 10 shows the presence of positive trends in GDP, associated mainly with the

recovery in both domestic and foreign demand. However, due to the start of the second wave of

coronavirus in Denmark and the introduction of a new package of restrictive measures, there are doubts

not only about the growth of the GDP indicator in the 3rd quarter of 2020, but also about maintaining the

positive trend.

Consumer spending plummeted in the spring when the government imposed tight lockdown

measures to contain the pandemic but has since normalized as the measures were phased out. The

recovery in private consumption was supported by stable disposable income thanks to the government

emergency.

In spring 2020, when the pandemic hit Europe, Denmark quickly implemented a wage support

scheme to avoid mass layoffs and stave off rising unemployment. The turda market showed resilience,

quickly resuming its activity after the end of the deadly lockdown. So, the number of people who are on

the state support program quickly fell from 250 thousand in April to 30 thousand in August. Thus, the

unemployment rate, thanks in part to this program, will rise from 5% in 2019 to 6.1% in 2020. (Danmarks

Statistik, 2020). When it comes to fiscal and monetary initiatives, there is a stimulating fiscal package to

support the health care system and the economy turned out to be 3 times less than in Sweden (as a

percentage of GDP) and 6 times less in absolute terms. In the section on compensation and subsidies to

private business, a fixed costs compensation program was introduced. Depending on the degree of

decrease in turnover, compensation can range from 25 to 100% (for companies with mandatory fixed

costs coverage). It is this part of the stimulating package that is the most financially advanced, accounting

for 65% of the total. Compensation for self-employed will be up to 90%, when a decrease in turnover is

more than 30%

As in Sweden, the global recession and disruption of cross-border value chains have had the

most severe impact on Denmark's foreign trade. In the second quarter, exports and imports declined by

17% and 14% YoY, respectively. The export of goods related to tourism, shipping and construction

decreased. Exports of agricultural and pharmaceutical products have not declined due to their low

sensitivity to business cycles. Exports are expected to decline more than imports, -10.5 and - 8.7,

respectively. The consumer price index in 2020 will be at 0.3%. It is also expected that the increase in

oil prices and economic recovery in 2021 will increase inflation to 1%. Gross government debt to GDP

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42

ratio will increase from 33% to 45%, which is associated with both a significant drop in GDP and the

necessary increase in government debt.

Table 4

Main economic indicators of Denmark and Sweden

Year to year change

DENMARK SWEDEN

2019 2020 2019 2020

GDP (%) 2.8 -3.9 1.3 -3.4

Private consumption

(%) 1.4 -2.9 1.3 -4.6

Public consumption (%) 1.2 1.6 0.1 0.3

Unemployment rate

(% of total labor force) 5 6.1 6.8 8.8

General government

gross debt (%) 33.3 45 35.1 39.9

General government

balance (%) 3.8 -4.2 0.5 -3.9

Inflation, (%) 0.7 0.3 1.7 0.6

Export, (%) 5.0 -10.5 3.3 -7.4

Import, (%) 2.4 -8.7 1.1 -8.2

Fiscal stimulus 15 billion euros (4.8% of GDP) 80 billion euros (16% of GDP)

Note: Compiled by the author using data from European Commission reports, Statistiska Centralbyran and

Danmarks Statistik

The Scandinavian countries are renowned for their low levels of public debt. Sweden and

Denmark, thanks to their consistent and timely financial and fiscal measures, did not allow the economy

to lose much in the first two quarters of 2020. However, the incentive check put forward by the Swedish

government turned out to be much larger than what was adopted in Denmark. This is due to different

methods of fighting unemployment - while in Denmark people were transferred to a special temporary

reduction program, in Sweden people were left on special unemployment benefits. Also, Denmark has

adopted a gradual economic stimulus program.

