Cork Souterrains by Sub-Class

Class Name: A1

Definition, Interpretation and DiscussionThe underlying basis for creating this class type was the presence in the archaeologi-cal record of reports of souterrains which consisted of a single drystone built rectangu-lar room with either a long passage, steps, a slide shaft or drop-hole entrance to it.

Depending on site specific circumstances, such as presence or absence of subsoil lev-els, masonry work may or may not have been used in the passage or slide shaft. Drop-hole entrances may be the result of having a sufficient depth of subsoil to accommo-date a vertical shaft whereas passages and slide shafts part clay or masonry being the alternative if such was not available at the specific site location of the souterrain. The use of masonry work, which can vary from the use of masonry courses to something closer to rubble wall construction, appears to have been the standard method of con-struction, with grounders i.e. large boulders sometimes incorporated in the foundation courses, orthostats i.e. large pillar like slabs interspersed with masonry courses be-tween them being the case at some sites. The standard method of roofing was that of using large flagstones as capstones and with interstices infilled with stone chippings. The excavation of a single chamber souterrain in 200…near Blackrock Road in Cork city, revealed a good example of the use of such chippings ( Cummins, Tony…………., Shiela Lane).

The structure was built, at least in some cases, as a free-standing unit of masonry work with a prepared trench to which any of the above entrance types was added de-pending on choice and circumstance. Maintaining the internal cross-sectional shape whether corbelled or mot suggests the use of some device to achieve a ‘flush’ finish to the internal wall-face while allowance for a pathway along the external wall-face to fa-cilitate working from this vantage point also seems necessary dictating that the trench be wider than the intended wall widths and internal space. Backfill with soil placed in such an external way could be tightly compacted to aid the stability of the structure at the end of the construction project. Backfill above the capstones with allowance for in-filling depressions resulting from soil settlement subsequently would further solidify the structure. this method of construction is known as ‘cut and cover’.

There are many site specific variables across the archaeological record; which, be-cause of the circumstances of recording and investigation remain unclarified. For ex-

ample, it may have been the case that masonry work may not have been used al-ways.. A second option may have been timber e.g. where a suitable quarry and labour to prepare stone and carry it to site were not feasible. At Lisnacrannagh, Co. in (Brian Scott?) excavated a souterrain where the internal wall lining used timber; The use of timber for a roof, either pitched or flat, may have been the case at one of Bally-catteen’s souterrains, either a primary or secondary outcome of activity there. There is also a vague report from Cork ( Parish) which describes what might have been a timber lined souterrain if not some other type of structure.

Finally, there are single chamber souterrains such as Knockshanawee and Roovesmore in Aglish parish and Ballyknock North near Youghal which had capstone roofing but just clay-cut side walls. How are sites of this nature to be interpreted? Were they in-tentionally constructed this way?Were they originally timber walled, the timber work having disintegrated over the centuries since construction? Was masonry work once present and then ‘robbed out’? I can see no evidence to answer these questions, as yet.

The reason for not describing this type of souterrain chamber as a ‘gallery’ has to do with dimensions, at bast I can determine from current data: in particular lengths, event hough some sites are close to the lower end of lengths recorded for the A2 Gallery Class sites. Widths and heights are not significantly greater in range either. In some circumstances I see this type of variability between the two classes of site as just one of individual determinations and specifications on site. However, the use of the more ‘rectangular room’ type of space of less than 3 meters long, does seem to pre-figure those larger souterrains of dry masonry construction where several of such rooms, 3 or more, are linked together by creepways, examples being found at Ballyca-teen, and to name a few. In my original classification of masonry sites of this type I included them in Class C3 on the basis that they were similar i.e. souterrains of multiple rectangular or semi-rectangular rooms/cubicles, to the tun-nelled souterrains in this class.

Interpretation of Purpose and Function Perhaps the first question to be asked when a single cell, drystone built, souterrain is discovered, is whether or not it is the complete structure, or is it just part of a larger one? If it is clear that it is a single chamber only with a short creepway passage into it, then why was this souterrain built? Why was only one cell required? If there is a long passage, drystone built or clay tunnelled leading to the cell (cubicle) what does this imply about the function of the cell itself? Was the cell intended to be visibly accessi-

ble at surface level e.g. with a ‘door’, or was it intended to be un-noticeable; being ei-ther within a hut-like structure - either drystone built e.g. like a clochán or something more flimsy in timber? If intended to be un-noticeabe was the entrance just a small horizontally laid capstone covering the surface opening of the entrance shaft, situated in woodland or scrub land or in the corner (cuile) of a field or meadow somewhere? Was there a vestibule area a few feet below the slab and short shaft? Where the cell is subsequently discovered to be part of a larger site did the shaft lead initially into a chamber larger than the rest, or to an average size chamber type for that site?

If intended to be noticeable did it have an open ‘porch’ area (Drumlohan) like a small courtyard or a flag roofed short passage into the site Underhill(?)? Did it have a little ‘vestibule’ area just below the surface at the site entrance? Did it have a rectangular flag roofed box-like area at the entrance just below the surface (Carhoovauler)? Or was it entered beside the interior wall of a rectangular surface structure or beside an external wall of such a structure? If instead of a passage a few steps lead down to a short creepway entrance to the cell, what is implied about the intended use of the site? Do the steps imply that the souterrain was not meant to be concealed, instead being very obvious and frequently used? If the cell is intended to act as a lodging then what was intended to happen there? Did someone sleep and/or pray there? If it was not a lodging did someone store items there? If the steps leading to the souterrain are in an enclosed space such as a ringfort was there open access to the cell or cellar? If the cell was at the end of a long passage does that fact imply a desire to be away from noise and distracting activity on the surface? Does it imply a desire to be ‘hidden away’ or just solitary? How did those souterrains with ogham stones in their entrances differ from those without ogham stone entrances? If the same souterrain design is used at two separate sites was there a reason as to why one site used ogham stones in its entrance and the other did not? Is that reason to do with differing styles of life e.g. religious versus secular, or just chance opportunity where ogham stones were close to hand as building material or did they have significance for the intended user of the site?

Definition of the A1 ClassTo what extent some of the poorly recorded, collapsed, damaged or infilled examples of A1 Class sites are a distinct class or lesser version of A2 Class or A3 it is not possi-ble to say without more intensive and intrusive field investigations. For the present, where the existing record either specifically records a single chamber only and/or where the report indicates that it is three or under three meters in length, I interpret such sites as either cellars, or single cell sites or shrines i.e. single cell sites where

many Ogham Stones were used in its construction. Where the dimensions of a partially accessible site were recorded as bring greater than 3 meters long and low and some-what narrow, I have noted this in the table of site dimensions below. Some such sites may, upon excavation, be revealed as either passages to chambers or A2 Gallery type sites or portions of A3 sites. It is also possible that some might be drystone versions of the C3 Class souterrain type examples of which were excavated at Ballycatteen ring-fort (Ballinspittle); the unwalled trench sides of the Ballyknock North souterrain which consisted of three rectangular chambers joined by creepways and the whole site roofed with 14 Ogham inscribed slabs, not trimmed to roof width, and an Ogham pillar supporting a portion of the roof. When there is a significantly large number of Ogham stones used in the construction of a souterrain I am inclined to see a difference be-tween those souterrains where the Ogham stones are used in an entrance area (Carhoovauler 1, Underhill), to frame the entrance to a particular cubicle at a site (Bal-lynabortagh) or placed at specific positions e.g in Cork for example, one used as the innermost capstone of the inner gallery of an A2 site, one used as a capstone in each gallery of an A2 site, the 4th and 7th capstone of the entrance passage to a C3 site at Ahaliskey III , the second capstone from the entrance at Cooldorragha, one capstone of each gallery at Glenawillin, the innermost capstone at Kilmartin Lower, the second and fifth capstones at Underhill’s entrance way. the scenario at Drumlohan, Co Water-ford, Roovesmore, Knockshanawee, Ballyhank, Ballyknock North, is different insofaras there is a concentration of Ogham stones either in a single chamber as at Drumlohan, Knockshanawee and Roovesmore while at Ballyhank the souterrain which was drys-tone built had several chambers and creepways, not unlike those at Ballycatteen but no Ogham stones used there, and at Ballyknock North which used 15 Ogham stones to cover the unwalled trench site of three chambers and its creepways; not too unlike perhaps that one of the three souterrain at Ballycatteen which also had unwalled i.e. no masonry used, side walls.

I am inclined to think that such examples where no drystone walling was used are the result of construction decisions rather than the outcome of stones being ‘robbed out’ of the site in later times. Such decisions may also be reflected at the B1 Class site at Coolgarrif 1 (Cork) where one of the ‘entrance passages’ is clay cut and uses dry ma-sonry only in the upper wall levels. Also the souterrain at Monataggart (the priest’s bog or commonage) for which there is no detailed record is said to have produced 4 Ogham stones. What is clear from all the evidence is that souterrain masons as well as tunnellers were prepared to use Ogham stones as capstones, as pillars supporting capstones and as wall building materials as at Drumlohan.

Given the positioning of the Oghams, either in a readable or non-readable situation, in entrance areas, at a specific cubicle entrance, at the last slab over a rounded gallery (conch wall) end, covering the whole souterrain or embracing the whole souterrain chamber, in my view this activity is deliberate and if I interpret the intention correctly, they sanctify and spiritually protect the site or some of its components perhaps not from physical but instead metaphysical threats all of which would re-enforce the view that where present the intended use of the souterrain was a religious one i.e. places to which the Third Order of Monastic life went to perform their spiritual combats in soli-tary confinement. In such circumstances the Ogham inscribed slabs are relics of those who had led exemplary Christian lives and had gone to a ‘just reward in Heaven’; and could therefore intercede with God and give protection to both the sanctum of prayer and the penitent individual in prayer and meditation within. Where the underground cell is seen as a refuge from the metaphysical ‘demons’ of everyday life in a religious context, it can also become a refuge when necessary from the physical demons of crime, slave raiding and war. As a subterranean cell dwelling is less likely to be de-stroyed i.e. easier to just fill the entrance in, in the fullness of time if no longer in use for religious purposes, as lodgings or ‘oratories’, they continue to exist as places of shelter and concealment, and as such come to be used as secular ‘dwellings’ in con-tinuing centuries. But when do they come to be forgotten? Is it after the 16th century dissolution of the monasteries or as a consequence of earlier 12th century church re-forms? Did Benedictine reform in the 7th century or post-Whitby influences affect their use? Did 9th century - and subsequent, Viking raids, and the abandonment of some hermitages for new sites, as at Kinneigh, lead to a change from subterranean to sur-face lodgings, from semi-cenobitic below ground to cenobitic living above; leaving the subterranean cells as lodgings for the poor, the sick and the least fortunate in life? I think it is more likely that as a result of population movement, plantations, landscape use re-organisation for agriculture, social restructuring, new modes of societal housing on the surface in urban and rural areas, the urban draw for people seeking employ-ment - to monastic settlements and cities before the 12th century and then to manor farms, townships and villages subsequently and then the landscaping of anglo-Irish es-tates that they were lost from the folk memory at a broader level though not totally for a longer period at local level i.e. hence the tig-faoi-talaimh terms surviving as field names, and continued use by the least noticeable into the 19th century?

