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Weimar Germany and the Rise of Hitler

Acknowledgments

Weimar Germany and the Rise of Hitler was developed by the Choices Program with the assistance of the research staff of the Thomas J. Watson Jr. Institute for International Studies and scholars at Brown University. We wish to thank the following researchers for their invaluable input:

Jeffrey AndersonProfessor of Political Science Brown University

Volker BerghahnProfessor of History Columbia University

Frederick FullertonEditor Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

Dietrich RueschemeyerProfessor of Sociology Brown University

Thanks to Carrie Chorba, Rich Gann, Greg Kazarian, and Charles Kerr for their assistance in developing this unit.

Weimar Germany and the Rise of Hitler is part of a continuing series on international public policy issues. New units are published each academic year and all units are updated regularly.

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CHOICES for the 21st Century Education Program

February 2006

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The Choices for the 21st Century Education Program develops cur-

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Contents

Introduction: Germany’s Proud Heritage 1

Part I: Germany’s Defeat in World War I 2

The Road to Sarajevo 2

Part II: The Troubled Infancy of the Weimar Republic 7

The Politics of Anger 8

Reparations and Hyperinflation 10

Weimar Identity 11

Depression Sparks New Crisis 12

Optional Reading 1: Culture, Values, and Politics 14

Optional Reading 2: Children’s Literature in Weimar Germany 22

The Moment of Decision: The July 1932 Reichstag Elections 26

Platforms in Brief 27

Epilogue: The NSDAP and Totalitarian Rule 37

Optional Reading 3: Conscience and the Patriot 39

Supplementary Documents 42

Chronology of German History: 1914-1939 45

Biographical Sketches 47

Supplementary Resources 52

The ChoiCes for The 21sT CenTury eduCaTion Program is a program of the Watson Institute for Inter-national Studies at Brown University. ChoiCes was established to help citizens think constructively about foreign policy issues, to improve participatory citizenship skills, and to encourage public judgement on policy issues.

The Watson Institute for International Studies was established at Brown University in 1986 to serve as a forum for students, faculty, visiting scholars, and policy practitioners who are committed to analyzing con-temporary global problems and developing initiatives to address them.

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Weimar Germany and the Rise of Hitler �

Introduction: Germany’s Proud Heritage

During the first decade of the twentieth century, Germany was the fastest grow-

ing industrialized nation in Europe. German steel production—then viewed as the best single indicator of industrialization—had just exceeded that of Britain, the birthplace of the Industrial Revolution. By 1913, Germany produced nearly three times more steel than did Britain. Rapid development in the chemi-cal and electrical industries put Germany in the forefront of what was called the “Second Industrial Revolution.” In addition, the Ger-man population, which increased from forty million in 1871 to more than sixty-five million in 1911, was growing faster than that of the other major European powers. Many of the new industrial cities more than doubled in size during this period as millions of German peasants left the countryside. By 1911, more than 40 percent of the total German labor force worked in industry.

According to the standards of the time, German society was well-educated and homo-geneous. Compulsory education for children from the ages of six to fourteen provided all Germans with basic reading, writing, and math skills. The illiteracy rate in Germany was lower than that of France or Britain. Universi-ties in Germany were centers for research and modern teaching, influencing the structures of universities in the rest of Europe and America.

Ninety-nine percent of Germans were Christians—with 62 percent identifying them-selves as Protestants and 37 percent as Roman Catholics. Germany’s 600,000 Jews represented about 1 percent of the population. However, the prominence of Jews in business, univer-sities, and government made them a visible minority and a common target of resentment.

Although most Jews lived side-by-side with their Christian neighbors, hatred toward Jews, known as anti-Semitism, was an established feature of German politics.

German culture was especially rich, and the German people were justly proud of their collective heritage. Musicians such as Bach and Beethoven, writers such as Goethe and Schiller, and philosophers such as Kant and Hegel had made their mark not only on Ger-man culture, but on all of Europe.

For American students today, it may be hard to understand how this culturally vi-brant, industrializing country could become, by the late 1930s, a police state which invaded other countries and killed millions of people because of their backgrounds. How could such a successful country, proud of its heritage, be-come so destructive in a period of forty years? And what can we learn about this democracy’s descent into dictatorship?

