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Female Empowerment Through Consumption: Can Commodities Engage with the Pre-Teen Demographic to Provide Feminist Achievement?

Advertising Dissertation

Northumbria University

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Table of Contents

Chapter 1: Introduction............................................................................................................3

Chapter 2: Theory Chapter.......................................................................................................6

Chapter 3: Case Study: Bratz..................................................................................................15

Chapter 4: Conclusion............................................................................................................30

Appendix................................................................................................................................ 33

Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….34

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Chapter 1: Introduction

“In our culture it is constantly suggested that women’s journey to self-fulfilment will

inevitably lie in perfecting their bodies” (Walter, 2010).

This dissertation aims to acknowledge and assess the major contrasting arguments

surrounding the girl power rhetoric as it is articulated in the Pre-teen (Tween) doll industry.

It will specifically focus on the use of commodification as an entry point in regards to the girl

power rhetoric, and the effects it can arguably have on Tween girls. The girl power rhetoric

promotes the ideas that girls are strong, smart, and empowered and that their interests are

of cultural value (Hains, 2004). Girl power however, is inspiring but also confining; feminist

but also postfeminist; enlightened but also degenerating (Newsom, 2004). This dissertation

will cover the feminist achievements gained through Tween doll consumption in a broader

manner by recognising the arguments whilst also analysing critical and theoretical notions

to deliver provision where required. Additionally, this dissertation also aims to highlight the

problematic aspects of brands utilising social movements when marketing dolls to the pre

teen demographic. This dissertation considers the use of commodification as an entry point

to examine the pro-girl rhetoric as it is articulated in the feminist discourse. This dissertation

will therefore aim to determine whether brands that adopt the girl power rhetoric can

provide Tween girls with feminist achievement, and contributes to cultural discourse

through means of empowerment.

Karl Marx (1859) revolutionised the relationship between Capitalism and oppression as

Marx began to argue that the working class are manipulated by Capitalists for maximum

profit. Marx’s philosophy has led to a self proclaimed group of ‘Marxist feminists’ who

believe that the Capitalist drive for profits are responsible for women's second-class status

within society. Marx theorises that women are particularly important because in the

majority of societies they are seen to be a marginalised group and therefore, men and

women would have to attain a point of progression, where an individual is valued for who

they are rather than any abstract category of man or woman. Marx was constructing a

dialectical argument that was connected to his inclusive theory of society which, was that in

order for society to progress past its Capitalist practice, new social relations should be

formed that did not rely solely upon alienated formulation of value. Thus implying that

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humans would have to develop, so that they are able to see value in each other not strictly

related to sex and gender.

It can however be argued that Marx’s theory is out-dated in regard to modern society and

there are more contemporary theories which guide my analysis of the girl-power rhetoric

within Pre-teen dolls. The discourse of empowerment, is a position that Rebecca Hains

(2010) draws reference to, stating that “empowerment has been theorised by feminist

scholars, that the rhetoric of empowerment has become quite commonplace in popular

discourse”. When thought of this way, Hains (2010) goes onto establish that “the rhetoric of

empowerment contributes to rearticulating dominant patriarchal and capitalistic values,

while not substantially disrupting power relations.” The relationship between

empowerment and consumption will go on to be discussed.

“A view predominates that the market is becoming more powerful, expansive, hegemonic

and totalising as it penetrates deeper into each and every corner of economic life and

stretches its tentacles ever wider across the globe to colonise those area previously left

untouched by its powerful force” (Williams, 2005). This position can arguably demonstrate

how the Tween demographic has now become a commodity within the Pre-teen industry.

Particularising upon the position that the Tween demographic has become commodified,

McAllister states that many girls within the Tween demographic (6-10 year olds), can in fact

achieve self-identity and joy through consumption. It could be argued therefore that this is

consequential of the pro-girl rhetoric. Williams states that “it is seemingly the case that the

ability to view aspects of life in commodified terms has led commentators to believe

unswervingly that every facet of life is now commodified” (Williams, 2005). In relation to the

aforementioned ideology, it can be theorised that essentially, social movements are

increasingly becoming more commodified and an example of such change is the feminist

movement of the 1990s and 2000s.

In regards to the position of commodified feminism, this thesis sets its focus towards the

girl-power rhetoric, and the affects this can have on Tween girls. Ellen Riordan positions “the

apparent shift towards what some might consider the ‘pro-girl rhetoric’ in the 1990’s, whilst

at the same time, in the academy as well as among feminist activists, women began talking

about a shift in feminist consciousness.” Elaborating upon this point Riordan goes on to

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prompt that “out of this activist form of feminism emerged one of many young feminist

movements, Girl power.” The commodification of girl power occurs when a brand adopts

the girl power rhetoric. One such example of this is the Bratz doll and the brands promotion

of a consumerist and consumption-based lifestyle, which can arguably be linked to the girl-

power rhetoric. The Bratz brand markets their dolls to the Tween demographic by giving the

Bratz dolls diverse hobbies and personalities, and also granting the dolls power-feminine

identities, which is an apparent display of the characteristics of the girl power rhetoric. Thus

translating the idea that girls can be anything they want to be. It has been argued that the

employment of the girl power rhetoric by brands can promote the need for feminist

achievement among Tween girls, through means of consumption. This argument will be

current throughout this dissertation, considering the effects this can have on Tween girls.

The theory chapter will focus on three main areas of discussion; with the girl power rhetoric

being the recurring theme throughout, in order to display the feasible feminist

achievements which brands can convey to Tween girls. In order to study feminist

achievement through commodities, the brand, Bratz dolls have been selected as a relevant

case study. Due to the excess promotional consumption the dolls promote, the girl power

rhetoric the brand perpetuates and the power feminine identities they embody.

The Bratz brand case study follows, in order to breakdown these concepts and analyse the

fundamental notions related to the embodiment of the girl power rhetoric that a brand can

communicate. It will examine the key components to provide the reader with a clear

understanding of the key issues in relation to the topic being deliberated. The predominant

aim of the Bratz dolls case study intends to display whether the employment of the girl

power discourse can convey feminist achievement for Tween girls. This will be achieved by

analysing the Bratz brand and values and then applying current theories which I have

previously presented in order to determine whether a conclusive argument can be made.

The case study will analyse the feminist achievement Tween girls can achieve through

female empowerment. It will also however highlight the potential harmful messages excess

consumption may convey. This example is highly beneficial as it establishes binding evidence

of the argument through a relevant brand.

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Chapter 2: Theory Chapter

The importance of the ideology of girls that has been portrayed throughout the advertising

industry and the effects this could have was effectively established by Mary Pipher (Pipher,

1994). Pipher however portrayed girls predominantly as victims of society; exposed and in

crisis, recognised by Aapola, Gonick & Harris (2005) (Pipher, 1994). Feminist debates have

succeeded Pipher (1994), highlighting the ways in which girls have continuously challenged

and modified their subject positions, by favouring the girl-power discourse.