From this perspective I see a distinction between souterrains which have Ogham stones and those which do not; perhaps one of a high and more shrine-like status, the others less so with some, in particular if the entrance is simply a number of steps down to the souterrain, being nothing more than ordinary cellars even if used, on oc-

casion, as places of prayer and solitude also, under the watchful eye of the monastery cellarer.I do not believe that Ogham inscribed slabs were used in souterrains simply because they were convenient building material at a time when their significance was no longer respected e.g. as grave-markers of cenotaph memorials on a leacht plat-form.

Whether or not they were placed underground as a means of hiding them, preserving them keeping them apart, relocating them for new purposes to shrines or holy wells are actions which may be indicative of Church reforms - be they of the 7th century AD and an edict of Emperor Justinian or of the 12 century Irish church reforms, of a late Medieval anchorite revival or a preservation of traditions and religious artefacts result-ing from rural responses to the Reformation or Dissolution of the Monasteries - seeing Ogham stones in souterrains as a deliberate act of preservation and continuity of spiri-tual traditions in a folk culture which unconsciously ‘remembered’ the sanctity of such local relics since first placed in such ritual spaces in Early Christian times, is not an un-likely viewpoint. At Cooldorragha in Kilmichael Parish, Cork the souterrain with an L-shaped ‘passage’ over 4.8m long had an inscription on the second capstone from the entrance reading according to Macalister: VEQOANAI MAQI EQOD.

This souterrain was in a ringfort where the Medieval parish church was built. The pla-cename is Kilmichael i.e.the Cell of Michael. Lore folklore (Bolster? pp ) records the story of this Michael as someone who had studied, and was ordained, in Rome, the Pope instructing him to return home, find a place where the frozen dapper of his hand-bell would suddenly ring out and locate his cell at that spot. This miracle happened when he reached a ringfort at Kilmichael and so it became his Cell, his hermitage, a place of pastoral care, which lasts to today.

A1 : Cellars and ShrinesIn the Gospel of Matthew [check] ( ) early followers of Christianity are advised to find a solitary place to pray in. For a group it may be a ‘house church, a room as a place of communal prayer and in which to commune with visiting teachers to a settle-ment: Is this what the ‘house church’ or chapel, at Roman Villa, England was, a place dated to circa……? For the individual, daily, solitary prayer in a store or cellar is advised - as interpreted by Rev. Delisi ( , ) ‘praying in the cellar’ among its contents such as gardening produce stored there. But, if it indeed a cellar which is ad-vised in the Gospel then any cellar may suit, be it general storage cellar, wine cellar, root cellar, etc. In effect the cellar becomes his place for speaking to God, his private oratory cell as distinct from a room for the agape communal meal - associated private

cells/lodgings attached to it for the use of a small cenobite group ( averaging from 2 to 6 persons) ; something which in a surface context might be reflected in a clustering of conjoined beehive cells, or in time a rectangular wooden or masonry structure. In such contexts are the souterrains which have several cells representative of small hermit groups, or groups of trainees, belonging to/ dependencies of, a laura (semi-cenobitic) monastery in which there are several such group cells as well as private cells for the higher eschelons such as presbyters, bishops, senior clerics, those with special tasks or anchorites?

The strict rules and concerns regarding the depositing of valuable or money with an-chorites for safe keeping ( note the Irish rule of …. as well as Ann Warren’s references for uk)in a world without banks is most interesting when one considers the finds of early coinage in souterrains. Also was it the same idea which led Eoghan Mor of the Fiteccs to deposit food and arms in the Duns of the prophets as in the legend about him i.e. they were the ones to be trusted with the safe-keeping of things of personal or communal value? So were they monks, not druids, living in Duns with underground lodgings available to be used for storage of such materials? As a cellerar according to Benedicts Rule was part of each monastic community by tradition and was in charge of the community’s valuables and food resources did he have control of a Dun or Dan-gan in which to store and manage such resources and was it therefore necessary for it to have an enclosure around it to offset theft and raids of what was in the under-ground spaces? Is this where Dun as castellum, qasr, comes from? Or were they druids which had become monks? The use of the term ‘prophet’ by early churchmen and preachers is relevant to this…note the Maol an Faidh was an early religious leader on the Blackwater and that there were others with this title including one at Kilcrumper/ Clondulane.

Bearing these thoughts in mind I have given consideration to those Cork souterrains which appear to be nothing more than a single, usually drystone built, rectangular chamber, sometimes recorded as having a set of steps leading down to it; be they rock-cut or otherwise, be they replaced by a slide shaft or drop-hole entrance with or without a flagstone cover on the surface. In some instances a long passage may lead to the chamber, in others not; or alternatively a slight expansion in width and height at the end of the passage (tunnel) Some are connected with known ringfort locations or are within such enclosures some not.

If what the Gospel is saying is to use existing cellars either in an urban context of a ru-ral one then what likelihood is there that, when available, early followers of Christian-

ity, including hermits and monks would have occupied such places as their cells; in-deed what likelihood might there have been that activity of this nature might have led to imitation of such repurposed cellars resulting in design models for some later reli-gious cells and their subsequent elevation to a status of relic shrines?

It is interesting to note that those souterrains which have produced significant num-bers of Ogham stones in the construction of their single chambers either lack masonry side walls (Knockashanawee, Roovesmore in Aglish Parish, Muskerry, Cork) or in the case of the three chamber (rectangular) chambers at Ballyknock North in Imokilly do not have masonry constructed side walls; the usual interpretation being that side wall masonry was ‘robbed out’ which does not make much sense if the souterrain was oth-erwise left intact. In west County Waterford, beside a cilleen and rectangular church/graveyard enclosure, at Drumlohan (Lohan’s Ridge) there is a single chambered souterrain which is larhgely constructed of Ogham stones both for side walls and cap-stones. I tend to agree with the 19th century Youghal antiquarian and architect Fitzgerald that the presence of Ogham stones incorporated into buildings such as at Declan’s Oratory at Ardmore were placed there because they were venerated relics.

Taking this viewpoint when attempting to interpret Drumlohan’s 10 Ogham stones, and other ‘unusual\ characteristics of the site, I am of the opinion that the key to un-derstanding souterrains which contain large numbers of Ogham stones used directly in their structural work, lies with the understanding of Drumlohan and its purpose. This purpose I see as that of a shrine. In in , in Medieval times the bones of St. were placed on a ferritory platform, a tradition not unfamiliar in Orthodox Christianity of the East. Beneath the ferritory was a space where worshippers of the Saint could crawl to tough the shrine, its bier or simply to privately ask for intersession with God and healing of whatever form.The Drumlohan souterrain, if I interpret its present con-figuration correctly, and allowing for intensive excavation work in past times to un-earth capstones etc, has a somewhat rectangular surface of stone chippings raising it slightly above the immediate field surface. Might one interpret this as a platform upon which either timber housed or tented, a bier bearing the relics of a venerable local saint were placed at certain times? Were this so the arched area of steps, if original and not a consequence of antiquarian activity, leading down to the creepway entrance to the little chamber beyond it, might easily be interpreted as a place where under the supervision of a religious ‘guardian’ the pilgrim could enter the ‘cell’ beneath the ferri-tory and privately seek the intercession of the saint. this guardian is seen in 17th cen-tury illustration of the Purgatory Cave at Lough Derg, Station Island Co . Donegal. In so doing the pilgrim is encased, right through from creepway to cell, by the Ogham in-

scribed slabs of those who had already achieved ‘Heaven’ because of their exemplary and spiritual lives’ perhaps persons associated with the spiritual history of the cilleen, chapel and graveyard a short few meters to one side of it?

If there is some resonance of a truthful concept, somewhere between personal internal and external realities, in this interpretation then are other, local versions of the con-cept evident at Knockshanawee, Roovesmore and elsewhere, such sites being distinct from occasions where Ogham stones, also venerated were used to guard entrances to lodgings underground such as at Carhoovauler, Underhill, Ballynabortagh. Ifso, how-ever, how might the 15 Ogham stones from Ballyknock North, in Imokilly, spread across three chambers of a clay-walled souterrain in a ringfort be interpeted? The dry-walled version of this type o souterrain can be found at such places as Ballycatteen, Co Cork, an excavated site which produced amphorae shards.

Ballycatteen, a tri-vallate ringfort overlooking, in a very prominent way, the lands of Kilmore (Big Cell, monastery) at Ballinspittle (the home place of the Spittal, Medieval hospital). It is a ringfort where certain modifications of a souterrain took place using timber. However, there were no Ogham stones used at Ballycatteen in the construc-tion of its three souterrains.; Was it only the case that when some such cellars became ‘sanctified’, the cellar concept being ‘morphed’ from secular cellar to ecclesiastical cell that construction with Ogham (sanctified) inscribed slabs became important? Or was it to do with the absence of an Ogham using school of learning in this locality, in this clan-land? What circumstances might have caused this? Natural progression of thought, Benedictine or later reforms, be they 7th century or later? It is within the con-text of these considerations that I have considered this class of souterrains as a dis-tinct class.

The following topographical and wider descriptive analysis seeks to provide a substan-tive basis for my interpretation but prior to this I will describe the evidence and theory for the role of single chamber cells and their extended versions from the perspectives of horticulture, agriculture and other forms of agricultural storage be it secular, monastic tenant farmers or lay monks producing monastery foods and I will also con-sider the story of the fitteccs of Eoghan Mór and the ‘prophets’ who advised him whether early ‘Christian’ prophets , druids of Christian, if one accepts the words of Ter-tullian of Carthage and the implications of the name of the Blackwater saint Maol-an-fi-adh (Maol) the prophet). To the Holy Land, the psychology of personality bearing wit-ness to the truth of the Gospel, leading to the Crusades in defence to the allegorical

expression if its essence in Western European spiritual landscaped after Arab Con-quest. [The Analytical Info]

Revision and update of original classification schemeDue to infill and site damage more fieldwork is needed to clarify classification A. This single chamber class of site (A1) raises a key issue when it comes to interpreting the intended function of souterrains in South Munster. The traditional view taken in ar-chaeological circles is that they (all classes of site) were used as storage places (cel-lars) and/or as refuges. I take the view that souterrains, at lease in South Munster, only served the purpose of refuges because they were convenient places in local land-scapes in which to hide in times of distress; not that they were built for this purpose, except in the case of Dunisky, Co. Cork which I believe to be the outcome of a differ-ent tradition and its needs. Within the native ‘Gaelic’ tradition I see them as either the outcome of monastic, spiritual needs and/or practical needs - both within the secular and monastic, agricultural and provisioning needs for everyday life. But, which exam-ples are which? Which are single cell lodgings for a religious person, which are storage or cold storage cellars.