In the readings that follow, you will be taken back to Germany in the years after World War I, when the leaders of what came to be called the Weimar Republic tried to establish a new democratic state. With your classmates, you will reconstruct the issues that confronted this struggling democracy. You will explore, using examples of artwork, campaign posters, and other materials from the time, the increas-ingly serious symptoms that led to the death of the Weimar system and gave rise to Adolf Hitler and Nazi dictatorship. By understanding how democracy died in Weimar Germany, you will better understand the risks and challenges facing democratic governments today, both in our own country and throughout the world.


Weimar Germany and the Rise of Hitler�

Part I: Germany’s Defeat in World War I

The accomplishments of the German people were remarkable in the nineteenth cen-

tury, but Germany did not exist as a country until 1871. Unlike Britain, France, and Rus-sia—countries that were unified politically at the end of the Middle Ages—the German lands entered the modern age divided up among dozens of local rulers. In the 1860s, Otto von Bismarck, the prime minister of the most powerful German state, Prussia, embarked on a campaign to create a united Germany. To achieve his goals, Bismarck led Prussia to victory in wars against Denmark, the Austrian Empire, and France.

After German unification, Bismarck worked to strengthen the power of the state and to increase Germany’s influence abroad. Leaders of Bismarck’s Germany highly valued stability and order, especially as revolution-ary political movements gained a foothold in many European countries. Bismarck took a two-pronged approach to countering the revo-lutionaries. On the one hand, the government gave the army and the police broad powers to control civil unrest, while it restricted the rights of labor unions. On the other hand, Bis-marck adopted reforms to improve conditions for workers that put many ordinary Germans ahead of their counterparts in Britain and France.

How did the social class system and the political system interrelate?

As in much of Europe, Germany had a rigid class structure. No matter how success-ful, few Germans could rise above the social class into which they were born. The German higher education system, which was very selective, expensive, and rigorous, reinforced these divisions. Moreover, the officer corps of the German military and top positions in government were reserved for members of the upper class.

Germany’s rapid industrialization created strains in German society. As the number of industrial workers grew, so did the strength of

the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD), the leading working-class party. Germany’s parliament, the Reichstag, was increasingly torn by tension between the upper class, which had traditionally held political and eco-nomic power, and the working class.

By the time Bismarck left office in 1890, he had molded a state that was efficient but rigid. While all adult men had the right to vote in national elections, real political power remained in the hands of the kaiser (a word meaning king that comes from the Roman title of “caesar”) and his ministers. Voting restrictions at the regional level ensured that the German nobility and wealthy industrial-ists held the largest share of influence. These groups opposed major changes in the political system and remained loyal to the kaiser.

Germany was in many respects undemo-cratic, but the government did not attempt to completely stamp out dissent. It permitted a considerable degree of intellectual and artistic freedom. Germany at the turn of the century was the scene of intense political, social, and cultural debate. Many of Europe’s most radical movements in politics and art had their origins in Germany.

The Road to SarajevoAs the twentieth century began, Germany

had one implacable enemy—France. German unification took place only after the Prussian army inflicted a humiliating defeat on the French in the Franco-Prussian War of 1870. As a result, France was forced to turn over the provinces of Alsace and Lorraine to Germany and to pay Germany five billion francs.

How did suspicions develop between Germany and the other leading countries of Europe?

Germany’s growing strength and ambition raised concerns among the leaders of Britain and Russia as well as well as France. In 1907, these three nations joined to form the Triple



Entente to counter German power. Germany had provoked Britain by embarking on a large-scale program to build up its navy. While German leaders argued that a large fleet was necessary to protect their country’s worldwide commercial interests and overseas colonies, the British saw the German build-up as a threat to their long-standing dominance at sea.

“A German maritime supremacy must be acknowledged to be incompatible with the existence of the British Empire, and even if that Empire disappeared, the union of the greatest military [Germany] with the greatest naval power in one state would compel the world to combine for the riddance of such an incubus [evil spirit].”

—Senior official of the British Foreign Office

The British also worried that Germany would challenge their country’s position as the world’s leading exporter. They resented German efforts to es-tablish diplomatic and commercial footholds in Africa, the Middle East, and other areas of British influence. Meanwhile, Russian officials feared that the growth of German military power was part of a plan to grab territory from the Russian Empire. They also felt that the high tariffs Germany imposed on Russian grain imports were unfair.