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This part examined the economies of two countries - Sweden and Denmark. First of all, a

mathematical model was considered to determine the scenario for the development of a pandemic in the

region. It turned out that the number of people who are not immune to the disease will be very high

regardless of the methods used by countries (both in Denmark and in Sweden, the level of "Recovered"

was negligible), even though Sweden was determined to get herd immunity as a ‘by-product” of its loose

pandemic policy. It is worth noting that the case here focuses on the current epidemiological criteria of

the coronavirus and belief in the monitoring system. It may be that many people who have had

coronavirus are not counted, but it remains as a limitation of the method.

Then, the coronavirus situation is examined using the example of these same countries. Since

the methods of containment practiced by Sweden and Denmark were different, the results were very

different. Sweden, very different from the rest of Europe, did not use lockdown. Nevertheless, the

inhabitants of Sweden significantly reduced their economic activity, mobility, although the measures

were only advisory in nature. However, the death rate in Sweden was one of the highest in all of Europe.

This is partly due to the late closure of nursing homes, as people in this age group are most susceptible

to coronavirus.

Also, the economic activity of the population differed by age group. For example, in Denmark,

due to the pandemic, the economic activity of young people has significantly decreased, while the

economic activity of the elderly has increased due to the sense of security caused by the lockdown

(Anderson, 2020).

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CONCLUSIONS

Revealing the concept of pandemics, it can be said that pandemics are the outbreaks of

communicable disease taking place over a very wide area, usually affecting a lot of people. Based on the

information provided in the theoretical part, it can be stated that pandemics always affect socio-economic

activity of people, usually negatively in the short-term, leading to both healthcare and economic crises

and can have positive contribution in the long-term. The effects of the pandemic are particularly acute in

the tourism as it is tied to travel, which is strongly restricted by states to contain the spread of viruses,

which is especially important in an age of comprehensive globalization.

The economic impact of a pandemic is sometimes difficult to quantify. The qualitative and

quantitative costs incurred by both society and individual households can vary significantly depending

on the severity of the pandemic, the long-term effects and projected costs. The historical context is also

very important - in the past, demography played the main role in shaping economic activity, but now

information spreads instantly, so business is much more sensitive. Thus, pandemics and their impact on

economies is very current topic to help the economic systems to become more resilient to pandemics.

An analysis of scientific research assessing the impact of a pandemic on national economies

allows to state that the impact of pandemics on the socio-economic environment of the country is

especially emphasized. The research paid a lot of attention to the suppression measures to weaken

pandemics effects on the economy, such as lockdown, shelter-in-place order, social distancing, tracking,

contact tracing and other non-pharmaceutical intervention measures. Additionally, economic indicators

are considered too, including but not limited to countries’ level of wealth, economic decisions, cost of

statistical life, inequality of income, learning by doing principle etc. The research emphasizes the need

to take comprehensive and coordinated measures to combat the pandemic, not only at the level of country,

but also at the cross-country level.

In order to analyze the impact of pandemics on the economy, the mathematical model for

determining the development of a pandemic (SEIR) is used and is applied to two analyzed countries –

Sweden and Denmark. Then, the overview of pandemic situation is presented. Lastly, the comparative

and graphic analysis of economic indicators of these countries is performed, taking into account the

peculiarities of the methods chosen to reveal the impact of pandemics on the economies.

The results of the analysis of the impact of pandemics on Swedish and Danish economies

revealed that these two countries as well as other Nordic countries were hit less by the pandemic, than

the rest of Europe, whether it is the cumulative fall of GDP in the first six months, unemployment level,

economic activity or the service sector. This is due to high degree of authorities trust in Scandinavian

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45

countries and a voluntary adherence to recommended and/or legal rules. However, despite differing

approaches to the pandemic, Sweden's economic performance is not positively related to Denmark's,

while being accompanied by a much higher mortality rate.

Analysis of the economic macro and micro indicators revealed that Sweden and Denmark were

successful to provide timely and considerable financial support to households and businesses.

Additionally, the analysis of the impact of pandemics on economies showed, that the pandemic

itself considerably contributes to a fall in spending and consumption. However, it differs along the

different age groups – in Denmark social distancing laws severely limit the spending choices of people

with low health risks: this group would have spent significantly more during a pandemic if the availability

of goods and services with high social proximity were not limited, despite the higher prevalence of the

virus.