If a cellar could also become a lodging, a cell, for a religious person then how, without artificial or structural evidence, or site specific placename evidence can one tell the difference? In this regard the use of Ogham inscribed slabs in significant quantities in its construction may be an indicator that the intended function of the ‘room’/cubicle was that of a place of veneration or worship connected with their presence. If the en-trance is easily and discretely concealed on the surface this might enhance such an in-terpretation, be it due to the need of the occupant for seclusion or a desire to keep the location of the site secretive and unknown to authorities. Alternatively, where the en-trance is more oopen and visible on the surface with steps leading down to it, as at , or Drumloham, Co. Waterford does this suggest an intended use as a shrine if there are multiple Ogham stones present, and a cellar if there are none? Haas the concept of a cellar storage space been ‘flipped’ to become that of a cell and shrine? The Eoghan Mór text which describes hi as Eoghan of the Underhouses ( ) describes ‘underhouses’ called Dúns which are designated by him as storage places prior to the onset of a famine. Those who advise him are called ‘prophets’.

Prophet is a word as easily applied to a druid as to a Christian holyman. Eoghan is thought to have been a first of second century Ad ruler in Munster; Christianity may have had a presence there as early as this time. Some druids may have become Chris-tian holymen. If such were the case were some occupying Dúns; some as cellarers of

hermitages? Some offering their crude cell lodgings as storage places? The need for a cellar and a person to have an important role as custodianship of it are very early con-cepts in the history of monastic communities. The cellar is not only a place in which to store general communal resources but also one in which to store the food and medici-nal resources of the monastery and perhaps also its surrounding secular community. It is of interest that Ballycatteen, a tri-ramparted ringfort prominently positioned on a high spur above Kilmore (Big Cell) and Ballinspittle (settlement of the hospital) has three souterrains. The storage of fruit and vegetables in cellars, i.e. cold storage, is a means of delaying the ‘ripening’ of apples and root crops. It is a means of storing wine for liturgical and more everyday needs It is a place for oils and materia medica, a place of valuables and even curiosities discovered in working the land, a place where compartmentalisation according to frequency of need or demand might be sensible, small interconnecting opes linking access from one to the other compromising the en-vironmental integrity of each ‘space’ as little as possible.

Based on present evidence I have not been able to advance these possibilities of inter-pretation. Were it possible to define the attributes of early monastic communities in their places of origin more clearly, perhaps it might be feasible to comment further by questioning how their homeland practices and needs were grafted onto the South Munster landscape and how the designs of their cells and cellars reflected that. Per-haps it was out of ongoing adaptations of cells and cellars, that shrines and penitential cells came into being as time progressed and design requirements evolved.

In summary, perhaps it was from, and than in paralleled with, cell lodgings an cellars, that other design types for South Munster souterrains evolved from simple, crudely created structures imitating natural caves to structures of higher quality and comfort to suit the requirements of a growing trend where the children of local nobilities sought the religious life rather than the secular one and consequently structures of higher quality are a reflection of their resources and status.

Structural Features1. At Coolarney 1, the site was a single chamber with 2/3 steps entering it.2. Even though not A1 class sites did one of the Ballycateen souterrains also have

steps leading down to it =[check] YesSouterrain A at Ballycateen had 2 steps at mouth of entrance passage!

2. Names of Site Examples and Translations:

Tabulation 1 - The SitesTownland Civil Parish Gaelic translation

and meaning of Parish Name

Barony

Aghmanister Abbeymahon Mainistir Ó mBána meaning white or grassy monastery. White meaning Cister-cian?

Ibane and Barryroe

Ballintemple St. Finbarr’s St. Finbarr’s parish CorkBallyarra Castlelyons Caisleán Ó Liatháin.

An ancient tribal peo-ple connected with the Déise as well as Imokilly, also con-nected with Wales and Cornwall, there-fore maritime connec-tions. The ruined abbey her is said to contain Knights Tem-plar graves.

Barrymore

Ballykilty Clonpriest Cluain Pruachais. Pru-ach meaning a little house, a hovel or hole in the ground. Cluain meaning a hermitage - and place of a reli-gious ‘cell’. Clonpriest lies at the head of Pil-more Harbour where the Womanagh River enters the sea be-yond Youghal.

Imokilly

Ballynamona Mourne Abbey Mainister na Móna. Móin means bogland. A Knight Templar Commandary once stood here by the parish church and graveyard.

Barrets

Ballyshoneen Corbally An Corrbhaile. Hollow homeplace or village? Underground?

East Muskerry

Barrahaurin Donoughmore Domhnach Mór. Bog Sunday Place, large or principal church of monastery? Place of Our Lord(Christ)?

East Muskerry

Berrings Inniscarra Inis Cara. River Meadow of Carthach (kindness. love?)…place of St. Senan’s hermitage?

East Muskerry

Carrigthomas Aghabulloge Achadh Bolg. A field East Muskerry

Townland Civil Parish Gaelic translation and meaning of Parish Name

Barony

of the Bolg or a ‘bolg’ field….a lesser people class?

Castlemagner Castlemagner Magner’s Castle. DuhallowClonmoyle Kilmichael Cill Mhichil. Michael’s

cell.West Muskerry

Cooldorragha Kilmichael As above. West MuskerryCoomlogane Millstreet Sráid an Mhuilinn. The

Mill Street or street to/of the mill.

Duhallow

Curraghawaddra Aghinagh Achadh Fhíonach. The truthful, honest field of was it Áith(place) of truth, honesty, cor-rect views and loyal-ties?

East Muskerry

Dromatimore Aghabulloge As above. East MuskerryGarraunredmond Donoughmore As above. East MuskerryGrange East Buttevant Cill na Mallach….Cell

of the sins or cell of curses of the ac-cursed, or unblessed? Also note Killmallock with monastery in S. Limerick.

Orrery and Kilmore

Inchinagotagh Abbeystrowry Mainistir na Sruthach. meaning the monastery which is well watered, by quick flowing water, rapids and weirs….the Ilen River?

West Carbery

Kilmaclenine Kilmaclenine Cill Mhic Léinín. Cell of Léinín ……St Colmáin MacLéinín founder of Cloyne monastery in Imokilly?

Orrery and Kilmore

Kilpadder Kilshannig Cill Seanaigh. Old cell or cells.

Duhallow

Knockboy Dunbulloge Dún Bolg. Residence, palace, fortress of the Bolg? Sometimes in local fairy folktales the Fir Bolg, a pre-Celtic race, are said to inhabit the under-ground spaces of ringforts…sometimes

Barrymore

Townland Civil Parish Gaelic translation and meaning of Parish Name

Barony

there is a hint that such inhabitants are of a low social class.

Knockshanawee Aglish An Eaglais…from French word Eglaise?….Norman origin, 12th century church reforms?

East Muskerry

Lisheens Athnowen Áth na hUamhann. Fording place of the rivers or Áith(place) of the caves?

East Muskerry

Meenahony Donoughmore As above. East MuskerryMonataggart Donoughmore As above. East MuskerryOughtihery Aghabulloge As above. East MuskerryRoovesmore Aglish As above. East MuskerrySheepwalk Dungourney Dún Guairne. The res-

idence, ‘palace’ or status fortress of Guairne.

Barrymore

Walshestown Athnowen As above. East Muskerry

Note: As best I can determine at this point in time these townlands contain examples of the A1 class souterrain. There are probably more such sites either not well recorded or as yet undis-covered. To what extent discoveries since 1977 have revealed further examples, awaits investi-gation. Difficulties with creating this class group are that a long passage leading to a single cell is not exclusive to it, given that the B1 class also uses a long passage to a masonry beehive/dome shaped cell and that the A3 class, which uses a long but zigzagged passage to a cell, may simply reflect the same objective. Another issue is that a single cell may have been subse-quently added, or created when the souterrain was being built, to suit a specific local need. For the present I’m inclined toward the view that where a long passage was present leading to a single cell (chamber or cubicle) the intention was to distance the occupant of the cell from some aspect of surface activity or structure, and thereby provide a degree of seclusion as a place of prayer, meditation and lodging when required. Where there is little or no passage I’m of the view that steps leading directly to the cell entrance are reflective either of cellars or shrines -such as Drumlohan which I see as a ferritory shrine. Both make no attempt to hide the cell or distance it from an entrance area. When a short slide entrance or drop-hole is used I take the view that such sites also reflect direct access to the cell, or a vestibule before it, rather than distancing it for seclusion purposes. Drop holes, steps, short slide shafts are not un-usual in multi-cell souterrains of the tunnelled or masonry constructed forms. Does this suggest that the long passage - in a linear, curved or zigzag shape - leading to a cell denotes that that cell had a status which distinguished it from multi-cell sites? If so, then what does the use of the long passage signify, an early form of nartex leading to a sanctum? Does it imply that the occupant had status above those occupying multi-cell souterrains?

When multi-cell forms of souterrain are discovered in the close vicinity of such long passage single cell souterrains, is an Abba and cenobite (Skete) group implied? If so, would some town-lands close to the confluence of the Funchion and Blackwater Rivers, entice more in-depth ex-amination? To what degree would such have been replicated elsewhere beyond the Fermoy territory, though using rectangular cell forms rather than the beehive dome form as found there?

Tabulation 2 - Gaelic Translations and Meanings of the Site Names

Townland Townland Name in Gaelic

Meaning Site Plan Made of Souterrain?

Aghmanister Achadh Mhainistreach agus an Spidéal

Field or ford of the monastery and hospi-tal

Yes

Ballintemple Baile an Teampall Homeplace or settle-ment of the temple

Yes

Ballyarra Baile Uí Eára Homeplace or settle-ment of Uí Eaghra (O’Hara?) clan

Yes

Ballykilty Baile Uí Chaoilte or is it an Choillte?

Homeplace of a clan or of a woodland? Or, Baile Cill Tí i.e. home-place of the cell house? Note that it is in the parish of the hermitage of the little house, hovel or ground hole.

Yes

Ballynamona Baile na Móna In 1622 AD it was called Lyranemoney which suggests the Lyra monastery of the monks.

Yes

Ballyshoneen Baile Sheoinín Homeplace of little John?

Yes

Barrahaurin Barr an Chárthainn In 1601 AD it was Bar Cairn i.e. hilltop of the Cairn. Or is it Bar an abha rann…top of the river headland?

Yes

Berrings Biorainn A place of coarse grass?

No

Carrigthomas Carrig Tomás Thomas’s rock…did he live in a cell hewn in it?

No

Castlemagner Caisleán an Mhaighn-earraig

Magner’s castle but in 1591 AD it was called Ecclesia Ville Castri…church of the castle township.

No

Townland Townland Name in Gaelic

Meaning Site Plan Made of Souterrain?

Clonmoyle Cluain Maoilte Cluain refers to a spir-itual meadow (her-mitage) and Maoilte means derelict or abandoned before 1493 AD.

Yes

Coolarney site 1 2 or 3 steps led down to the chamber.

Cooldorragha An Chúil Dorcha / Cúil Dá Ratha

Dark corner or space between two raths.

Yes

Coomlogane Com Logáin Place of the Coom or Corrie?

Yes

Curraghawaddra Currach an Mhadra Marsh or plain of the dogs…?

Yes

Dromatimore Drom An Tí Mór Ridge of the big house…monastic house i.e. Donough-more monastery?

Yes

Garraunredmond Garrán Réamainn Réamainn’s ploughed field or grove?