Faced with three hostile powers, German leaders increasingly believed that they were surrounded. In response, they strengthened their alliance with the Austro-Hungarian Empire to the south-east. Ironically, this alli-ance brought Germany into the two-front war that many German leaders had long sought to avoid.

How did Europe plunge into war in 1914?On June 28, 1914 a Serbian nationalist

assassinated Archduke Franz Ferdinand, Aus-tria-Hungary’s heir to the throne, and his wife Sophie. The Serbs living in Austria-Hungary wanted to join their Serbian brethren in Serbia proper, but Austria-Hungary was unwilling to give up the land. It seemed to the murderers that only a radical action would convince the leaders of their desires. The assassination set off a devastating chain of events in Europe. Austria-Hungary’s political alliance with Ger-many and Serbia’s ethnic ties to Russia meant that many would be drawn into what could have been a local, limited crisis.

Germany supported Austria-Hungary’s excessive demands for justice from Serbia. Russia, in support of its ally Serbia, refused to give in to the threat of German intervention and mobilized its forces to demonstrate its steadfastness. Fulfilling its military alliance with Russia, France entered into the storm once Germany declared war on Russia. Germa-ny, recognizing that having to fight a two-front war against both France and Russia could be

disastrous, attacked France through neutral Belgium as a means to achieve quick victory. This action invoked a treaty that Britain had with Belgium guar-anteeing Belgium’s neutrality. Great Britain entered the war against Germany on August

4th. World War I had begun.

Many Germans were initially enthusiastic about the war. Thousands rushed to enlist. Even the leadership of the SPD in the Reich-stag supported the war effort by voting to provide the military with additional funds. German workers, long suspected of disloyalty by top government officials, patriotically ral-lied around the kaiser.

What were the advantages and disadvantages for each side in the war?

In the first month of the war, Germany

The lamps are going out all over Europe, we shall never

see them lit again in our lifetime.”

—British Foreign Minister Sir Edward Grey, August 1914



launched a massive of-fensive against France that almost captured Paris. In September, however, French and British forces halted the advance of the German army. German troops established defen-sive trenches stretching from the North Sea to neutral Switzerland to try to protect their gains in the West. The system of trenches became known as the Western Front.

This Western Front moved little for the next four, bloody years. From either side of the trench line, British, French, and German soldiers endured endless frontal attacks. The new modern weapons of war brought never-before-seen casualties. Machine guns, poisonous gas, and powerful artillery led to the death of over one million men by the end of 1914.

On the Eastern Front, German forces were more successful. In late August 1914, the Germans repulsed a Russian offensive that had crossed their frontiers. In the following months, they took the offensive and advanced deep into the territory of the Russian Empire. By March 1917, military setbacks and increas-ing misery at home forced Russia’s ruler, Tsar Nicholas II, to step down. Eight months later, a communist government under the leadership of V.I. Lenin seized power and began making plans to pull Russia out of the war.

On the oceans, Britain used its naval superiority to impose a naval blockade around Germany. Germany was cut off from its colo-nies, as well as from supplies of overseas food and raw materials. Poor harvests in 1916 and 1917 and an unusually cold winter in 1916-17 worsened the effects of the blockade. Millions of Germans, especially those in the cities who could not afford the black-market prices for food and fuel, were pushed to the brink of star-

vation. More than 700,000 German civilians died during the war as a result of the blockade. Meanwhile, German submarines, or U-boats, tried to enforce a blockade against Britain and France.

How was World War I different from earlier wars?

Unlike European conflicts of the eigh-teenth and nineteenth centuries, World War I evolved into a “total war” in which the struggle was not limited to the battlefield. Each side tried to cripple the other’s economy and undermine morale on the home front. Even neutral countries, such as the United States, found that their ability to trade freely with Eu-rope was in danger. From the early months of the war, the British naval blockade had all but wiped out American foreign trade with Germa-ny and its allies. However, German submarine attacks on U.S. ships left a deeper impression on American public opinion.

How did the United States come to be involved in the war?

When World War I broke out, President Woodrow Wilson and the great majority of

German POWs marching in France in 1917, escorted by British soldiers.

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Americans saw no reason for their country to become involved. For them, the war embod-ied the worst features of European politics. By 1917, however, prospects of a German victory were a growing source of concern for U.S. officials. In a final attempt to end the fight-ing, President Wilson called upon the warring nations in January 1917 to accept a “peace without victory.”