The “Riot Grrrl” movement of the early 1990’s was substantial in stimulating a take charge

discourse that sought to alter the preconceived notions that girls were vulnerable, sweet-

natured and passive. The movement was able to radicalise conceptions of girlhood, and

rotated them into ‘girl-power’; girl power is used as an expression of empowerment,

representing the idea of a “new girl” who is; self-assured, dynamic, and liberated from the

constrictions of passive femininity. Girl power is expressed as a cultural phenomenon of the

1990s and early 2000s, and is linked to the third wave of feminism. Hains (2010) argues that

this was due to the branding of Spice Girls’ (See Figure 1), as girl power is now largely

understood as a “form of pro-girl rhetoric that offers support for girls and girl culture by

reclaiming the feminine and marking it as culturally valued”.

The word feminism aims for equality where, in contrast post-feminism is defined as

the “coming after the feminism of the 1960s and subsequent decades, in particular moving

Figure 1: Spice Girls branding of ‘Girl Power’

Image courtesy of http://ecx.images-amazon.com/images/I/41piX80Zr2L.jpg

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beyond or rejecting some of the ideas of feminism as out of date” (English Oxford, 2016).

The ideology of post-feminism is often recognised by its contrast with a prevailing or

proceeding feminism. It is essential to make reference to the definition of ideology in

regards to this dissertation; Ilana Gershon (1998) delineates media ideologies as, "a set of

beliefs about communicative comprehensions with which users and designers explain

perceived media structure and meaning". Wolf (1993) questions the motivation and

relatability of feminism and suggests that it was out of contact with the average women’s

requirements and mind-set. It was established by Wolf that the majority of women did not

identify with feminism, stating that the feminist movement depended too heavily on shock

strategies in order to gain support. Tampax for example released an advert in 2007 (see

figure 2) which came under scrutiny because it featured a “period dance”. This was seen as

highly disrespectful to the female viewers and essentially was an outdated and

condescending marketing strategy that failed to engage the desired audience; furthermore

the advert highlighted the vast difference between marketing strategies in relation to male

and female products. Wolf (1993) claimed feminism failed to stimulate women stating that

women rely on the media to find inspiration, she stated that women more frequently

establish role models they identified within the mainstream media than in feminist

discourse.

Figure 2: A still from Tampax’s 2007 ‘Period Dance advert. Image courtesy of http://creativeskirts.typepad.com/creative_skirts/images/dance.jpg

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Vavrus (2002) clarifies that post-feminism draws from first and second wave feminism,

whilst referring to Rayna Rapp’s (2001) work. However, he also rejects these previous

notions, founding more provocative challenges, such as those established in the analysis of

capitalism and class privilege, as well as the notions of, patriarchy and collective action.

Some of the most vital points Vavrus (2002) establishes is that post-feminism is more of a

lifestyle than an activist movement, which places itself as a means toward the achievement

of a “higher-status lifestyle via consumption of high status commodities” (Rapp, 2001).

Rebecca Hains (2010) states that Post-feminism appeals to a comparatively smaller number

of females which are often preferred targets for the producers of mass media. Disputably,

what is evident from this concept is that while other forms of feminism are prosperous, it is

in fact the post-feminism theories such as, “power feminism” and “girl power” that dictate

the mainstream media discourse.

Vavrus (2002) argues that post-feminism functions more effectively as a promotional tool

for luring new consumers to a multiplying set of products for today’s new women.

However, Gill (2008) determines that through consumption women and girls can achieve

empowerment, stating that; “the most obvious is the growing trend within contemporary

advertising to promote products targeted at women using a discourse of ‘empowerment’, or

what Michelle Lazar (2006) has called ‘power femininity’…This is understood as being in a

‘post-feminist’ moment, in which women are invited to purchase everything from bras to

coffee as signs of their power and independence”. It has been documented by Wolf (1993)

that power feminism is any form of feminist work that effects direct structural change. Wolf

(1993) elaborates stating that power feminism recognises that making social change does

not contradict the principle that “Girls just want to have fun”.

Hains (2010) establishes that “post-feminism is a hybrid media discourse that blends

feminist and post-feminist elements with consumer capitalism to produce de-politicalised

power femininity”. “Power feminism is an empowered or powerful feminine identity that is

addressed to young women, within contemporary media discourse” (Butler, 2008). Power

femininity is established by Hains (2010) as a “subject effect” of global discourse, of popular

post-feminism, which incorporates feminist signifiers of empowerment. Expanding upon

power feminism, Vavrus (2002) determines that the root of post-feminism’s hegemony is its

involvement with the commercial capitalist system, upon which main stream western media

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rely on and consequently propagate. Arguably, it is this perspective that power feminism

thrived and paved the way for “girl power”. The issues raised by capitalistic notions and the

effects that this has had on Tween girls however requires substantially more detailed

research.

The two notions “girl” and “power”, once believed to be completely vacant from the world

of children’s popular culture according to Hains (2010), has become normalised within the

discourses of consumer culture. The “Riot Grrrl” movement was able to challenge ideologies

and expand the idea of femininity, which allowed for the embrace of empowerment and

self-expression through; attitude, fashion and interestingly consumption. Conversely, with

fashion developing as part of the expansion of femininity, women and girls are still

imprisoned by the continuous ideals of how to present themselves. Femininity has arguably

under no circumstances been the focus of a subjective approach, thus leading to an increase

of pressure on the female population from a young age. Featherstone (1991) revealed a

quite accurate truth in regards to feminism within modern society; “what constitutes

femininity is not subject to individual interpretation but approved by mass standards”, such

is the global reach of the aforementioned principles, they can ultimately have immeasurable

effects on children. Schor (2004) believes that marketing is fundamentally changing the

experience of childhood and it is never more apparent than in Western Societies in which

children have disputably succumbed to marketing manipulations.

Upon reflection, there are various key scholars whom have identified various palpable

concerns in regards to “girl power”, especially when studying the transformative potential

of girl power in media culture. Catherine Driscoll (Driscoll, 1999) has questioned whether

“feminism can be a mass produced product and can merchandise relations to girls be

authentic”, whereas Angela McRobbie (McRobbie, 2008 ) has considered whether; “it is

possible for the media to incorporate the political aims of feminism while pursuing an

aggressive capitalistic portrayal” (E.Zaslow, 2009). It can be disputed that girl power is

fundamentally a product that is positioned, created and dispersed in a capitalistic economy,

an idea that is supported in a Marxist critique. Meenakshi Durham (2009) has noted that girl

power will never entirely challenge hegemonic paradigms of sexuality, beauty and

femininity. Durham (2009) determines that girl power will benefit corporations who profit

from girls’ culture but will never benefit girls themselves. Thompson (2004) reinforces this

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argument through presenting the concern that capitalistic imperatives oblige the value of a

cultural expression, which is founded on its exchange value in the market rather than what

it can contribute to the cultural commons or social progress. Thus, this dissertation will aim

to explore the development of power feminism and girl power, discussing empowerment in

the commercial marketplace, interrogating the aspects of girl power’s feminist discourse in

popular and material culture and the affects it can have on Tween girls.