No

Grange East An Ghráinseach Thoir The eastern grange or monastic farm

Yes

Inchingotagh Inse na gCatach or Gortagh

Island or river meadow of the Gort or Cloister

Yes

Kilmaclenine Cill Mhic Léinin Cell of the son of Lénin. Kylemaclenyn in 1250 AD. Mac or Mhic Lénin is the name often used for St. Colman, 6th cen-tury founder saint of Cloyne’s (Cluain’s) great monastery and originally from Muskerry Mittine…there Kilmaclenin to the NE of Donough-more’s Kilshannig (old cells) with only Bally-clough(homeplace of stones) in between. On the western boundary of Donoughmore’s Kil-shanning lies Aghab-ulloge (Eoling or Olan, a ‘cap’ stone upon his Ogham graveslab like an Islamic grave..fa-bled as an Egyptian) where Kilberihert (the

Yes

Townland Townland Name in Gaelic

Meaning Site Plan Made of Souterrain?

cell of Berihert) has its souterrain, a cell of 2 cubicles…was it the same Berihert of Cullen and then Tul-lylease of the cross-slab? Was it here at Kilshannig that they spent their religious formative years…Gobnait once calling on her journey to Ab-bán at Baile Bhuirne?

Kilpadder Cill Pheadair Peadar’s cell or Cell of Prayer i.e. Na Phaidir )

Yes

Knockshanawee Cnoc Seanmhaí Hill of the old plain, or was it Hill of the old Oidí given that Cron-ody i.e. Cró na hOidí i.e. the sheltering place (lodging) of the scholars, is nearby? If so are they commem-orated in the 6 ogham stones of Knock-shanawee, the high-est peak in the area? Between Knock-shanawee and the River Lee lies Rooves-more and a short dis-tance east along the Lee lies Cronody and the drowned monastery of St Senan’s Inis Luinge where 50 European scholars came to him, most sent onwards, a few remaining at Inis Luinge to found their cell. Céile Dé of 6, to-gether ‘le céile’ , an abba and 5 ‘sons’, 2 of Luguni…the abba in his cell, his ‘sons’ in the cubicles of theirs. Nella Fantasia!

Yes

Lisheens Na Lisíní The little lioses…the little ring-forts….lodgings…like little lioses at Cush?

Yes

Meenahony Mín an chonaí Mín is a pasture, arable land, a terrace

Yes

Townland Townland Name in Gaelic

Meaning Site Plan Made of Souterrain?

on a slope…the ‘lived upon’ terrace?

Monataggart Móin an tSagairt The priest’s bog YesOughtihery Úcht Fhoithre Place of the high

buildings….monastic with towers or secu-lar?

Yes

Roovesmore An Rú Mór 1589 AD Mohallagh in Rwe, 1620 AD Rove Irahie. Roove was an iron washer used with a nail in timber ship building. In the 18th century Roovesmore was noted for excel-lent timber for ship building. Does Mohal-lagh suggest burning? Does Irahie suggest Iron…Iarann?

Yes

Sheepwalk Siulán na gCaorach The sheep trail YesWalshestown Baile an Bhailisigh Walshe’s homeplace No

Note: The site plans are collocated in my 1977 Master’s Thesis a copy of which is held at the Boole Library, University College Cork. I have used a variety of sources for Meanings including Rev. Fr. Dineen’s Dictionary, Canon Power’s Placenames of Decies and of Imokilly, logainm.ie , in my attempts to extract meaning from the Gaelic versions of the names; as either transcribed or locally quoted down through the centuries to various categories of field recorders.

3. Dis-tribution Pattern of Known Sites: Rectan- glesThe distribution pattern of the single chamber sites (stone built) as best I can currently de- termine from the data and its quality is as follows:Area 1 Most of the simple chambers are in the vicinity, radial periphery of Donoughmore Muskerry and spread south to the Lee and north via Kilshannig towards Drishane and Mill-street. South of the Lee it is Aglish and Kilnaglory and Kilmichael.

Area 2 Abbymahon and Abberstrowry

Area 3 Imokilly at Clonpriest = 1 only but Clonpriest is at head of Pilmore Bay!

Summary of A1 site information in B section of the Thesis.This has revealed that because of the quality of the information on record it is either impossible or inconclusive because of a lack of site data to say with confidence which of these sites were single chamber ones! so Thesis B is not suitable in its current infor-mation content, for identifying A1 sites and therefor all you are left with in Thesis A sites!

When one looks at the geography of Civil Parishes one sees a totality of landscape, ir-regularly divided up into land units known as Civil Parishes. It is generally believed that these represent the pre-Reformation Catholic parishes which began to come into being from the 12th century AD onwards. But this is also a geography of the secular Church rather than a geography of the more traditional Church of Irish Monasticism. Much change occurred in the ecclesiastical landscape which came into being in the 12th century - as a new geography, new church administrative structures and a new monasticism overlaid the landscape of the ‘Celtic’ Church. Its impact would last up to the 16th century when the Suppression of the Monasteries began to take place, their many assets including their great estates gradually falling into secular hands. In my view most souterrains, as found in the South Munster landscape, were part of the modus vivendi of everyday life in that period of time from the earliest years of Chris-tianity in Ireland to the early years of the 13th century AD. It was a landscape with a different social geography to that which succeeded it, and to some extent subsumed it. There are no landscape maps to show this geography. We know that it was a land-scape of paruchiae, of bishoprics, of Christian settlements of solitary hermits and of hermitages. We know that it was influenced by the traditions of the Desert Fathers and eastern (Byzantine) Church as well as by that of Rome. Using the evidence for souter-rain distribution how does one begin to reveal that social geography ad its landscape? Perhaps this is achieved by seeing how the souterrain evidence relates to placename evidence indicative of the Celtic Church and its attributes, particularly its semi-ceno-bitic laura monasteries and its hermitages, the Sunday place and the cells of their hin-terlands.

8 out of 18 Cork baronies (without E/W subdivisions) have produced evidence foe single chamber souter-rains.The other 10 have nothing and were it not for Abbeymahon/Abbeystrowry then Carbery would have none and all the rest therefore are Donoughmore stretching into Duhallow and south to Aglish and Kilmichael only other outlier is Clonpriest in Imokilly.

Rationale for SB Sites

Rock types and exposures not same as in homelands of France and Italy and Spain, therefore alternative us use boulder deposits on slopes or terraces and plateaus except if odd cliff face is available or no boul-der clay then make a rock-cut site if rock upper levels not too difficult to work easily = many clay-cut, few rock-cut and therefore high quality option is masonry but skills and quarrying and carriage options re-quired for masonry sites when clay unsuitable.

4. Distribution sketch maps:

A1 Distribution Map for Muskerry and Nearby Parishes

East Muskerry has 6 parishes with this souterrain class which are Donoughmore, Corbally, Inniscarra, Aghabulloge, Athnowen and Aginagh. West

Blackwa-ter River

Butte-vant

KilmaclenineMill-

Castlemagner

Kilshan- Mourne Abbey

Donough-more

Aghabul-loge

Aglish

Innis-carra

Aghi-

Ath-Kilmicha

Corbal-lyy

LeeRiver

BrideRiver

BandonRiver

Muskerry has one which is in Kilmichael Parish. Cork has one at St Finbarr’s Parish. Barrets Barony has one at Mourne Abbey Parish. Ballymore had 3 2hich are Dunbul-loge, Castlelyons and Dungourney and to its SE Imokilly has one at Clonpriest Parish. (see over for the baronies of W. Carbery, Ibane and Barryroe) Orrery and Kilmore have 2 which are Kilmaclenine and Buttevant, Duhallow has 3 which are Kilshannig, Mill-street and Castlemagner. The barony of Ibane and Barryroe have one site on record and it is associated with the Abbeymahon locality. West Carbery had one site and it is associated with Abbeystrowry. Both abbeys have historical connections. Abbeymahon also has a Desert and a Donaghmore Ph. closeby. The above ‘distribution map’ of parishes which have A1 Class souterrains reported (allowing for collapsed and badly re- ported sites) shows an overlap with the map for A2 sites, the A2 distribu-

tion parishes being extended into the neigh-bouring parishes of —————

all of which may in- dicate

the ‘reach’ of the Donough- more demesne. It is also in-teresting to note the parish relationships and contiguities in re-lation to St; Gobnait’s journey to Kilshannig and then Clondrohid (Cluain an drohid) to establish her own hermitage beside Abban’s hermitage at Bal-lyvourney.

A1 Distribution of Barrymore Barony.

Mourne Abbey Dunbul-

loge

Castle-

Dungour-

Cork Har-bour

Roches Point

Crosshaven

A1 Sites at Ibane and Barryroe Barony in Carbery, West Cork.

In this area of County Cork there is only one example of an A1 site on record and it is located in Abbeymahon Parish in the townland of Aghmainister and Spittal. This town-land translates as the monastery ford and its hospital lands. In 1272 AD Cistercian monks moved from their original house here near Timoleague Abbey in Courtmacsh-erry Bay to what is not Abbeymahon Parish in Clonakilty Bay. The remnants of the monastic estate which gives context to this story was still visible in the local landscape placenames at the time of the Downe Survey of the mid 17th century as seen in the following illustration. The headland area between these two bays preserves a small civil parish called Kilsallagh i.e. the Dirty Cell which I understand to refer to the cell of a Confessor… ‘give up yer auld sins’. Going from Kilsallagh to the head of Clonakilty Bay embedded within the coastline of Abbeymahon Parish is another small civil parish called Donaghmore i.e. Domhnach Mór. On the western side of Abbeymahon Parish lies another small civil parish which is called Desert. Timoleague where Abbeymahon originated also had a great Medieval monastery founded on the site of a 7th century hermitage built by St. Molagga who later founded another site in North Cork known as Labba Molagga where his graveslab is reputed to lie at the remnants of his teampall.It is interesting to speculate about the nature of early monastic estate life beside Clon-akilty Bay and Timoleague Bay and to wonder how similar its topography and social life was in comparison with Fachtna’s monastery and settlement at Rosscarbary Bay and in turn on the eastern coastline of Roaringwater Bay at Abbeystrowry by Skib-bereen with Oldcourt Quay, a deepwater quay, on the opposite bank of the Ilen River close to which the Oldcourt souterrain was found in a ringfort and beneath the cell of which a handbell wrapped in moss was discovered. Skibeereen means the little boat harbour.

Reconstructing monastic demesnes: maps of forfei-ture to consider

Rationale and research queries: If monastic estates (demesnes) evolved from the acquisition of portions of clan and tribe lands to become very large land holdings prior to the 12th century and its church reforms, then how to hypo-

thetically plot these land area, their agricultural and social landscapes, as a basis for understanding the nature of souterrain types found in them.

If these monastic estates, since Christianity first arrived, came to overlay large areas of the Iron Age clan and tri-beland geographies, then how to identify their remnants of placenames, structures, topographies in these monastic es-tate areas.

How contiguous were these large monastic estates eventu-ally? How dominant as landowners were they and what in-fluences did they have over the creation and configurations of these landscapes as well as their social architectures over a period of about 800 years?