Within a week of Wilson’s appeal for peace, the German government announced the resumption of unrestricted submarine warfare. This meant that any merchant ship in the war zone, even one from a neutral coun-try, could be sunk without warning. German leaders felt their decision was justified by the fact that ships flying the American flag were often used to transport military supplies to the Allies. After three American merchants ships were sunk in March 1917, the United States declared war against Germany on April 2, 1917. Although large numbers of American troops would not reach the Western Front until 1918, the entry of the United States into the war raised hopes among Britain, France, and the other Allies.

How did public opinion in Germany shift in 1917?

In Germany, significant opposition to the war appeared in 1917. In April, walkouts by thousands of German workers—more than 200,000 in Berlin alone—illustrated the growing discontent. That same month, radi-cal members of the SPD split off to form two new political parties. One of the groups was known as the Spartacus League, in honor of the Thracian slave who led a revolt against Rome in the first century B.C. In the Reich-stag, the SPD had become the largest party, although its members had not been given any role in the government. In July 1917, the SPD and other leftist parties joined forces to pass a resolution in the Reichstag that called for peace.

Protests against the war hardened the resolve of top German officials to press on to a military victory. Control of the Ger-man government passed into the hands of

Germany’s two leading generals, Paul von Hindenburg and Erich von Ludendorff. They approved stronger measures to combat the antiwar movement. For example, the leader of the SPD in the Reichstag, Friedrich Ebert, was charged with treason for supporting a strike of munitions workers. In addition, the newly formed Fatherland Party launched a campaign to promote German patriotism and support for the war.

What events in 1918 caused the war to take a turn?

The war was approaching a decisive junc-ture in the early months of 1918. In the United States, President Wilson unveiled a fourteen-point peace plan in January 1918 that raised hopes for an end to the conflict. Wilson sought to turn despair over the war into support for his vision to reshape international relations. Central to Wilson’s plan were the principles of self-determination, open diplomacy, freedom of the seas, free trade, and arms control.

Advocates of peace in Germany took heart from the fact that Wilson’s Fourteen Points did not blame their country for the war. Likewise, the plan did not impose specific penalties on Germany.

Meanwhile, Germany’s generals saw an opportunity to achieve final military victory as a result of developments in Russia. Lenin and his fellow communists had come to power promising land, peace, and bread. They were eager to end the war against Germany so they could focus their energies on their opponents inside Russia. On March 3, 1918, Lenin’s gov-ernment signed a separate peace treaty with Germany at the town of Brest-Litovsk. Under the agreement, Russia gave up huge areas of land along its western border, as well as 40 percent of its industry.

The Brest-Litovsk Treaty enabled Germany to shift hundreds of thousands of troops to the Western Front for a major offensive. German leaders wanted to strike quickly, fearing that the arrival of fresh troops from the United States would eventually turn the tide of the war. On March 21, 1918, German soldiers


Weimar Germany and the Rise of Hitler6

swarmed out of their trenches to launch a fi nal assault against the Allies. Once again, the German people were assured that victory was near. But this was not to be as a series of unexpected events would overtake them in the summer and fall of 1918.

How did the war end for Germany?

By July 1918, over a million American soldiers had arrived to thwart the German advance. The Ger-man army suffered more than 600,000 casualties. German military leaders realized that their attempt to break through the West-ern Front and capture Paris would not succeed. Allied counterattacks made sizeable gains, and by mid-October the Germans withdrew from France and back across Belgium. They asked Wilson to bring about an armistice based on the Fourteen Points.

A war-exhausted Ger-many was also in the midst of a full-scale revolution. Hunger, economic short-ages, and frustration with the policies of the kaiser led to riots in the streets and mutinies within the military. Facing social and political upheaval as well as imminent military defeat, German offi cials agreed to surrender, believing that Wilson’s Fourteen Points would be the blueprint for the peace negotiations to be held in Paris. Until Octo-ber 1918, ordinary German people, though weary of the war, had believed it could be won as their leaders had

told them. The news of the armistice, then, was surprising and confusing to many. Sub-sequent developments both in Germany and in their country’s relations with the rest of Europe further dismayed the German public.