Negotiating the issues with commodified girl power, Catherine Driscoll (1999) argues,

“Although it cannot be denied that the market benefits from the mass-production of

feminist rhetoric, it can be situated that pop feminism may have social potential worth

analysing”. Driscoll (1999) comments further, stating that “the very fact that feminist politics

are present within the media discourse and generate huge income, in mainstream media

makes evident a shift in dominant ideologies of girls”.

The origins of Girl Power can be tracked back to the ‘grrl power’ activism of riotgrrls

subculture in the early 1990s which tested the patriarchal treatment of young women

(Harris, 2004). Through the revolution of “grrl power” into a commodified Girl Power, which

was brought to the forefront of popular culture by the Spice Girls, connotations are

ultimately altered in terms of post-feminist articulation, in which the media participated

significantly in (Lemish, 1989). The Media’s reproduction of Girl Power presents girls with;

‘power’, individuality and diversity, which will be understood in its entirety as feminist aims.

The withdrawal argument is distinct by the methods of achievement as recognised by

Connell (2005); “consumption, (hetero) sexuality and repossession of a ‘girlie’ femininity

pulls on a discourse of emphasised femininity”. Connell (2005) establishes that some refer

to this ‘brand’ of feminism as commodity feminism, others third wave feminism.

“Commodity feminism” is defined by Gill (Gill, 2008) as; “the way feminist notions and icons

are adopted for commercial purposes, emptied of their political significance and offered

back to the public in a commodified form”. Robert Goldman (Goldman, 2003) argues that

advertising applies symbols of feminism in its products to women, and frequently proposes

that commodities can provide feminist achievement thus, purchasing products will

empower women. Goldman (Goldman, 2003) expands upon his position affirming that; “in

this appropriation process, feminism is converted or ‘‘dissolved’’ by advertising discourse to

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a personalised and apolitical commodity form that legitimises rather than opposes higher

structures of oppression”. Robert Goldman (Goldman, 2003) clarifies that “advertisers distil

feminism of its values and priorities to create a signifier that is deflated of its political

content, resultant in a brand of popular “commodity feminism” that is in the service of

commodity consumption” (Goldman, 2003). Commodity feminism, it would appear, is an

automatic, modern dimension of “commercial femininities,” a term Angela Mcrobbie (2008)

uses to discuss feminine subjectivities generally produced by the media and popular culture.

Goldman (2003) positions an argument about gender and commercialism in his delineation

of ‘‘commodity feminism”, documenting advertising’s ability to co-opt social movements.

Commodity feminism has been used within young girls’ culture and when combined with

the wider concept of integrated spectacular consumption, is especially apt in describing the

coordinated and commercialised form of girl power that is distinctive of Bratz Dolls

(Mazzarella, 1991).

The development of commodity feminism within the Tween doll industry can be argued as a

progressive notion, as it allows for Tweens to convey their own sense of identity.

Commodity feminism as established by Goldman (2003) is concerned with commodities that

can provide feminist achievement to women by means of purchasing products to gain

empowerment. Interestingly this notion can be linked to the Bratz brand. Wolf (1993)

argued that feminism failed to inspire females stating that “they now rely on the media

discourse to find inspiration, and elaborates stating that more frequently women identify

themselves with females who are established in the mainstream media”. Reinforcing this

point, there is an evident demonstration of Tweens identifying with Bratz dolls. This can be

established as the Bratz brand position themselves with a manifest pro-girl rhetoric and also

by situating the Bratz dolls as power-feminine identities thus allowing for meaningful

feminist achievement to transpire to their target demographic, as this provides the Tween

demographic with a relatable power feminine identities, which can offer Tween girls with

inspiration and empowerment. Elaborating upon the incentive that Bratz as a brand are

positioned with a pro-girl rhetoric is an interesting concept in relation to commodity

feminism.

“Commodity feminism” is defined by Gill (2008) as; “the way feminist notions and icons are

adopted for commercial purposes, emptied of their political significance and offered back to

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the public in a commodified form”. Goldman (2003) argues that advertising applies symbols

of feminism in its products to women, and frequently proposes that commodities can

provide feminist achievement thus, purchasing products will empower women. This can be

recognised in relation to brands which adopt pro-girl rhetoric’s when positioning their selves

to the target demographic. Girl power is now recognised as a pro-girl rhetoric, and as

established by Riordan this rhetoric can offer support for girls and girl culture by reclaiming

the feminine and making it culturally valued, as girl power is concerned with the

empowerment of girls. As commodity feminism is concerned with feminist achievement

through the consumption of commodities, it is imperative to make reference to the

embodiment of the girl power rhetoric that brands implement.

The rhetoric of girl power has established currency in virtually all realms of contemporary

children’s popular culture in the 1990’s. Merchandise was produced with T-shirts

embellished with “Girls Kick Ass!” and “Girls Rule!” which became sought after items for

both Children and Tween girls to consume as a result of this girl power rhetoric. However,

Bratz adopted the girl power rhetoric into their brand values as perceived by Hains (2010)

who suggests that suggests that “a constructive characteristic of girl power is characterised

as the notion that girls can do anything they choose”. Therefore, the diversity that Bratz

dolls provide for Tween girls, in regards to hobbies and interests can convey that the girl

power rhetoric is apparent within the Bratz brand values. Interestingly, the embodiment of

the girl power rhetoric that Bratz establish can prompt feminist achievements for Pre-teen

girls that may not have been conceivable without commodities. This position can be

reinforced by Riordan (2001) who argued that the pro-girl rhetoric enables Tweens to treat

consumption, as a means of attaining empowerment and independence.

Orbe (2002) defines spectacular consumption as the “process through which the relations

among social forms, the culture industry, and the lived experiences of persons are shaped

by public consumption”. The success behind the Bratz brand could arguably be as a result of

spectacular consumption, which has made the Bratz brand a house hold name. The Bratz

brand is an evident example of how a persons lived experience can be shaped via

consumption. This is arguably a result of the brands ability to embody a social movement, in

this case, feminism. By adopting the pro-girl rhetoric, which was a progressive movement

within the 1990’s the Bratz brand is able to help Tween girls conceive empowerment via

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means of consumption, whilst also capitalising the Bratz brand. The girl power rhetoric,

which stems from the pro-girl rhetoric which the Bratz brand implemented, is concerned

with presenting girls with “power, individuality and diversity.” This brand positioning allows

for a dominating influence on Tween girls, as it has been argued by Gillingham (2012), that

products produced by the Bratz brand, have become a popular cultural phenomena, due to

the Bratz dolls innovative diversity and power-feminine identities. McAllister (2007)

proposes that “the life style that is portrayed by the Bratz brand; suggestive clothes, the

cosmetically enhanced appearance and adult accessories (I.e. champagne glasses) could

suggest to Tween girls that the feminist influences of; choice, independence and agency, will

allow for the attainment of empowerment through consumption.” McAllister (2007)

concludes that “the convergence of sexualisation, commodification, and globalisation

highlights the Bratz lifestyle which he ultimately defines as spectacular consumption”.