Did Abbeymahon (originally Aghmanister and Spital) con-trol from Courtmacsherry Bay west to Clonakilty Bay? Was Rosscarberry the next large estate moving west along the coastline? What came after going further west along the coast? Did the large monastic estates give way to cell and hermitage sites resulting in placesnames e.g. Kilnaman-nagh, Kilcrohane on the peninsulas? Was Clonakilty Bay a coastline used by inland monasteries e.g. Kinneigh, with land corridors (cell lands) to segments of it for trade, travel, imports and exports?

To what extent were these monastic estates affected by Viking raids, settlement and the absorption of Viking farm owners and families into the Christian communities? What happened as a result of 12th century reforms introducing dioceses and parish geographies? To what extent did they overlay and absorb the landholdings of the Celtic monastic houses embedded in which were the older (Iron Age) tribal and clan land areas which in turn had been absorbed over previous centuries through patronage and the inheritances of nobles who had spent their lives as members of such houses? What models for souterrain topographies could be derived from enquiries of this nature?

1. Down Survey (downsurvey.tcd.ie) demesne land of Abbeyma-hon going west from Courtmacsherry Bay to Clonakilty Bay.

2. Demesne land of Rosscarberry (downsurvey.tcd.ie')

5. Parish Geographies, Their Relationships and Demesnes per cluster:

Old Head of Kin-sale

Kilsallagh Parish

Donagh-more Parish

Abbeymahon Parish

Clonakilty Bay

Abbeystrowry and Oldcourt at Skibbereen

Roaringwater Bay

Desert Paris

BaltimoreTimo-league

RosscarberyBay Courtmacsherry

Bay

- Ecclesiastical Remnants (Wells, Crosses, Burial places etc.)

- Secular Remnants (Duns, Lioses, Raths, Bothars, Fairs, festivals, Gort, Garrane, Garrai etc.)

6. Local Early Ecclesiastical landscapes and Sacred Gathering Places per parish:Civil Parish

Laura, Laragh, Lyra

Cluine Cill Farran, Tur, Knock

Domhnach Other

Note: The purpose of this table is to show something of the range of ecclesiasti-cally associated place-name elements which may give context to the presence of souterrains, to a greater or lesser degree, within the townlands of a parish. To achieve this I have used both the Irish Place-names Index and the Tithe Ap-plotments Books when searching for information in an effort to identify names for sub-units which may not have become townland names as a result of the original Ordnance Survey. The table is intended to be indicative not compre-hensive.

7. Early Ecclesiastical Associations of Specific Parishes: - Saints

- Places

- Folklore

- Physical remnants

8. Site Locational Information and Communications Reference Points: - Parish Name

- Rivers

- Mountains and Passes

- Route-ways

- Seaways e.g. Clonpriest and Abbeymahon

Some may have been in ringforts ploughed out centuries ago. When associated with a known ringfort they are mostly either with the Lios space or with a chamber in the bank (Rath). Other sites few were close to a ringfort … implying proximate or con-joined ringforts? Ringfort types are frequently uni-vallate but bi-vallate also occcur. There is one occadion i.e. Cooldaorragha, Kilmichael where the parish church is also in the ringfort/partly. Meenahony is described as a platform ringfort. Monataggart II had traces of a ringfort and there were four Ogham stones in the souterraiin. Knock-shanawee was a bi=vallate and had 6 Ogham stones in it and also Roovesmore was bi-vallate with 3 Ogham stones. Cooldorragha had one Ogham stone. Garranes, Tem-plemartin was a chamber and passage souterrain with one Ogham stone found in de-molition of ringfort.

‘Place’ types where A1 souterrains found and no ringfort evidentAghamainister was in a field. Ballintemple was beside a road. Ballyarra was in a gravel quarry 30m from River Bride. Ballykilty was in a hillside. Barrahaurin IV had a ringfort nearby and same for Barrahaurin V. Dromdaleague I was associated with a ruined church and graveyard. Dromdaleague II was on a hill slope. Inchinagotagh was in a sandpit. Kilmacleine was in a field as was Kilpadder South, Lisheens, Monatggart II. Oughtihery IV, Sheepwalk. It would be interesting to know if any of the discovery loca-tions described as in a field or in a hillslope had any evidence of the slope being manu-ally graded to form a terrace like platform across the face of the slope and how the po-sition of the souterrain was related to it. It is interesting to see ‘platforms’ of this na-ture across the rolling landscapes fo mid-Cork whether natural or man-made in remote times and now grassed over. Perhaps such ‘platforms’ were known as Mín (Meen) meaning a level arable piece of land.

Rocks and Soils of the A1 Class sites:

The Civil Parishes of Abbeynahom, Clonpriest, Mourne Abbey, Corbally, Donoughmore, Inniscarra, Aghabulloge, Kilmichael, Aghinagh, Abbeystrowry, Dunbulloge, Athnowan, Aglish Dungourney, Creagh, Kilmaloda, Desertserges and Carrigaline, to an extent all lie above a sandstone, siltstone and mudstone category of rock type. Above it lie sand-stone, shale and limestone glacial till deposits. Brown Podzolic soils dominate. The mountain ranges such as the Boggeragh and Nagle mountains within the areas cov-ered by this category have Brown Podzolic Soils above sandstone. In the areas of the

parishes of Castlelyons, Buttevant, Kilmaclenine, limestone dominates the landscape of the north west above the Blackwater Valley in Duhallow and also spreads from But-tevant to Mitchelstown, Castletownroche to Fermoy and on to Lismore and Dungarvan. The limestone of the `lee Valley lies beneath St. Finbarrs and Carrigaline is also in a limestone belt. Though, without detailed survey information I cannot specify the pre-cise dominance or overlapping of soil and soil types for each parish above. Conse-quently, I am relying on the general rock and soil maps for my information which are at a small scale. For the limestone areas acid brown earths dominate with gleys mostly in the higher lands of Duhallow. Castlemagner, Millstreet parishes lie above sandstone, shale and siltstone.In summary, as far as the Cork souterrain record could say up to 1977, most of the A1 Class of souterrain lies in landscape areas of good quality soil with sandstone beneath, and limestone beneath the main river valleys. Siltstone and mudstone and shale de-posits are mostly associated with the sandstone areas. Fragments of limestone, sand-stone and shale occupy the glacial till deposits which mostly occur these parish locali-ties in varying degrees of depth except for those higher altitude areas where it is ab-sent.

The range of sites which I have included in this class are nearly all drystone built structures ex-cepting, for example, the two sites from Aglish parish in mid-Cork i.e. Knockshanawee and Roovesmore, where no drywalling was used the trench sides functioning instead as the walls of the structure. Both sites used several Ogham stones in their roofing. This method -of not using dry masonry walls but with an ogham stones roof - was also found at Ballyknock North in …….parish, east Cork where 15 ogham stones were used to roof a clay-cut, three chambered souterrain situated along a peripheral arc of cill sites to the east of Donickmore in ….. parish. The Ordnance Datum contours for this site class range across the full spectrum of landscape heights from 0 beside the coastline to 1,000 metres at Barrahaurin on the eastern foothills of the Boggeragh Mountain range.[CHECK if Feet or Metres]. There does not appear to be any specific contours group predominating.

Surface locations and structures above or beside this class of souter-rain

Site Above Closeby Circumstances and notes

Aghmanister Field

Ballintemple Beside modern road Clanrichard House(?)

Ballyarra 30m from bank of River Bride.

Found during gravel quarrying.

Ballykilty Hillside

Barrahaurin site 4 Field Ringfort nearby

Site Above Closeby Circumstances and notes

Barrahaurin site 5 Ringfort nearby

Other Barrahau-rins?

Cooldorragha In churchyard Old Roman catholic church in ringfort i.e. the parish church of Kilmichael (Michael’s cell).

Ogham stone used as capstone in souter-rain[CHECK] inscribed Veqoani Maqi Eqod…Legend that a local saint called Michael, upon his return from Rome, sought a place for his cell and found it here because the dapper of his handbell rang out at the ring-fort. It is noteworthy that according to leg-end Saint Fachtna of Rosscarbery preached in a ringfort beside his teampall and holy well at Bohonagh (the Cabins).

Garraunredmond site 2

Field North of the well.

Inchinagotagh Found during work in a sand pit.

Kilmaclenine Field

Kilpadder South Field This is in Kilshannig (Old cells) parish. Was it one of its cells, a cill paidir (prayer)? Going south from here the next parish is Donoughmore and then on the south side of Donoughmore is Matehy parish where the A2 class drystone built souter-rain (artificial cave) at Kilclogh ( meaning ei-ther stone cell - or Kil-clugh in an earlier place-name form meaning Bell Cell). If so, then it is reminis-cent of a line in the 7th century Rule of Saint Adomnán ‘ by Dapper Doulgas I will sing my psalms today in the stone cell’ i.e.

Site Above Closeby Circumstances and notes

by the ringing of his handbells’ dapper he will recite his psalms in a stone (built?) cave.

Lisheens Field

Monataggart site 2

Field A souterran which produced 4 Ogham stones.

Oughtihery site 4 Field In a modern forestry area

Sheepwalk Field

Note: Though there are instances of a ringfort context, or one nearby, the predominant location type recorded for this class is just a field; though the place-name evidence points to something more ecclesiastical in several cases. Perhaps modern Lidar surveys might reveal if there are ploughed-out ringforts or other forms of enclosures which were once present above, or in close proximity, to the souterrain. Perhaps in interpreting such data the use of ringforts as places for the private cell or group cells of early saints and local church founders should be borne in mind from the folklore quoted above.When a pre-existing ringfort became repurposed as a cluain hermitage or cell, or when a sim-ple circular bank and ditch enclosure was made to create a specified enclosure following the dictat of a monastic rule, are also questions which figure in such interpretations.

9. Other Souterrain Class types Found in each Parish: Tabulation

10. Engineering Technicalities and Architectural Forms Created:

- Construction and Alignment of Site Elements, Modularities. Descriptive

- Masonry Characteristics, Secrets of the Craft TabulationSite Description of Masonry work in the

chambers

Aghmanister Construction trench was in yellow boulder clay.Slabbed wall used in creepway. Grounders used in chamber walls.

Ballintemple Roof described as stone built but also as ‘bar-rel vaulted’ with ‘curves of the arch’ in the chamber being ‘true’.

Ballyarra Walls poorly constructed.Ballykilty 8 masonry courses in walls. Top course of

side walls projected inward, otherwise plumb. Jamb stones in creepways. Sandstone built.

Ballynamona Trench excavated in boulder clay.

Site Description of Masonry work in the chambers

Ballyshoneen No details.Barrahaurin sites 3 to 6 At site 5 wall tops corbelled slightly. Berrings No details.Carrigthomas sites 1 and 2 No details.Castlemagner Walls corbelled, 15 masonry courses with top

5 to 6 courses corbelled.Clonmoyle No details.Coolarney site 1 Small boulders used in walls. Stone pillar used

to support a short capstone.Cooldorragha No corbelling noticed in walls.Coomlogane No details.Dromatimore Corbelled walls. Oblong plan.Garraunredmond site 1 2 stone ‘pillars’ of water rolled stones. Note

use of water rolled stones for cures at some holy well sites.

Grange East Grounders used in side walls. Limestone built site. Corbelled side walls to facilitate short capstones.