There are several limitations to the research conducted. The pandemic is still in progress; thus,

the tendencies and trends of economic fluctuations may differ in the future, resulting in substantial change

in people’s spending approaches. The picture of the world is now changing very quickly, so the

adjustment of macroeconomic indicators can be caused by reasons that are currently not yet determined.

As for the mathematical model, the biological characteristics of the virus that were used were up to date

but may differ and vary in the future because information about the pandemic is not yet explicit.

Future studies could further explore the impact of the mitigation strategies, including any

differential effects of specific measures. The distributional effects of social distancing in Sweden and

other Nordic countries can also be explored further. The evidence so far suggests very different effects.

Recent research in this area show that past epidemics have increased inequality, posed threats to the

availability of sensitive information. Besides, many scholars concentrate on the downfalls of economic

activity and try to evaluate the extents resulted from government-imposed restrictions on activity against

the voluntary choice of people to stay safe. Scientists may agree on the fact, that social distancing laws

cause small losses of economic activity only in sparsely populated societies and economies

(Scandinavia).

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ANNEXES

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Annex 1

The glossary of terms

• COVID-19 – is an infectious disease caused by a virus called coronavirus.

• Epidemic - The occurrence in a community or region of cases of an illness, specific health-related

behavior, or other health-related events clearly in excess of normal expectancy. The community or

region and the period in which the cases occur are specified precisely. The number of cases indicating

the presence of an epidemic varies according to the agent, size, and type of population exposed;

previous experience or lack of exposure to the disease; and time and place of occurrence…Generally,

a disease that exhibits large inter-annual variability can be considered as epidemic. (Dictionary of

Epidemiology)

• Fiscal stimulus - A stimulus package is a package of economic measures put together by a government

to stimulate a floundering economy. The objective of a stimulus package is to reinvigorate the

economy and prevent or reverse a recession by boosting employment and spending. (Investopedia)

• Liquidity measures – measures implying cash dotation to companies so they could pay their debt

obligations.

• Lockdown - a temporary condition imposed by governmental authorities (as during the outbreak of

an epidemic disease) in which people are required to stay in their homes and refrain from or limit

activities outside the home involving public contact (such as dining out or attending large gatherings

(Merriam-Webster)

• Non-pharmaceutical intervention - are actions, apart from getting vaccinated and taking medicine, that

people and communities can take to help slow the spread of illnesses like pandemic COVID-19 e.g.

lockdown, testing, personal protection equipment, social distancing etc. (CDC)

• Pandemic - an epidemic occurring worldwide, or over a very wide area, crossing international

boundaries and usually affecting a large number of people (World Health Organization)

• SIR model - An SIR model is an epidemiological model that computes the theoretical number of

people infected with a contagious illness in a closed population over time. The name of this class of

models derives from the fact that they involve coupled equations relating the number of susceptible

people S(t), number of people infected I(t), and number of people who have recovered R(t). Economic

layers like economic choices, government intervention, level of wealth can be added to the model to

use it in Economic science (Wolfram Math World).

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Annex 2

Annex 2a. The SEIR model of Sweden where Susceptible, Recovered and Infectious

Note: Compiled by the author through WHO data and Statistiska Centralbyran

Annex 2b. The SEIR model of Denmark where Susceptible, Recovered and Infectious

Note: Compiled by the author through WHO data and Danmarks Statistik

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Annex 3

Annex 3. Suppression strategies for Great Britain.

Note: was adopted from the report, written by the Imperial College COVID-19 Response Team. Retrieved from:

https://www.imperial.ac.uk/media/imperial-college/medicine/sph/ide/gida-fellowships/Imperial-College-

COVID19-NPI-modelling-16-03-2020.pdf

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Annex 4

Annex 4. The share of positive COVID-19 tests.

Note: Compiled by the author through the Our World in Data website using data from John Hopkins Database