In regards to how post-feminism was employed in the late 1990’s, there appears to have

always been a focus on popular culture, as Driscoll (1999) states that feminists are

concerned with the impact of modern life on women. It is argued by Driscoll (1999) that

post-feminism has been a dominant influential force within the popular cultural field, in

regards to the discourses on women, throughout the twentieth-century. The pursuit for the

‘perfect self’ alongside the continuous mass-media bombardment regarding the ideological

appearance of a female, is a message that resonates with women’s dissatisfaction with their

physical appearance which, has capitulated from unrealistic representation of females

throughout the advertising and media industry. In reference to this, it can be argued that

the lack of diversity across the Tween doll market can convey unrealistic measures for young

girls, thus causing dissatisfaction with their physical appearance from a young age. Walter

provides research finding stating that; “one study found that even among 11-year-olds, one

in five is trying to lose weight; another study found that most six-year-olds would prefer to

be thinner than they are”. Interestingly, Walters (2010), states that dissatisfaction with

female appearances drives the economy; however, consumption is less about acquisition

than about manufacturing.

As specified by Driscoll (1999), post-feminism has been dominant and influential within the

field of popular culture, which focuses on empowerment that reinforces the pro-girl

rhetoric. Interestingly, Walter’s (2010) argues that; “such media discourses encourage

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young girls to believe that good looks rather than good works are at the centre of the good

life. The culture around young women, centres on the idea of the ‘makeover’, magazines

encourage even their primary-school readers to write in for a chance to be ‘remodelled’”.

However, Walter’s (2010) stance was critiqued by Wolf (Wolf, 1993) who defends the

“shared pleasures" of being female" stating that by embracing femininity as fun, girl power

suggests that playing with femininity can be positive and empowering. Similar to power

feminism it has been argued by Hains (2010) that “girl power takes the position that,

empowered women can in fact, play with femininity, wear makeup and seek glamour, and

still be a feminist”.

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Chapter 3: Case Study: Bratz

Brands play an essential part in a “Tweens” life, and it has been disputed that “Tweens”

which have been raised in the 21st century, are the utmost brand conscious and materialistic

generation of children to date (Lindstrom, 2004). The effects brands have on “Tweens” are

vast and have been established by Wattanasuwan (1998), who states that children as young

as seven can identify with brands that would enhance their “street credibility.”

Wattanasuwan (1998) has furthermore indicated that brands establish who children are at

home, at school and within society. “Neither the commercialisation of children’s culture nor

the social construction of children as empowered consumers is new” (Mcallister, 2007). The

practice of promoting comic books, television shows and advertisements directly to children

has refined them as a desired and progressively persuasive market. Interestingly, during the

1990’s while devising new niche target audiences, the notion of the “Tween” girl was

developed, as a result of target research. The Tween is a girl negotiating a location between

childhood and adolescence, products and media texts that support Tween girls in visualising

their life as a teenager have enjoyed tremendous success. Marketing directives are targeting

the long established sub-genre “Tweens”, as often; “Tweens” establish buying things with

celebration that shares a correlation with shopping games which often award gaming skills

with consumption.

Movements and brand loyalties continue to progress over time, particularly where children

are concerned. Interestingly Juliet Schor (2004) notes that; "in the first half of the twentieth

century, products were mainly sold through mothers", whereas in contrast today, children

are the direct targets of advertising as they are a market within themselves. Elaborating

further on this point, the “Tween” market has been established as a new target market with

ages between six-ten year olds, now being targeted as a result of market research.

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Kinder (1991) recognised a “children's commercial super-system” which is a network of

intertextuality, constructed around an individual or group of figures from popular culture. In

order to create a successful super-system, the brand must transect several modes of image

production for instance; books, dolls, trading cards, and clothing, which will enable the

brand to convey a substantial amount of consumption via cross promotions.

In relation to this Klaffke (2003) demonstrates that various versions of Barbie celebrate the

act of shopping and consuming, especially in the form of specific cross promotions such as

‘Walmart Shopping Time Barbie’ (Figure 3), which is a clear example of commodity

feminism. Arguably, the message this conveys to Tweens could be problematic as

established by Duncum (2007) who states that “there is an obvious appeal to Tween girls as

a result of brands assigning “models of empowerment” that convey the market message

that empowerment is only gained through consumption” (Duncum, 2007).

Figure 3: ‘Shopping Time Barbie – Walmart’ circa. 1997. Image courtesy of https://s-media-cache-ak0.pinimg.com/736x/2a/40/94/2a40947429846e4bad9fdb622b2b5cae.jpg

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Nevertheless, Klaffke’s position can dispute this, as she highlights the positive aspects that

Barbie’s consumption practises can prompt. For instance, these consumption practises can

help Tween girls develop an individualistic liberty and an independent nature. Klaffke notes

that consumption is more typically equated with materialism; the act of having things and

the use of such things to signal and ascribe individual essence. It can debated, upon

reflection of Klaffke’s position, that consumption can allow for ‘Tweens’ to convey a sense of

an individuality. As perhaps, such consumption practises can ensure positive and

progressive attributes to Tweens, as in due course it can help them to develop a strong

sense of individuality and independence, conceivable through consumption.

Collections intended for girls, according to Rogers (1999) must embody a pro-girl image, to

convey commercial success. An example of such commercial success is Barbie; Barbie is a

mass-market doll that embraces pop culture and is a progressive educational toy as

suggested by Susina (1999). Interestingly as Barbie has no husband, children etcetera and

“Barbie typically spends time with people only when she feels like it” (Susina, 1999). The

“pro-girl” position that Barbie represents could disputably be behind the success of the

brand. Elaborating upon the idea that conveying a pro-girl rhetoric was arguably behind the

success of the brand. The absence of diversity Barbie however acquired debatably

undermined the intended “pro-girl” rhetoric the brand positioned. This can established as

Barbie delivers only one ideological model of beauty, which is an obsolete representation of

girls. The diversity Bratz fashion Dolls position is vast, thus by locating a more authentic

“pro-girl” rhetoric they were able to dominate the Tween doll market.

Schor (2004) establishes that; “kids have unprecedented power in the relationship with their

parents “spending power”, and ultimately during the 1990’s and 2000’s this saw a

development of an uprising in youth empowerment, especially in relation to consumerism.

With children and their buying influence increasing, it is not surprising to see girl’s toys and

the cultural products that surround them becoming more influential. The appeal of MGA

Entertainment Inc.’s Bratz dolls (characterised by an oversized head, seductive eyes, full lips

and a petite frame, see figure 4) have transformed the doll market since 1991…Bratz now

dominate the Tween market (6-10 year olds) to whom they are principally marketed

(Duncum, 2007). Bratz arguably profited from the struggle of integration, within the Tween

doll industry. Kuntze (2014) argues that “Bratz were specifically developed to capitalise on

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the growing ethnic groups”. In respect to the struggle of integration, Bratz dolls were

produced to appear more like the stereotypical modern girl, they are more ethnically

diverse, and each has distinct fashion styles.