Inchinagotagh Side walls corbelled.Kilmaclenine Limestone floor chipped away to produce

smooth surface. Walls 14 to 16 courses of masonry. Side walls corbelled.

Kilpader Walls roughly coursed of 10 to 13 courses. Walls appear to have been roughly dressed when in position. Stones are sandstone and some appear to have come from the boulder clay walls of the construction trench.

Knockboy site 2 No details.Knockshanawee Capstone roof but clay-cut side walls.Lisheens Walls corbelled at top.Meenahony Oblong planMonataggart site 2 No details.Oughtihery site 4 Walls roughly coursed, 14 courses, sandstone

used. Creepway made of transverse slab at either ent with horizontal slabs in between.

Roovesmore Clay-cut walls with capstones and 6 support-ing pillars placed in rows to support roof. Two courses of capstones in roof. First laid trans-versely, second laid on top horizontally.

Sheepwalk Walls roughly coursed. 17 masonry courses. 4 slabs upright at top of one wall, open shaft visible beyond…entrance shaft necessitating a drop to chamber floor blocked with slabs?

Site Description of Masonry work in the chambers

Walshestown site 2 No details.

11. Dimensions: TabulationParish Site Cubicle

Length (Me-tres)

Width(Meters)

Height(Meters)

Entrance Type/Notes. (Meters)

Abbeymahon

Aghmanister 2.6 1.2 0.7 Creepway or passage, blocked. In-filled.

St. Finbarrs Ballintemple 2.4 1.5 1.5 With possible passage or vestibule.

Castlelyons Ballyarra 2.5 1.0 1.95 Entrance pit with creep-way

Clonpriest Ballykilty 2.45 0.8 0.7 Clay-cut’ cell attached was possible en-trance area.

Mourne Abbey

Ballyna-mona

2.9 0.8 1.3 Entrance shaft at 1m long, 0.5 wide, 0.6 high.

Corbally Ballyshon-een

Not recorded Not recored Not recorded Not recorded

Donough-more

Barrahaurin site 3

1.8+ 0.75 0.9

Donough-more

Barrahaurin site 4

1.8 0.9 0.9 Had 2 cubli-cles/rooms joined by creepway. Uncertain if this was A1 site with ex-tra cubicle.

Donough-more

Barrahaurin site 5

1.8 0.6 Not recorded Collapsed site

Parish Site Cubicle Length (Me-tres)

Width(Meters)

Height(Meters)

Entrance Type/Notes. (Meters)

Donough-more

Barrahaurin site 6

2.3 0.75 0.9 Damaged site

Inniscarra Berrings 3.65 1.0 1.5 Unclear if this was A1 site

Aghabulloge Carrigthomas site 1

Not recorded Not recorded Not recorded Not recorded

Aghabulloge Carrigthomas site 2

Not recorded Not recorded Not recorded Not recorded

Castlema-gner

Castlema-gner

3.6 1.5 1.6 Entrance shaft 1.2 m long, 0.5 wide, 1.1+ high.

Kilmichael Clonmoyle Not recorded Not recorded Not recorded Not recordedKilmichael Cooldorragh

a 4.0+

1.1 1.05 L-shaped gallery or passage - possibly A2 rather than A1? This site was 1.2m be-low surface level.

Millstreet Coomlogane 3.2 1.25 1.5 Collapsed site

Aghinagh Cur-raghawad-dra

2.75 1.2 1.5

Aghbulloge Dromati-more

1.8 1.2 1.2 Not recorded

Donough-more

Garraunred-mond I (called Poul-fe-Tallig lo-cally)

Not recorded Not recorded 1.5 Creepway to a ‘cell’ with 0.6 m diame-ter runs from chamber.

Buttevant Grange East 3.0 1.3 1.3 Collapsed or infilled site

Abbeystrowry

Inchinagotagh

Not recorded Not recorded Not recorded Site de-stroyed dur-ing quarry-ing. Entrance shaft sloped gently to sur-face.

Kilmacle- Kilmacle- 3.6 1.0 1.0 Site was

Parish Site Cubicle Length (Me-tres)

Width(Meters)

Height(Meters)

Entrance Type/Notes. (Meters)

nine nine ‘filled in’ when found.

Kilshannig Kilpadder South

4.2 1.0 1.4 Collapsed site

Dunbulloge Knockboy II 3.65 No details. Possible A2 site.

Aglish Knock-shanawee

4.56 1.05 1.36 Drop-hole en-trance with diameter of 1.25 m.

Attnowen Lisheens 3.0 1.35 1.2 Blocked creepway in chamber.

Donough-more

Meenahony Not recorded Not recorded Not recorded Not recorded

Donough-more

Monataggart site 2

1.5+ 1.0 0.9 There was an ‘ope’ at one end of the chamber…creepway?

Aghabulloge Oughtihery site 4

3.1 1.2 1.5 Creepway from cham-ber may have led to entrance shaft.

Aglish Roovesmore 4.47 2.43 0.6 Entrance passage was……..????check

Dungourney Sheepwalk Not recorded Not recorded Not recorded Collapsed site. 2 ‘verti-cal slabs’ in chamber might indi-cate en-trance shaft.

Athnowen Wal-shestown site 2

Not recorded Not recorded Not recorded Not recorded

Creagh Oldcourt 1.52 0.9 1.21 Entrance in ringfort bank. Passage 11 x 0.6 x 0.6. Pit entrance.

Kilmaloda Ahaliskey III Not recorded Not recorded Not recorded Entrance passage 4 x 1.2 x 1.05.

Parish Site Cubicle Length (Me-tres)

Width(Meters)

Height(Meters)

Entrance Type/Notes. (Meters)

Possible vari-ation on A1 or C1 but blocked.

Carrigaline Ballygarvan 2.4 2.0 Passage to collapsed ch. under ring-fort bank.

Desert-serges

Lisnacunna 4.7 1.35 1.3 Passage 2.7+ x 0.6 x 0.4

12. Finds: - Ogham Stone Information per parish Tabulation

Site Number of stones

Position Inscription Reading (Macalister)

Cooldorragha 1 1 VEQOANI MAQI EQOD

Garranes [check if A1]

1 1 CASSITTAS MAQI MUCOI CALLITI

Knock-shanawee

6 1 I CANAVVI MAQ LUGUN…

2 VEQIKAMI MAQI LUGUNI

3 GRIMIGGN I MAQ I CERC

4 CULRIGAI MAQI MENUMAQI

5 BRANI MAQQI MUCC

6 COLLI…

Monataggart site 2

4 1 FEQREQMOQ OIGLUNLEGGET

2 DALAGNI MAQI DALI

3 BROINIEN

Site Number of stones

Position Inscription Reading (Macalister)

ASKOIN ETATTRENA LUGOS

4 VERGUSO MACI LLOMINACCA

Roovesmore 3 or 6 [CHECK] 1 ANAVLAMATTIAS MUCOI… OELUNI AVI AKERAS

2 MAQI ERICAS MAQI VALAMNI

3 VEDACUNA MAQI TOBIRA MUCOI SOGINI

NOTE: I HAVE USED R.A.S. MACALISTER’S CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INSULARUM CELTICARUM FOR TRANSCRIPTIONS - AND AT TIMES AIDED BY M.J. O’KELLY’S REVISIONS. IT IS IMPORTANT TO NOTE THAT THE INSCRIPTIONS ARE IN SEVERAL CASES INCOMPLETE BECAUSE THEY BECAME WORN DOWN OVER TIME AND THE EXTENT OF THIS IS OFTEN DUE TO THE TYPE OF STONE USED FOR THE MEMORIAL SLAB. IT IS ALSO NOTICEABLE THAT SOME WORDS IN THE TRANSCRIPTIONS HAVE LONG CHARACTER STRINGS TO THEM;REMINISCENT PERHAPS OF A TIME WHEN THE CONCEPT OF SEPARATING WORDS BY SPACES IN A SENTENCE WAS IN ITS INFANCY IN EARLY MONASTERIES. THE PERSONAL OR INDIVIDUAL NAMES IN THESE INSCRIPTIONS ARE SEPARATED BY WORDS SUCH AS MAQI (SON OF), MUCCOI (GRANDSON OF) OR AVI (OF ANCESTOR). ALSO, ONE WONDERS IF THERE IS SOMETHING MILITARY IN WORDS SUCH AS EQOD AND LEGGET.

IT IS NOTICEABLE THAT SOMETIMES A LETTER IS DOUBLED, OR SOMETIMES PERHAPS TWO OR MORE WORDS ARE FUSED TOGETHER WITHOUT A SPACE BETWEEN, OR THERE MAY BE A GAP BETWEEN PART OF A WORD AND ITS FINAL LETTER E.G. MAQ AND I TO GIVE MAQI. IF THESE ARE EXAMPLES OF DIFFICULTIES WITH WRITING AND READING THE INSCRIPTIONS THEN IS THERE A BASIS FOR SEEING OGHAM WRITING AS A CIPHER WHICH WAS BANNED BY AN EDICT OF EMPEROR JUSTINIAN 1ST IN THE …….CENTURY AD? MENTION OF SUCH AN EDICT APPEARED IN A LETTER WRITTEN BY A 12TH CENTURY MONK TO KING HENRY 11 OF ENGLAND (KING, 19.., P….) NOTING DIFFICULTIES IN USING THE CIPHER AS A REASON FOR BANNING IT, ALONG WITH THE USE OF ABBREVIATIONS. NOTABLE SCHOLARSHIP ON THE WRITING OF OGHAM, ITS HISTORY AND INTERPRETATION IS THAT BY DAMIEN MCMANUS (19…).

THOUGH THE OGHAM INSCRIBED SLABS WERE ORIGINALLY CREATED FOR USE AS MEMORIAL STONES I TAKE THE VIEW THAT DUE TO WHATEVER LOCAL CIRCUMSTANCES, BENIGN OR HOSTILE TO WHAT THESE MEMORIAL STONES REPRESENTED, MANY STONES WERE RE-MOVED FROM THEIR ORIGINAL AND INTENDED LOCATIONS TO BE USED, IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF SOUTERRAIN ROOFS, - AND AS PIL-LARS SUPPORTING SUCH ROOFS. WHEN THE SOUTERRAIN WAS TO BE OF THE TUNNELLED TYPE. THEY WERE SOMETIMES USED AS TO CREATE AN ENTRANCE AREA SUCH AS AT UNDERHILL, IN FANLOBBUS PARISH BESIDE KINNEIGH NORTH OF THE BANDON RIVER, OR CARHOOVAULER’S RINGFORT SOUTERRAIN TO THE SOUTH OF THE RIVER. AT BALLYNABORTAGH IN ……PARISH, THEY WERE USED TO FRAME ONE OF THE CUBICLES IN A SOUTERRAIN OTHERWISE CLAY TUNNELLED. WHY?