President Wilson’s Fourteen PointsJanuary 8, 1918

Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at….Diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view…

Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside of ter-ritorial waters, alike in peace and in war…

The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among the nations…

Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to the lowest points consistent with domestic safety…

A free, open-minded and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims…

The evacuation of all Russian territory [a reference to those areas occupied by German troops]…

Belgium…must be evacuated and restored…

All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions restored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine… should be righted…

A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along clearly recognizable lines of nationality…

The people of Austria-Hungary…should be accorded the fre-est opportunity of autonomous development…

[the establishment of new states and the settlement of nation-al boundaries in the Balkans]…

The Turkish portions of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life…and autonomous development; and the Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships and commerce of all nations…

An independent Polish state should be erected…which should be assured a free and secure access to the sea…

A general association of nations must be formed under spe-cifi c covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small alike.

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Surprisingly, given its vast industrial and military power when the war began, Ger-

many emerged from World War I a battered and, in many respects, a bewildered country. In the final months of 1918, Germans had witnessed the reversal of their army’s spring offensive, the resignation of the chancellor and abdication of the kaiser, and the signing of a hastily arranged armistice, all in the midst of massive civil unrest.

How was the Weimar Republic established?Germany had also changed internally.

When the kaiser and chancellor left, members of different political parties vied for power, and the country limped along for several months without a firm government in power. Then, in elections in January 1919, 76 percent of Germans voted for the three parties that favored democracy: the Social Democratic Party (SPD), the Catholic Center (plus its allies in the Catholic Bavarian People’s Party), and the smaller German Democratic Party (DDP). In February, the elected officials met in the city of Weimar to draw up a constitution and establish a coalition, and the Weimar Republic was born.

Understandably, many Germans could not accept that they were the losers of World War I. And yet that was precisely the basis of the Versailles Treaty (so-called because negotia-tions, to which Germany was not invited, took place in Versailles, France) presented to the leaders of the Weimar Republic in May 1919. German officials, as well as the German people as a whole, were stunned by the harshness of the treaty’s terms. They viewed the Versailles Treaty as unfair and humiliating. It called for Germany to give up its overseas territories, to send the coal from its richest coal region to France to aid in that country’s reconstruc-tion, to vastly reduce its military, and to pay reparations to the Allies. Although the Allies threatened a resurgence of the war to force German leaders to sign the treaty, many Ger-mans blamed their leaders and identified the

Weimar Republic with shame and weakness. Some even blamed Jews for the defeat, after a fraudulent Russian document circulated around the country said that Jews were con-spiring to take over the world.

“In the place where...the German Empire in all its glory had its origin, today German honor is being carried to its grave.... The German people will...reconquer the place among nations to which it is entitled. Then will come vengeance for the shame of 1919.”

—from Deutche Zeitung, a German newspaper

Why did the Weimar Republic get off to such a shaky start?

The political foundations of the Weimar Republic were shaky from the start. When the next elections were held a year later, in Janu-ary 1920, the democratic parties’ share of the vote shrank to less than 50 percent. Never again would the founding political coalition of the Weimar Republic receive more than 50 percent of the votes cast.

Meanwhile, parties on the far left and the far right of the German political spectrum together captured more than 35 percent of the vote in 1920. These forces rejected the basic le-gitimacy of the Weimar system. On the far left, the newly formed German Communist Party (KPD) earned 20 percent of the vote. KPD sup-porters were especially bitter that SPD leaders had called in the army to put down a Sparta-cist workers’ uprising in Berlin in January 1919. On the far right, 15 percent of the vote in 1920 went to the nationalist German National Peoples’ Party (DNVP). Most of the DNVP’s members favored a return to the social order of prewar Germany and wanted the monarchy to be restored in some form. Throughout the Wei-mar period, at least one-third of the German electorate consistently voted for parties that opposed the new republican system.

Part II: The Troubled Infancy of the Weimar Republic



The Weimar Republic also faced attack from the wartime leaders of the German military. Beginning in late 1919, many of Ger-many’s generals, most notably Field Marshal Erich von Ludendorff, argued that the civilian government that had taken power in the final days of the war had betrayed the armed forces. Former Field Marshal Paul von Hindenburg’s silence gave credence to the accusations. The notion that Germany had suffered a Dolchstoss (“stab in the back”) appealed to many Germans who could not bring themselves to believe that their country’s mighty army was on the verge of collapse in November 1918. (In fact, as Germany’s top military commanders, Luden-dorff and Hindenburg had pressed for a quick end to the war because of the sinking morale among German troops.)