MGA Entertainment (Micro-Games America Entertainment) designed the Bratz brand to

provide a more diverse powerful feminine identity for ‘Tweens’ to relate to, in contrast to

“the blonde, blue-eyed, white and typically middle class American dream girl personified in

Barbie” (Kuntze, 2014). The American Physiological Association commented on the lack of

diversity of female representations throughout the media which children have access to,

stating “This gross under-representation of women or girls in the media reflects a missed

opportunity to present a broad spectrum of girls and women” (Walter, 2010). In spite of the

fact that the Bratz dolls convey an ethnically diverse appearance, although not identifiable

to an exact ethnic minority, the appearance of the Bratz dolls is arguably what makes them

more globally relatable. Bratz can also be portrayed to the Tween demographic as being

“models of empowerment”, through their attitude, fashion and consumption practises.

Bratz dolls convey a progressive message to Tweens as they ensure diversity of ethnicities.

This is a positive attribute for a brand to portray to Tweens, as it demonstrates there is not

one strict ideal when it comes to appearance, as it can be debated that unrealistic

Figure 4: The Bratz Dolls. Image Courtesy of https://i.ytimg.com/vi/SqI0N2Y2IE8/maxresdefault.jpg

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representations of females can resonate with and convey a dissatisfaction with female’s in

regard to their physical appearance.

Bratz fashion dolls have been extraordinarily popular with Tweens with a range of racially

diverse line of cartoon-eques teenage girls whose foremost concerns are consumption of

beauty fashion products and accomplishment of normative femininity. Upon reflection,

power feminism could be the reason of the apparent success of the Bratz brand. “Power

feminism” is defined by Lazar (2006) as an; ‘empowered or powerful feminine identity’, in

contemporary advertisement’s and media discourse, which are directed to young “modern

women”. Judith Butler (2008) states that power feminism is a subject consequence of global

discourse of popular post-feminism, which integrates feminist signifiers of liberation and

empowerment through consumption. The independence that Bratz fashion dolls convey to

Tween girls, as each doll embodies a “powerful feminine identity” coinciding with significant

use of consumption is an arguably stimulating notion; “Bratz helps the Tween demographic

realise in fantasy, who they are in the process of becoming. It plays a seductive role in

perpetuating the market ideology of constructing an empowered identity through

consumption” (Duncum, Aesthetics, popular visual culture and designer capitalism, 2007).

Micro-Games America Entertainment (MGA Entertainment; the manufactures of Bratz)

employ the leading designers to match the cultural marketplace for Teen fashion.

Interestingly, as a result of this, Tweens can learn what is fashionable through buying the

latest line of clothes and accessories, which teaches Tweens how to consume as a

consequence of the Bratz brand. The brand manufactures other merchandise, such as; video

games that reward Tweens achievements with consumerism. This allows for the Tween

demographic to establish the association that liberation and empowerment is achievable

through consumption.

Lazar (2006) establishes that “popular (post) feminism is a media-friendly and consumer-

oriented discourse”. Reflecting upon this, in regards to “popular post-feminism” being a

consumer-oriented discourse is debatably where the association can be constituted in

regards to the success of Bratz fashion dolls. Since power feminism is concerned with the

conveying of feminine empowerment by means of consumption, the association between

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power feminism and the Bratz brand can be documented, through the Bratz brand values

and interestingly with their slogan being; “girls with a passion for fashion”.

The Bratz brand is geared towards consumption and it can be argued that Bratz fashion dolls

communicate to Tweens that consumption is a reward, which could be argued problematic.

It has been disputed by Duncum (2007) that; “girls are offered the potential opportunity of

endlessly constructing and reconstructing their identity through endless bouts of

consumption”. Duncum (2007) discusses further stating that; “until the girls grow out of

their Tween years, they have the chance of unlimited identity construction through

unlimited consumption”. Furthermore, it could be argued that it is potentially a difficult

message to convey to influential minds, reinforcing this issue, Duncum (2007) consequently

raises the question as to whether or not ‘Tweens’ will outgrow this ideology or if it will

become an ongoing construction of identity via consumption as adults.

Jackson (2012) found that “fashion articulates a post-feminist ideology through notions of

empowerment which is feasible via sexuality and consumption, and engages a post-feminist

aesthetic of the ‘sexy’, desirable young woman”, that can arguably be connected back to the

Bratz fashion dolls, in regards to Tween girls and the empowerment gained through

consumption. It can be theorised that there are unmistakeable complications in regards to

the post-feminist connotations and practices that are embodied in the identities of dolls,

within the Tween doll discourse. Under examination, the way in which Tween girls negotiate

the contemporary post-feminist connotations of femininity that is marketed towards them

will continue to be discussed and the products of the feminism movement such as Tween

dolls, may result in establishing a legacy of endurance.

McAllister (2007) has theorised that the idea of valuing girls has changed into an exchange

value commodity and thus the original meaning of girl empowerment has been watered

down so that it connects with a broader demographic and not specifically just for Tween

girls. Furthermore, reinforcing McAllister’s (2007) position the Spice Girls who acted as an

influential representation for Tween girls and articulated through consumption as a

demographic, they could overcome negotiating their own power and powerlessness. Yet,

arguably a familiarity with consumption is the defining negative aspect of the Spice Girls, as

they are popularly characterised and designed for girl culture and Global Capitalism

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surrounded and overpowered by consumption. The continuous use of girl empowerment

that is most commonly linked with the ‘Spice Girls’ reinforces McAllister’s (2007) theory, and

therefore highlights that, with the overexposure of this brand of empowerment, it has

consequently led to a diluted and unauthentic version of girl empowerment.

Yet Orbach (2010), defined the way that women are encouraged to aspire to physical

perfection through rhetoric of power by stating that; “it is about altering that sense of

feeling powerless into feeling powerful. It transforms the image of you, as the victim into

thinking, “oh this is a real opportunity I could do it this time!” and this modification in the

approach of female’s perception, is disputably plausible via Commodity feminism”.

Commodity feminism, Angela Mcrobbie (2008) argues is an automatic, modern dimension of

“commercial femininities,” a term Mcrobbie (2008) uses to refer to feminine subjectivities

generally produced by the media and popular culture. Natasha Walter (2010) draws

attention to this phenomenon, stating that narcissism should not be rejected altogether by

young girls. For instance, in the past, feminists have frequently seen only the damaging

aspects of the beauty and fashion industries. Walter (2010), expands upon this argument

asserting that there is still gratification to be sought within such pursuits and consequently,

can identify with the pleasure that is involved with transforming one’s appearance, with the

exploration of fashion and cosmetics. “It is modern feminism that shaped this rhetoric that

foregrounds self-expression. Feminists encouraged women to focus on their own desires

and independence. Thus upon reflection, although brands can often be assumed

accountable for the exploitation of social movements, deeming them inauthentic, it can be

argued that the pro-girl rhetoric enables Tweens to treat consumption, as a means of

attaining empowerment and independence. The achievement of empowerment could have

a positive effect on influential minds, which will disputably allow them to convey a sense of

power via commodities.