I TAKE THE VIEW, AS SUGGESTED IN THE 19TH CENTURY BY THE YOUGHAL ANTIQUARIAN AND ARCHITECT…….FITZGERALD, THAT THEY WERE SEEN AS RELICS AND THEREFORE GAVE SPIRITUAL PROTECTION AS WELL HAVING A SPIRITUAL PRESENCE FOR THE OCCUPANT OF THE SOUTERRAIN IN PRAYER. PERHAPS THERE IS SOMETHING OF THIS THOUGHT IN O’CORRÂIN’S QUOTE (O CORRÁIN 20…., P….) OF AN EARLY IRISH POEM CALLED ………..WHICH SPEAKS OF A MONASTIC CELL AS A FOLLY AMONG LIOSES AND SURROUNDING MEMORIAL STONES. NOT ALL SOUTERRAIN HAVE OGHAM STONES, THEY DO NOT APPEAR TO BE FREQUENTLY PRESENT, BASED ON THE ARCHAEO-LOGICAL RECORD; UNLESS SOME HAVE BEEN MISSED BY EARLIER RECORDERS. IT WAS ONCE THOUGHT BY CORK ANTIQUARIAN, AU-THOR ON OGHAM STONES AND ARCHITECT R.R. BRASH THAT SOUTERRAINS IN CILLEENS WERE LIKELY PLACES TO FIND THEM; A VIEW WHICH LED TO OGHAM STONE HUNTING EXPEDITIONS AND LESS THAT DESIRABLE FORMS OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL EXCAVATION.

THERE ARE A VARIETY OF DISCOVERY CIRCUMSTANCES RELATING TO THE OGHAM STONES WE HAVE. SOME COME FROM PLACES KNOWN TO BE ASSOCIATED WITH A SAINT SUCH AS SEEMOCHUDA (MOCHUDA’S SEAT) IN THE KNOCKMAELDOWN MOUNTAINS NOTH OF LISMORE ON THE BLACKWATER RIVER, OR SAINT ABBAN’S GRAVE AT BALLYVOURNEY IN WEST CORK. OTHERS COME FROM OLD CHURCHYARDS AND AT SESKINANE IN COUNTY WATERFORD SOME WERE INCORPORATED IN THE WINDOWS OF THE MEDIEVAL PARISH CHURCH OF KNOCKBOY. IN OTHER CASES THEY HAVE BEEN FOUND STANDING IN EARLY ECCLESIASTICAL SITES - AT TIMES ON TALL PIL-LARSTONES, BESIDE REPUTED SAINTS’ GRAVES, OR UPRIGHT IN REMOTE COASTAL PLACES, IN FILED BEING USED AS BVINE SCRATCH-ING POSTS, IN FARM SHEDS OR AS GATE POSTS ETC. BUT A CONSIDERABLE NUMBER OF THOSE WE HAVE HAVE BEEN DISCOVERED IN SOUTERRAINS RANGING FROM A SINGLE EXAMPLE TO 10 STONE AT DRUMLOHAN IN WATERFORD AND 15 STONES AT BALLYKNOCK NORTH IN EAST CORK. OFTEN THE INSCRIPTION HAS NOTHING IN IT WHICH SUGGESTS A RELIGIOUS ASSOCIATION THOUGH ON RARE OCCASIONS FOR EXAMPLE WORDS LIKE SAGART AS AT ………..CO, KERRY AND PERHAPS THE WORD AB FOR ABBA ON AN INSCRIPTION FROM ………..CORK. MY OWN VIEW IS THAT THE BURIAL PRACTICE USED IN CONNECTION WITH THESE INSCRIBED STONES WAS ONE IN AN EASTERN CHRISTIAN TRADITION WHERE THE ACTUAL GRAVE WAS A TEMPORARY RESTING PLACE BEFORE THE BONES WERE WASHED AND EITHER RETURNED TO THE FAMILY, PLACED IN A CHARNEL HOUSE OR IF THE PERSON LED AN EXCEPTIONAL CHRISTIAN LIFE PLACED IN A SHRINE BOX KEPT AT THE CHURCH. IN SUCH CIRCUMSTANCES THE GRAVE WOULD NOT HAVE A PERMANENT MEMO-RIAL STONE AND CONSEQUENTLY THIS MAY HAVE BEEN THE PURPOSE OF THE LEACHT PLATFORM NEARBY I.E. AS A PUBLIC PLATFORM FOR A CENOTAPH MEMORIAL TO THAT PERSON. IF SO THEN WITH THE ABANDONMENT OF THE CELL / CLUAIN HERMITAGE, OR ALTERNA-TIVELY CHANGES IN CUSTOM AND REBUILDING ON SITE E.G. A MEDIEVAL PARISH CHURCH, SUCH PLATFORMS MAY HAVE BEEN DEMOL-ISHED, THEIR OGHAM STONES SMASHED, REUSED ELSEWHERE OF JUST FORGOTTEN ABOUT IN THE THEN APPOINTED GRAVEYARD AREA AND BURIED. IN OTHER CASES HERMITAGES MAY HAVE SIMPLY BEEN ABANDONED, LEFT DERELICT AND FORGOTTEN: SOME PERHAPS AS A CONSEQUENCE OF VIKING RAIDS, SOME AS A CONSEQUENCE OF A TREND TOWARD THE CENOBIUM AND AWAY FROM THE EARLIER

LAURA MONASTIC MODEL, SOME AS A CONSEQUENCE OF 7TH WHITBY OR EARLIER REFORMS, OR 12TH CENTURY DIOCESAN AND PARISH REFORMS INTRODUCING A NEW ORGANISATIONAL STRUCTURE, NEW FOUNDATIONS AND GEOGRAPHY.

TO WHAT EXTENT SOUTERRAINS LIKE BALLYKNOCK NORTH WITH ITS 15 OGHAM STONES OR DRUMLOHAN WITH 10, REPRESENT EF-FORTS UNDER SUCH CIRCUMSTANCES TO COLLOCATE THE REMNANTS OF THE EARLIEST, NASCENT, CHRISTAINITY FROM SURROUNDING ABANDONED CLUAINS / CELLS INTO UNDERGROUND PLACES OF WORSHIP IS PERHAPS A RESEARCH TOPIC FOR ANOTHER TIME; AN IN-TRIGUING ONE. I’M OF THE VIEW THAT THERE ARE TWO PROCESSES INVOLVED, ONE WHICH WAS CONTEMPORARY WITH THE ‘CELTIC’ CHURCH AND INVOLVING THE TRANSFER OF SUCH STONES OCCASIONALLY, IF SANCTIONED, TO BE INCORPORATED IN SOUTERRAIN LODGINGS OR PRAYER PLACES. THE OTHER PROCESS OCCURRING WHEN CHURCH REFORMS LED TO OFFICIAL ABANDONMENT OF THE PRACTICE OF BURIAL ASSOCIATED WITH THEM AND ALSO ABANDONMENT OF THE USE OF THE CIPHER SCRIPT.

- Other Finds by Site TabulationSITE FINDS

Ballintemple Bones, possibly horse. 19th century find….not a scientific identification.

Ballyarra Bronze ring, ringpin, iron pin, hone-stones, flint, antler, iron slag, furnace bottom, human skeletal material of a child and infant, animal bones. This material seems to suggest a metal worker nearby as well as some form of surface clearance leading to the souterrain being infilled. What might have led to this es-pecially as human bones were included in the fill?

Ballykilty Fragments of animal bones. Small pieces of charcoal. Why are pieces of animal bones so commonly found in souterrains?Do they come with infill rubbish, represent meals or perhaps food storage?

Ballynamona Animal bones. But most of such ‘on the spot’ reports are not scientific reports. One won-ders what might be learned if we still had them.

Barrahaurin site 4

Animal bones.

Inchinagotagh Charcoal and bones.Monataggartwhich site 1 or 2 [check]

Charcoal, piece of pottery ‘in black earth’. Fire-pot?

--

Note: It is frequently the case that nothing is found or was thought worth noting in many souterrain reports. Some sites I have surveyed were in pristine condition and totally empty, al-most as if waiting in readiness for an occupant. As far as I’m aware no one has carried out mi-cro-soil analysis on souterrain floors or walls. I wonder if such work would contribute further ev-idence, for consideration in regard to site use.

13. Template Model and Site Drawing examples: Drawings

14. Photographic Illustrations: Photos

15. Bibliographic References:

Notes for addition to this fileSolving some placenames and relationships for A1/A2 sites:1. Kilpadder South is possibly Cill Phaidir (meaning prayer cell) rather than

the cell of someone called Peadar. It is interesting to compare this with the cill clug (bell cell) placename and A2 souterrain types.

2. Kilpadder is in Kilshannig (old cells) Parish. Kilmaclenine Parish is just one parish (Ballyclogh) removed from Kilshannig. Kilmaclenine (cell of MacLeinin-Leinin’s son). It is of interest that St. Coleman who founded the great monastery at Cloyne was also known as MacLeinin. Kilshannig is in a part of Muskerry, situated on the north side of Donoughmore - once a great monastic site, and this area was once known as Muskerry Mittine. Folklore says that St. Coleman went to Cloyne from Muskerry Mittine at the request of the king of the Imokilly people of Cloyne district and might have preferred to remain in Muskerry Mittine.

3. See Map for above in my photo file.4. Locational Notes. Dunbeacon III is in the same Td. as sites 1 & 2 and it is in

either a promontary ‘fort’ or a caher ‘fort’ e.g. as used by religious as at Drombeg, Fahan, Dingle. Garranes (Kinalmeaky) was in a field directly south of the rath called Lios na Gréine i.e. a grianáin. Garranredmond I was in a field north of a well. It is also interesting that in the townland of Kil-clogh (Muskerry) a holy well lies within the same townland and it is a curi-ousity that the beehive and passage masonry built souterrain at Carn Euny, Cornwall lies close to St. Euny’s Well. At Ballygarvan the fort was called Rathdermot. Was Dermot a local chieftain, landowner or was he a monk? At Ballykilty (home place of the cell?) in Clonpriest (the cluain of the Pruachais) Parish. Dineen gives Pruch as a little house, a hovel, or a hole in the ground. The souterrain here was in a hillside with some traces of a ringfort above. Ahaliskey III was in a ringfort on gently sloping ground. The souterrain at Rath Townland north of Youghal was in a ringfort called Lios-

naraha (the lios of the rath). In the area of Monkstown beside Cork Harbour Rathanker Townland some say is the rath of the anchorite.

5. Keelnameela (cill na Maoile) meaning derelict cell. 6. Lackandarragh souterrain was in a square earthwork used as a cillín and

locally called Kilchilling. It is notable that the Dromlohan souterrain which I understand to have been a feretory shrine is located a few meters from a rectangular earthwork.

7. Nearly all sites are just stone built. Knockshanawee, Roovesmore are in the same parish and many oghams in them. These are stone built and clay-cut as side walls are clay and roofs are slabbed. In the cases of Lisnacunna and Ahalisky the chamber is clay-cut and passage is dry masonry. At Cook-garrif the two passages are clay-cut in their lower levels but topped off with masonry and the cell is clay-cut. The inner passage towards the cell is all masonry at the cell end of it. Perhaps due to tensile strength of boulder clay. The Ordnance Datum reveals for this site class that they are found at all contour levels from 0 to 1,000M. so, the spread of the phenomenon is not restricted by contour heights. All sites are of the cut and cover mode of construction.