The Politics of AngerGerman anger was further inflamed in

January 1920, when the Allied Reparations Committee, which the terms of the Versailles Treaty established, issued its report. In effect, the committee demanded that Germany pay nearly all the damages of the war in Western Europe, including the costs of pensions to the families of Allied soldiers who were killed or maimed.

Why were the Germans so upset over the reparations agreement?

Initially, the total bill came to 269 bil-lion German marks (equivalent to nearly $70 billion at a time when the U.S. government’s annual budget was slightly over $5 billion). When the German government protested that the amount was excessive and far beyond the capacity of Germany to pay, the British and French threatened military action. After tense negotiations, the German government reluc-tantly agreed to pay 132 billion marks (about $33 billion) in reparations. For many Germans, the reparations agreement meant that their government had accepted the article of the Versailles Treaty that held Germany and its al-lies fully responsible for the war.

The treaty also severely limited the size of the German army. As a result, thousands of young officers were left unemployed. Many of them joined the ranks of the Freikorps (Free Corps), which were organized to combat the political forces of the far left in Germany.

How did many Germans express their anger about their plight?

In March 1920, Freikorps brigades marched on Berlin and forced the government to flee. Even as they formed a new govern-ment, the Freikorps troops met no opposition from the German army. The army’s chief of staff remarked, “the Reichswehr [German army] does not fire upon the Reichswehr!” The coup d’état, however, collapsed within a week, largely as the result of a general strike orga-nized by the SPD.

The Freikorps uprising was an early example of the recurrent political violence of the Weimar Republic. Ultra-nationalist politi-cal groups (far right-wing groups who favored stability over democracy) carried out hundreds of terrorist attacks against their opponents in the early 1920s. Few of the right-wing terror-ists were prosecuted, and conservative German judges generally treated them leniently. In contrast, left-wing terrorists received harsh sentences.

Among the most notorious acts of terror-

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Weimar Germany and the Rise of Hitler 9

From Hitler’s Mein KampfOn racial purity:

“The stronger must dominate the weaker and not blend with the weaker, thus sacrifi cing his own greatness....All great cultures of the past perished only because the originally creative race died out from blood poisoning...”

On the Jews:“With every means he [the Jew] tries

to subjugate....Culturally he contami-nates art, literature, the theater, makes a mockery of natural feeling, overthrows all concepts of beauty and sublimity, of the noble and the good, and instead drags men down...”

On Germany’s defeat:“The defeats on the battlefi eld in

August 1918 would have been child’s play to bear. They stood in no proportions to the victories of our people. It was not [the defeats] which caused our downfall; no, it was brought about by that power [Jews and Marxists] which prepared these de-feats by systematically over many decades robbing our people of the political and moral instincts and forces...”

ism by ultra-nationalists was the assassination of German Foreign Minister Walter Rathenau in June 1922. Ultra-nationalists hated Rathe-nau for his role in reaching a settlement with the Allies and because he was a Jew. Anti-Semitism gained new strength during the Weimar era. Right-wing extremists blamed Jews for Germany’s defeat in World War I and claimed that they had masterminded the com-munist revolution in Russia.

What role did Hitler and the Nazi Party play in the politics of the 1920s?

At the time of its formation in 1920, the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP) was one of many small groups fan-ning the fl ames of extreme nationalism in the Weimar Republic. Within a few years, Adolf Hitler, the leader of the NSDAP (whose mem-bers were known as Nazis), drove the party to national prominence with his charisma and ambition.

Hitler was born in Austria and did not become a German citizen until 1932. None-theless, he fought in the German army during World War I. Like other ultra-nationalists, he viewed the Versailles Treaty as humiliat-ing and blamed the Weimar government for Germany’s post-war position.