“Girl power became a household term in the late 1990s because of the Spice Girls, an all-

female pop music group whose devoted fans catapulted them to international stardom”

(Hains, 2010). Interestingly, Mary Pipher (1994) proposed that girls are victims of universal

difficulties that upon reaching adolescence; girls come to be overly engrossed with their

appearances and are unable to find interest in academics, consequentially resulting in lower

self-esteem due to a lack of intellectual stimuli. Conversely, this position can be disputed by

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Wolf’s (1993) argument who states that; “girl power seizes the position that empowered

girls can, actually, toy with femininity, meaning they can wear makeup and pursue glamour,

yet still be feminist.” Wolf (1993) reinforces this point by stating that power feminism

recognises that; "making social change does not contradict the principle that girls just want

to have fun", which is also interestingly, a declaration that applies to the girl power ethic.

Rebecca Hains (2010) states that; “a constructive characteristic of girl power is characterised

as the notion that girls can do anything they choose.” Upon reflection it can be argued that

girl power owes much to the power feminist idea, which has been commercialised by Naomi

Wolf (1993). Hains (2010), conveys that “girl power, like power feminism, assumes that girls

are empowered and therefore only need to use their inherent power to effect change”.

An additional progressive characteristic that the Spice Girls conveyed was a distinctive mark

of individual diversity; the five unique varieties of emblematic appearances conveyed in the

Spice Girls were implemented to relate to the more general conception of femininity, the

Band offered a freedom to choose from a variety of identities. Hains (Hains,

2010)establishes that; “A girl can be childish and cute like Emma, but she could also be wild

and crazy like Melanie B. She can be provocative and sexy like Geri, but she could also be

snobbish and elegant like Victoria. She can even be an athletic tomboy like Melanie C”. A

main characteristic of girl power is the notion that girls can do anything they choose. Thus, it

can be argued that the individual diversity that the Spice Girls embody, reinforces this

influential message to Tween girls. This is apparent through the evident display of diversity;

as the strong and powerful feminine identities are easily conveyed to Tween girls it results in

the Tween social group understanding that they are capable of being whatever they wish to

be, for instance; sport orientated, seductive, well-educated etc. Moreover, it can be

disputed that the Spice Girls evident display of diversity conveys another constructive

implication to Tween girls that there is not only one accepted ideology of females; this

therefore, delivers the message via girl power that Tween girls can exemplify their own

individuality and diversity. As a result of the Spice Girl Brand message it was able to signify

to Tween girls that they are able to construct their own individuality, which ultimately

stands as a positive attribute to epitomise to Tween girls.

A defining factor of the Bratz brand identity is consumption; therefore, it can be assumed a

part of the target market’s identity, and the Bratz brand identity which has been scrutinised

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due to the harmful implications it can express to Tween girls, regarding excessive

consumption (McAllister, 2007). Walter (2010) establishes that; “those who market Bratz

dolls would like girls to see these dolls as relevant to their real lives. As Lisa Shapiro, who is

in charge of licensing for Bratz in the UK, said in an interview with the Guardian; ‘We want

the girls to live the Bratz life – wear the mascara; buy the hair products; send greeting card…

Bratz is about real life, it has to be.’ Conversely, Walter (2010) raises concerns with this

brand identity affirming that; “there is a huge difference between taking pleasure in such

pursuits and believing that the only route to confidence and power for a woman lies

through constant physical vigilance”. However, it can be argued that the Bratz media

platform indicates that girls can form their own character and gain power through

consumption of clothes and make up. For instance, Bratz magazine features an apparent

display of commodity feminism, in a horoscope printed that predicts for Sagittarius readers,

the horoscope predicts that; “A hot new hairdo will boost your confidence this month…”

McAllister (2007) suggests that “in Bratz, the consumption ante is raised as the acquiring

process itself (the act of shopping) is an activity that is naturalised and celebrated

throughout Bratz media.”

The development of commodity feminism within the Tween doll industry can be argued as a

progressive notion, as it allows for Tweens to convey their own sense of identity.

Commodity feminism as established by Goldman (2003) is concerned with commodities that

can provide feminist achievement, to women by means of purchasing products to gain

empowerment; interestingly this notion can be linked to the Bratz brand. Wolf (1993)

argued that feminism failed to inspire females stating that “they now rely on the media

discourse to find inspiration, and elaborates stating that more frequently women identify

themselves with females who are established in the mainstream media”. Elaborating upon

this point, it can be established that Tween doll brands such as Bratz position themselves

with a pro-girl rhetoric and power-feminine identities thus conveying meaningful feminist

achievement to their demographic, through means of empowerment.

The construction of empowerment, through the positioning of Bratz dolls pro-girl rhetoric

permits Tween girls to experiment with the diverse concept of femininity, this therefore

allows them to not be confined to one preconception of beauty. Joan Pennel (1996)

suggests that “empowerment enhances our ability to control our own lives.” This allows for

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an enablement for Tween girls take power of their own lives, through the girl power

rhetoric, which consequently positions a progressive message to arguably easily influenced

minds.

Power feminism can also be used to expand upon this idea, as power feminism, as

articulated by Lazar is a movement which “invites women to purchase everything from bras

to coffee as signs of their power and independence” (Lazar, 2006). Power feminism

consequently connects to commodity feminism, as power feminism is similarly concerned

with empowering and liberating women through means of consumption. The development

of power feminism in regards to empowerment in the commercial marketplace is a vital

entity to consider, when contemplating the Bratz brand values, and the brand’s capitalistic

incentives. This is a vital entity to consider as the characters achieve satisfaction through the

purchasing of high quality items. The Bratz dolls embody a power feminine identity which

arguably makes them influential role-models for Tween girls. In regards to the Bratz brand

values this is a crucial display of the brand capitalistic incentives as the dolls are geared

towards consumption, which conveys the message to Tweens that naturalises excessive

consumption. The brand capitalistic incentive also gears Tween girls to mass consumption,

which consequently helps the Bratz brand profit from Tween girls, who as a result of the

brand message of naturalised consumption will want to over consume Bratz merchandise.

However, power feminism can be argued a positive notion to convey to Tween girls as

argued by Michelle Lazar (2006), who determines that the procedure of this notion can

determine positive outcomes for Tween girls; it allows Tweens to determine that they can

achieve empowerment via consumption, allowing for them to derive their own sense of

identity and independence. However, Susan Honeyman (2006) raises the concern regarding

Tween girls as consumers, stating that there is “the tendency to encourage passivity and

conformity with an illusion of empowerment”. The argument that can be derived from the

Bratz’ brand values is that, as they are predominantly representing consumption and

nothing else, it can therefore be argued that this can convey damaging implications towards

Tween girls. As Tween girls identify with the dolls to be powerful feminine identities, they

may perceive the Bratz dolls as role models, therefore replicating their excessive

consumeristic behaviour.