8. Rathcanning may have been a Rath. Cooldorragha is in a church site, and Underhill is unknown…church site or Rath or is it on an land terrace below the slope of a hill and if so might it be just one of several souterrains open-ing onto such a terrace?

9. Ballynabortagh Td. is a C1 site i.e. a 2 chambered clay-cut site with roof of Ch 1 made of capstones and 4 pillars with an ogham inscription on NE & SW pillars. 2nd Ch is clay-cut only. Chamber roof is 0.65m below ground level.[recheck this site in the Archaeological Survey…which site had the lintel and jambs arrangement with an ogham as the entrance to one of its cells?]

10. Why so many examples of souterrains turning up in very small parish of one or two townlands? Are these parishes the fossils of original parishes connected with those who founded the places from which these places are named ? e.g. Killaspugmullane = but no souterrain for here! Kilmaclenine = has souterrain! Others …..? Templebryan?

11. Double varieties i.e. tunnelled and dry stone versions of same thing?

A1 & C1: Because of their long passage entrances I’m inclined to think the C1 sites are related to A1 sites. Perhaps this also carries over to Beehive B1 sites and their long passages where there are 2 cubicles (chambers) does this mean B2 & B3 also like A1? C3 & stone built versions: I’m inclined to think that the Ballycateen type, Ballyknock and others are just drystone versions of C3 sites.A! or A2? or A3:The A2 site type may also be mixed up with A1 sites due to poor recording. Are A3, the same as A2?

Short note on rock and soil types for A1 sitesThey are found in landscape areas where sandstone, siltstone and mudstone with occasionally thin limestone and calcerous shale is located. The soils range from Grey Brown Podzolics above limestone glacial till, Gleys above shale glacial till, Acid Brown Earths above mixed sandstone and limestone glacial till, Brown Podzolics above shale glacial till. This information is of considerable in-terest when considering issues to do with the shapes of clay-cut souterrains and also the issues faced by those constructing masonry souterrains. It is also a consideration when deciding whether or not absence of souterrains from a limestone locality is due to the use and existence of natural caves. O’Dowd ( ) has published important research relating to the Archaeology of natural caves in Ireland with reference to human occupation in centuries past. Caves such as Park North Cave and Carrignagour Cave in the Cork Archaeological Survey were understood to have been places of habitation by ‘lower status’ individuals in the early Medieval period. Main Earth Cave ( Vol.5, Arch. Survey Cork ) pro-duced a C14 date of the late Medieval period. There were also human remains from Killavullen Cave, Ovens Cave, CastleKevin Cave, Carrigtwohill, all in Cork, though no C14 dates available. It is interesting to note the work of Rotha Mary Clay( ) in England in relation to rock-cut dwellings of the Medieval pe-riod for hermits and also the work of Sabine Baring-Gould placing such dwellings in a broader European context. OTHER SITES FOR POSSIBLE COMPARISON WITH A1

Coolgarrif I in Aghinagh Parish had a cell diameter of 2.4m and a height of 1.0m. The site consisted of 2 passages linked by a creepway with a further creepway entering the cell. The cell was clay-cut and various combinations of clay and masonry built walling occurred in the two passages. I am tempted to see this site as an example of a B1 influence in the Muskerry area but with two passages. How might one interpret these? The Muskerry area is beyond that of the Fir Maige and to the SW of it. The passageway which is closest to the cell has a similar bulging of its ground plan as at Manning and Carrignagroghera in Fir Maige territory. Were I to interpret the B1 souterrain form as the residence of an important ecclesiastical figure surrounding which B2 and B3 cells are to be found then from such a perspective is it possible that a saintly or founder monk may have held a B1 type site to which others attended for prayer and consultation immediately outside his cell? In such terms were the B1 sites the earliest monasteries in the original sense of the residence/sanctum of a holy man and local church leader? Were these at times fulfilling the role of oratories in a very early sense? The passages had the following dimensions: the outer passage was 3.4m long by 0.9m wide and 1.21m high. The inner passage was 3.2m long by 1.2m wide by 1.28m high.At Lyroe I in Aghabulloge Parish the souterrain was connected with Caherbaun (the white caher). This had a chamber 1.8m long by 1.5m wide and a passage 3.6m long by 0.6m wide and 1.21m high. Both passages had expanding ends and the ‘chamber’ was an expansion of one passage. It is not possible from the minimal field record to determine as to whether or not it had any similarity with Coolgarrif I above.At Garranes in Templemartin Parish the souterrain was described as a passage and chamber but with no dimensions recorded. Most of the passage was clay-cut but stone built and narrower at the south end.Finally Coolanarney I consisted of a chamber of two to three steps leading down to it. It was in the parish of . Coolanarney II (West Muskerry) was a chamber with 2/3 steps and the entrance was to the side of the cham-ber.The following are further sites which might have a connection with the A1 Class but it is very difficult without further field investigation i.e. exploration and sur-vey, to determine precisely what forms of site these are. Ahaliskey III consisted of two chambers and along passage. Ballygarvan seemed to be a passage lead-

ing to possibly a collapsed chamber within the bank of the ringfort. Knock-shanawee was a single chamber with a drop hole entrance. Roovesmore in the same parish as Knockshanawee was along passage leading to a chamber. Old-court, given that it is a passage to a single chamber may also be considered perhaps as a Carbery example of a B1.

THE TYPES OF SURFACE LOCATION WHERE A1 SOUTERRAINS HAVE BEEN FOUND.

TOWNLAND PARISH SURFACE DESCRIPTION

Aghminister Abbeymahon A fieldBallintemple St Finbarrs Beside road and Clanrikard

HouseBallyarra Castlelyons 30m from the bank of the

River Bride and in gravel quarry

Ballykilty Clonpriest A hillsideBarrahourin IV Dunoughmore In a field, ringfort nearbyBarrahourin V Dunoughmore Ringfort nearbyCooldorragha Kilmichael Old church in ringfort. Ogham

stone also from here.Dromdaleague I Dromdaleague Near ruined church and

graveyardDromdaleague II Dromdaleague HillslopeGarraunredmond I Dunoughmore A fieldInchinagotagh Abbeystrowry A sandpitKilmaclenine Kilmaclenine A fieldKilpadder South Kilshannig A fieldLisheens Athnowen A fieldMonataggart II Donoughmore A field. Placename means

boggy field of the priestOughtihery IV Aghabulloge A fieldSheepwalk Dungourney A field

Note: In making the above type of table for souterrains across all classes it is notable that only 3 non ringfort souterrains have produced ogham stones i.e. Cooldorragha produced one ogham, Rathcanning produced one ogham and Un-derhill produced three.

Also across all classes locations on hill slopes, rock eminences and fields are quite common. The following are some of the other surface types associated with Cork souter-rains in general beyond those recorded as located in ringforts: A bank enclos-ing a cillín situated 100m from the souterrain, at the corner of a byeroad, found in the course of removing field fences, on a small level plateau, immediately outside the rampart of a ringfort, in a potato field, in the garden of a house, in a field called the ‘forteen’, in a graveyard beside the church ruins, beside a byeroad, at a church and graveyard, in an orchard, on the top of a hillside, be-neath a farmyard, at a hillside where the break of slope creates a terrace adja-cent to graveyard field, a place known as Brodar’s fort (Brodar, viking?) , an earthen mound, place known as Bealahamine, a rock eminence by the sea coast, a limestone knoll, near Trá Eoghan Mór, in a stubble field, at an early monastic site, in the slope of a hill with a stone fort 10m to north, near an old cathedral building (Rosscarbery), in a field in Tullyglass Townland in Kilbrogan (Brogan’s cell) a field called Páirc an Phuill (field of the pit?), during the level-ling of a house in a field at Underhill.

CIVIL PARISHES LAND USE INDICATIVE TOWNLANDS

Abbeymahon Donaghmore, 2 Garranes, Granges, a lios, a spittal, several curraghs, and a small ‘desert’ parish nearby

St. Finbarrs Ardmanning, Ballineaspig, Doughcloyne, far-rans, garranes, gorts, gurteenaspug, inches, a cill.

Castlelyons Cill and Mhuillin, Cill an Cora, 2 other cill sites, farran, grange, toors.

Clonpriest Burges, 2 cluains, 2 cools, Glebe Island, 2 gorts, a kyle.

Mourne Abbey Farran, a garraí, a gort, a cill, monaparson, tooreens.

Inniscarra Garrane, gorts, inches, 6 cills, 2 lioses.Aghabulloge A caher, cills, 2 cluains, several cnocs,

dúneens, gorts, mill, lyroe, some uachts, a cluain maoile.

Castlemagner Tobar, lohort, several cills, several cools, a garrane, gníomhs, gort, lios.

Kilmichael Aultaghs (ubhaill teach), cill seanaigh, cluain maoilte, crushterra (crosslands), farran, gar-ranes, gorts, other cills, lios, cahers,

CIVIL PARISHES LAND USE INDICATIVE TOWNLANDS

shanacashel, shanlaragh.Drishane Tobar, toor, rath, 2 lioses, 3 cills, gorts, gar-

ranes, a cill baile, 2 cahers, several claraghs, Aghinagh Several cools, a bridge, curraghs, inches,

droms, cnocs, shanakill.Donoughmore Bunkilla, several cills, monataggart, mona-

vanshere, rath, garrane, cools, several bailes.Buttevant Ardaprior, garrane, grange, lios, spittal,

temple.Abbeystrowry 2 cills, cools, cooms, garranes, curragh, dan-

gan, drishane, gort, inch, lioses, mills, toors.Kilmaclenine Very small parish with a cill site.Kilshannig A big parish, a baile bocht, several bailes,

several cills (including one of Gobnait and one of Coleman and a prayer cell at cill paidir), a caher, garranes, gorts, and a sean bothar.

Dunbulloge Many bailes, a high road, Carrignavar (rock of the men), cnoc na cathrach and caheragh, several cooms, 4 dúns, gorts, a lyre and a lyre na mban, an ‘island’.

Aglish Several bailes, a cillín toor, a cool, curraghs, droms, graig, lioses, shanakill, a toor. [recheck this]

Athnowen A small parish, a grange, a lioseens (group of little lioses?).

Dungourney Several bailes, castlequarter, a dún, a glebe, raths, a sheepwalk.

NOTE: What I am seeking to do in this table is to look at the surface environ-ments as reflected in the parish placenames connected with A1 souterrain dis-coveries. These names reflect social life and landscape use over many cen-turies. The caveat is that the name a townland has come to have may not re-flect the surface activity in that townland or parish at the time the souterrain was created or used. Land use can change as centuries progress i.e. a piece of woodland chosen by a monastic or secular group of people as a place in which to reside may over time become abandoned, then used as ploughed fields, then as a garraí or gort or something else. The land use layout of an early monastic demesne may change as time progresses. It is only when land use recording takes place that that activity can become embedded as the place-name of a townland. It is also interesting to note that townlands were not the smallest land administration divisions at one time. Subdenomination names,

field names and landmark names were all potential choices when it came to determining what name a townland area should come to have. It is also inter-esting to consider that some parishes do not have a townland which reflects the parish name and therefore one might ask if that name originated as a sub-denomination, fieldname, or ecclesiastical precincts name within what would become the parish’s designated area in later times.