The NSDAP fi rst gained nationwide at-tention in November 1923, when Hitler and Ludendorff tried to instigate a rebellion against the Weimar system in Munich, the capital of the southern German state of Bavaria. Hitler confronted conservative Bavarian offi cials in a local beer hall and demanded that they support a plan to march on Berlin and seize power. The offi cials backed out of the putsch (coup), but the ultra-nationalists took their cause to the streets of Munich, where they met resistance from Bavarian police. Hitler was arrested and convicted of sedition, or insur-rection against the government. He was given a light sentence, only fi ve years in prison. During his imprisonment, Hitler wrote Mein Kampf (My Struggle), a book that presented his political theories and framed the program of the NSDAP. Hitler was released after serving

less than a year of his sentence.

Racism, particularly anti-Semitism, was at the heart of Hitler’s philosophy. Hitler believed that the Germans were the “master race,” entitled to rule the world. In his mind, Jews were poisoning the blood and culture of the German people.

After leaving prison, Hitler and his party remained on the fringes of German political life in the 1920s. In early 1924, shortly after the drama of the failed putsch in Munich, the NSDAP won 6.6 percent of the vote in elec-tions to the Reichstag. In the elections of 1928, however, the NSDAP’s share of the vote fell to 2.6 percent, indicating that Germans were not convinced at the time of the NSDAP’s posi-tions.


Weimar Germany and the Rise of Hitler�0

Reparations and HyperinflationDespite the German government’s pledge

to pay reparations to the Allies, difficult eco-nomic conditions prevented Germany from keeping up with the schedule of payments. Meanwhile, French officials became alarmed at the resurgence of nationalism in Germany and the growing popular opposition to repara-tions. When Germany was late in delivering a shipment of telephone poles in January 1923, French and Belgian troops occupied the Ruhr, Germany’s industrial heartland. They seized control of German mines, railroads, and facto-ries.

Why did the occupation of the Ruhr trigger serious economic problems?

Without the military strength to oppose the occupation, the German government urged its citizens to fight back with nonvio-lent means. German workers in the Ruhr went on strike and refused to cooperate with the French and Belgians. The German govern-ment, whose financial resources were already

stretched to the limit, printed more money to support the strikers. After a nine-month stale-mate, the German government abandoned its policy of passive resistance and began negotia-tions with the Allies. Reparations payments eventually resumed, prompting the withdraw-al of French and Belgian troops from the Ruhr in August 1925.

The occupation of the Ruhr sparked an economic crisis in Germany. By printing money to support striking workers, the Ger-man government fed the inflationary pressures that had been building since the war. By late 1923, the German mark—historically valued at four to the U.S. dollar—became worth less than the paper on which it was printed. Although the source of German hyperinflation could be traced largely to German financial policies during World War I and the govern-ment’s response to the Ruhr occupation, many Germans blamed their economic woes on the international banking system and the Allied reparations demands.

What role did hyperinflation play in German life and politics?

Hyperinflation produced winners and losers in Germany. Millions of middle-class Germans, especially those in retirement, saw their life savings wiped out overnight. At the same time, hyperinflation allowed Germans who had borrowed money to pay off their debts with currency that was worth only a tiny fraction of what they had originally borrowed. In addition, the huge amount of money in cir-culation prodded industrial expansion.

“Lingering at the [shop] window was a luxury because shopping had to be done immediately. Even an additional minute meant an increase in price.... A few million marks meant nothing, really.... People had to start carting their money around in wagons and knapsacks.”

—German artist George Grosz

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Weimar Germany and the Rise of Hitler ��

steps to halt hyperinflation. It introduced a new mark, valued at one trillion old marks, and adopted strict financial policies. These policies stopped hyperinflation, but the episode deepened the sense of insecurity and anxiety in Weimar Germany.

Weimar IdentityEven as political and economic crises

shook Germany in the 1920s, exciting break-throughs in painting, architecture, music, graphic arts, film, and literature took place. Some of these developments were rooted in German culture. Others, like jazz, were adapt-ed from the cultural explosion occurring at the same time in the United States. The “Weimar culture,” or “Weimar Renaissance” as the movement became known, was considered to be on the cutting edge of Western civilization. Berlin replaced Paris as the unofficial center of European culture. Much of the cultural shift came from Germany’s need for new values fol-

lowing the war.

“A world has been destroyed; we must seek a radical solution.”

—Architect Walter Gropius

Why did some Germans not welcome Weimar culture?