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The Bratz brands position states that they intend to “teach girls to kick ass” (Oppenheimer,

2009), and with their slogan being “Girls with a passion for fashion” (Figure 5) it can be

argued that the message the brand conveys to the Tween demographic, is ultimately to

consume fashion, and therefore as a brand, Bratz demonstrate the embodiment of

commodity feminism. This is an effectual message for a brand to convey to the Tween

demographic, interestingly, as Commodity feminism has often been used within messages

aimed at young girl’s and their culture (Mazzarella, 1991), when combined with the wider

notion of incorporated spectacular consumption, it is clear that the organisation, and

consumerist idea of girl power is a dominant characteristic of the Bratz brand.

Commodity feminism can be argued as a powerful concept to be conveyed to the Tween

demographic, purveying a message that empowerment is possible by means of

consumption. This can transmit progressive messages to the demographic, arguably

portraying post-feminist notions in a more conceivably and relatable method, i.e.

empowerment. Ultimately, this is achievable through mediums such as main stream media,

Figure 5: Bratz ‘Passion 4 Fashion’ poster. Image courtesy of http://www.trocafigurinhas.com/Imagens/Albuns/208Full.jpg

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as they often depend on this to propagate. Disputably, it is this perspective that power-

feminism is able to thrive and convey the ideology of girl power to Tween girls.

McAllister (2007) draws comparisons to spectacular consumption stating “resembling all

forms of Debordian spectacle, spectacular consumption is ideological, elevating the

commercial and promotion as authentic popular culture, which exploits a consumption

message over to less commercially positioned content forms (i.e. social movements)”. In

addition, further symbolic connotations and implied social relations are integrated into the

brands campaign stance to enhance their popularity. Goldman (Goldman, 2003) notes that

advertising has the ability to co-opt social movements, claiming that advertisements employ

signs of feminism within products to women and frequently suggest that commodities can

provide feminist achievement i.e. purchasing products will empower women.

Gill (2008) references feminist scholars, Attwood (2006) and McRobbie (2008) to emphasise

the current position of feminism within consumer culture. Elaborating upon this point,

feminist influences such as choice, independence and agency, have been appropriated and

commoditised in the marketing of goods to women. Gill (2008) states, that within the

consumer discourse, women and girls are positioned as powerful citizens, whereby

shopping for ‘girlie’ products such as clothes and shoes acts as an expression of empowered

choice. In relation to this, McAllister (Mcallister, 2007) argues that the convergence of

sexualisation, commodification, and globalisation highlights the Bratz lifestyle which he

defines as spectacular consumption. The lifestyle that is portrayed by the brand; suggestive

clothes, the cosmetics-enhanced appearance the adult accessories (i.e. champagne glasses)

could suggest to Tween girls that the feminist influences of; choice, independence and

agency, will allow for the attainment of empowerment through consumption. McAllister

(2007) emphasises that; "Bratz Dolls are into consumption; consuming fashion, media and

licensed products, but, unlike Barbie, Bratz can accurately model for Tween girls, (as they

are modelled to be the same age as the demographic), in regards to how they can display

consumption spectacularly”.

“Integrated Spectacular Consumption is a term that describes the commercial scope and

nature of Bratz” (Gillingham, 2012). Bratz dolls are inspiring Tween girls to be consumers

and the nature of the dolls are prominent for forming Tween identities, as they are

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positioned to Tween girls as powerful feminine identities. To communicate the notion that

commercial and promotional aspects of popular culture make up the ideology of spectacular

consumption, can be conveyed via the Bratz brand. It has been argued by Gillingham that

products produced by the Bratz brand have become a popular culture phenomena, due to

their innovative diversity and power-feminine identity. Elaborating on this notion,

Gillingham goes onto indicate that “the Bratz Dolls have converted into a part of spectacular

consumption, as they become a part of societies and therefore people’s conversational

investment.”

McAllister establishes it is crucial to recognise the relationship between gender and

spectacular consumption, as social meanings may be connected to and altered by

spectacularised consumer products, for instance feminism. Gillingham positions that this

relationship is responsible for the consumerist practice of girl power, that is characteristic of

Bratz. Referring back to the indicated social meanings behind gender and consumption it

can be argued that females may obtain the notion that purchasing merchandise will

empower them, as a result of symbols of feminism in the media discourse, this arguably can

also imply that commodities cam provide feminist achievement.

McAllister argues that “Bratz’s “integrated spectacular consumption” naturalises and

celebrates shopping as their main activity” (McAllister 2007). Yet it can be positioned that as

a brand can embody spectacular consumption, this can promote some damaging influences

upon Tween girls. For instance when you access The Bratz website (bratz.com) it tells you

when the page is loading that, “it takes time to look good.” Bratz have tailored their market

of dolls in a precise and strategic way. McAllister’s positions a theory that argues that the

Bratz dolls are a brand of integrated spectacular consumption, which is feasible through the

doll’s strategic use of commodification and globalisation. McAllister highlights a key concept

that “Bratz are into consumption; consuming fashion, media and licensed products, but,

unlike Barbie, Bratz can accurately model for tween girls, in regards to how they can display

consumption spectacularly, at their current age, as appose to when they are older.

Elaborating upon this point, as the Bratz Dolls were designed to model Tweens themselves,

which was arguably a deliberately conveyed notion, it could be reasoned that Bratz Dolls are

designed to be Tween girls because as the dolls are consuming at such a young age, this can

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communicate to the Tween demographic that this is a conventional pastime to convey as a

Tween girl. Interestingly as Bratz Dolls are positioned as powerful-feminine identities, their

entire characteristics are arguably influential towards Tween girls. Therefore the brand

identity that Bratz Dolls communicate can consequently encourage Tweens to mirror the

evident display of consumption spectacularly, which is consistently personified in the Bratz

brand.

Reflecting upon the idea of commodification, allows for Riordan (Riordan, 2001) to begin to

scrutinise culture in the context of capitalistic incentives, and emphasise the need to look at

the material production of culture. It can be argued that although capitalism does not

determine culture, it considerably shapes cultural manufacturing, which in turn shapes

social relations. This thesis aims to use commodification as an entrance point to assess pro-

girl rhetoric as it is expressed in popular feminist discourse. Riordan (Riordan, 2001)

suggests that commodification demonstrates how not all pro-girl rhetoric offers an

opportunity for girls to transcend individual consumption, and achieve empowerment, but

instead to endorse collective change in social relations. However, McAllister (2007) argues

that consumption surrounds and captivates individuals, transcending the traditional social

norms and through the use of the material world have been able to articulate identities and

communities. Although ‘Riot Grrl’ as a social movement escaped commodification, the

knowledge of empowering girls did not and even though the idea of Girl power is an

admirable one and one that encapsulates the modern social reform and gender equality

movement, it has become a tangible commodity that can be bought and sold. As a result of

girl power arguably becoming a ‘tangible commodity’ this has allowed for girl power to be

fundamentally understood culturally, as a “form of pro-girl rhetoric that offers support for

girls and girl culture by reclaiming the feminine and marking it as culturally valued” (Hains,

2010). Thus, this can instigate, arguably, that the notion of feminism being commodified,

could position progressive messages to society that may not have been touched upon

without capitalistic incentives.

The arguments discussed above have much to offer in an attempt to theoretically support

the position that feminist achievement can be gained through consumption. Each scholar

provides support for the argument that Tween girls can achieve feminist achievement

through commodities, as all the theories discussed are concerned with the discourse of

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empowerment through consumption. Vavrus (Vavrus, 2002) highlights how the root of

post-feminism‘s hegemony is its involvement with the imperatives of commercial capitalistic

system, upon which main stream media rely on and consequently propagate. Although it

has been highlighted that there are issues raised in regards to capitalistic notions, such as

the implication that commodified feminism is inauthentic, and is not concerned with

feminist achievements as it is based on capitalistic incentives alone. It can be argued the

practice of commodified feminism has allowed for power feminism to prevail, which is due

to it being concerned with consuming, in order to help women establish power and

independence, paving the way for girl power. The feminist achievements that are feasible

due to the girl power rhetoric that the Bratz brand position, have been established by Ellen

Riordan, stating that “the girl power rhetoric provides Tween girls to treat consumption as a

means of attaining empowerment and independence” (Riordan, 2001), which has arguably

enabled the huge success of the brand. This has been displayed throughout the case study

applying this argument to the Bratz lifestyle brand, in order to demonstrate the positive

attributes that can be conveyed by means of empowerment that may not have been

feasible without consumption.

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Chapter 4: Conclusion

This dissertation has adopted an evaluative approach in order to assess the major

contrasting arguments surrounding the girl power rhetoric within the Pre-teen doll industry.

This dissertation has aimed to display a cultural analysis cultivated by political economy, in

this instance commodification, illustrating how cultural production can be a part of a

feminist project of social change, i.e. the commodified “feminist” rhetoric girl power. The

intention of this dissertation was to explore the ways in which feminist achievement can be

plausible via means of consumption, thus by drawing focus to the use of commodification in

a broader manner. “Owing to commercial politics, girl power arguably has become our

culture's dominant, mainstream form of feminism, a result of the success of the girl power

commodities in the marketplace” (Hains, 2010).

Feminist Scholars Gill (2008) and McRobbie (2008) have allowed me to identify the role that

consumption holds in regards to feminist achievement within consumer culture. Gill (2008)

states that; “within the consumer discourse, women and girls are positioned as powerful

citizens, whereby shopping for ‘girlie’ products such as clothes and shoes acts as expression

of empowered choice”. This led my dissertation, to argue for an examination of the rhetoric

of girl power and the feminist achievements feasible as a result of this. The apparent

implementation that Tween dolls position a power-feminine identity has been displayed

throughout this thesis and provides specific detail in the Bratz dolls case study. Due to the

Bratz brand’s marketing of girls with power, diversity and individuality, therefore highlights

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the attempt to use girl-power rhetoric within their brand. The employment of girl power

rhetoric can lead Tween girls to attribute consumption with feminist achievements.

This dissertation has considered the position that commodities can provide feminist

achievement, as a result of symbols of feminism in the media discourse, by essentially

recognising the central for and against arguments whilst implementing critical and

theoretical notions. The embodiment of power-feminine identities that have been used in

the Tween doll marketplace, as well as the media discourse, can be argued a progressive

position for Tween girls, as it can help them attain empowerment. Wolf (1993) supports this

claim stating that “Power feminism is an empowered or powerful feminine identity that is

addressed to young women, within contemporary media discourse”.

This dissertation has considered the impact of spectacular consumption in regards to the girl

power rhetoric and subsequently analyses the relationship that this has had in regards to

the Bratz brand and Tween girls. In order to contemplate the implications of the

relationship, McAllister (2007) suggested that spectacular consumption in regards to the

Bratz brand as “the convergence of sexualisation, commodification, and globalisation

highlights the Bratz lifestyle which ultimately defines spectacular consumption”.

To further my research, I would analyse body image and Tween girls more thoroughly, in

order to ascertain the negative impact that the relationship with the Tween doll industry

and Tween girls has and whether it correlates with body dimorphic thoughts. Nevertheless,

it can be argued that due to the cartoon-like appearance of the Bratz fashion dolls that they

are not meant to look like real life girls. Therefore, will not project negative body conscious

thoughts onto Tween girls. Although it has been established that the Bratz dolls are

supposed to replicate Tweens, this is in regard to their hobbies and lifestyle and not their

appearance. Marketing the dolls as power-feminine identities however, is a progressive

notion in regards to brand positioning, as it can be argued that Tween girls will mirror their

characteristic, yet not their body image, due to the Bratz dolls unrealistic appearance.

Elaborating upon this point, as the Bratz Dolls were designed to model Tweens themselves

which, arguably was a deliberate marketing strategy, it could be reasoned that Bratz Dolls

are designed to be Tween girls for the reason that as the dolls are consuming at such a

young age. This can communicate to the Tween demographic that this is a conventional

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pastime to convey as a Tween girl. The Girl Power rhetoric is bloated with contradictions,

however, it can be argued that there is a limited range of acceptable physical behaviors and

appearances for Tweens, and critics have argued that girl power’s mode of empowerment

debatably focuses on slim, white, middle-class girls specifically and therefore, the Bratz

brand relates to a more diverse audience of Pre-teen girls and thus include a wider

demographic in the girl power spectrum.

Therefore, the brand identity that Bratz Dolls communicate can consequently encourage

Tweens to mirror the evident display of consumption spectacularly, which is consistently

personified in the Bratz brand.

To conclude, the Pre-teen doll industry can communicate feminist symbols within the

Tween doll market place, in order to convey the feminist achievement of empowerment to

Tween girls through consumption.

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Appendix

Front Page: Bratz Promotional Shot – Image courtesy of

http://www.retailingtoday.com/sites/retailingtoday.com/files/field_main_image/2015-07/

Bratz%20Group.jpg

Figure 1: Spice Girls branding of ‘Girl Power’ - Image courtesy of http://ecx.images-

amazon.com/images/I/41piX80Zr2L.jpg

Figure 2: A still from Tampax’s 2007 ‘Period Dance advert - Image courtesy of

http://creativeskirts.typepad.com/creative_skirts/images/dance.jpg

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Figure 3: ‘Shopping Time Barbie – Walmart’ circa. 1997 - Image courtesy of https://s-media-

cache-ak0.pinimg.com/736x/2a/40/94/2a40947429846e4bad9fdb622b2b5cae.jpg

Figure 4: The Bratz Dolls - Image Courtesy of

https://i.ytimg.com/vi/SqI0N2Y2IE8/maxresdefault.jpg

Figure 5: Bratz ‘Passion 4 Fashion’ poster - Image courtesy of

http://www.trocafigurinhas.com/Imagens/Albuns/208Full.jpg

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