Not all Germans welcomed Weimar culture. Many conservatives, for example, believed that new freedoms for women were a challenge to their traditional, family-centered values. Similarly, the new realism in literature offended those who favored writers that glori-fied the German past. The anti-war novel, All Quiet on the Western Front, by German writer Erich Maria Remarque, stirred widespread controversy in Germany. All Quiet on the Western Front depicted the horrors of trench warfare in World War I. The book portrayed German soldiers not as heroes, but as war-wea-ry young men who wanted to go home. When the movie version of the novel premiered in Berlin in December 1930, conservative forces led by the NSDAP staged massive protests and disrupted screenings. The government eventu-ally banned the film.

How did the struggle between the two major parties further weaken the Weimar Republic?

Cultural issues spilled over into the Ger-man political arena in the 1920s and strained relations between two of the key founding partners of the Weimar Republic, the SPD and the Center Party.

Both parties had developed strong iden-tities in the nineteenth century, largely in reaction to the policies of Chancellor Otto von Bismarck. In the 1870s, Bismarck had at-tempted to limit the influence of the Catholic Church in Germany. His measures, however, led many Catholics to deepen their allegiance to the church. The Center Party emerged as a defender of Catholic interests and enjoyed a loyal following. Likewise, Bismarck’s suspi-cion of the labor movement strengthened the commitment of many workers to the SPD.

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Weimar Germany and the Rise of Hitler��

The clearly defined positions of the SPD and the Center made political compromise difficult in the Weimar Republic. Increas-ingly, the two leading moderate parties found themselves divided by specific issues and the values underlying them. During the hyperin-flation of 1923, SPD cabinet officials left the coalition government dominated by the Center Party. The SPD remained the largest party in the Reichstag, but SPD representatives would not again serve as cabinet officials until June 1928. Meanwhile, Center officials sought new coalition partners to keep the SPD out of the government. They often turned to small, right-wing parties, many of which had origi-nally called for the destruction of the Weimar system.

How effective was Hindenburg as president?The presidential elections of April 1925

that were called after President Friedrich Ebert, the SPD leader, died in office, clearly revealed the conservative trend in German politics. Former Field Marshal Hindenburg, whom many suspected of wishing to restore the monarchy, narrowly defeated the Center’s candidate, Wilhelm Marx.

The 1925 elections raised fears that Hindenburg would use the powers of the presidency under the Weimar Constitution to undermine parliamentary democracy. Three years earlier, Benito Mussolini and his Fascist Party had crushed a struggling democracy in Italy, drawing admiration from ultra-national-ists in Germany. Nonetheless, the first four years of Hindenburg’s rule marked the high point of the Weimar Republic. Internation-ally, Germany entered the League of Nations in 1926 and peacefully resolved several of its disputes with the Allies. Economically, stable policies paved the way for growing prosperity. In June 1928 the Center, the SPD, and several moderate conservative parties joined to form a “grand coalition.” In that year the non-democ-ractic parties received only 13 percent of the vote.

Depression Sparks New Crisis

Around the world, nations felt the crash of the American stock market in October 1929. Germans discovered that their economy was especially vulnerable. Much of the prosper-ity in Germany from 1925 to 1929 had been fueled by loans from American banks. German officials used these loans to meet reparation payments to the Allies and to finance German industrial expansion. When the U.S. stock market fell, American bankers saw the value of their investments suddenly drop. To make up for their losses, they demanded that the Germans and their other foreign clients repay their loans. Three million people were unem-ployed in Germany in 1930.

Why was the government deadlocked over the issue of the budget deficit?

As the German economy sputtered, Germa-ny faced a growing budget deficit. During the 1920s, the SPD had pushed a series of reforms through the Reichstag that were intended to improve conditions for workers. While the economy expanded, the government was able to keep up with the costs of providing benefits to unemployed workers and other social pro-grams. With the economic downturn, German leaders were caught in a dilemma. To balance the budget, they would either have to cut ben-efits or raise taxes on employers. As defenders of the working class, the SPD and KPD fought against cuts in social programs, while the conservative parties opposed higher taxes. The government was deadlocked, and Germany’s budget deficit ballooned. American bankers re-sponded by classifying Germany as a bad risk and blocked new loans to the government.

In March 1930, the “grand coalition” col-lapsed. For the next three years, no leadership would be able to count on the support of a ma-jority of the Reichstag’s members. The German political system was in tatters.

How did Germans attempt to deal with their economic crisis?

During the period of crisis, German chan-cellors called upon President Hindenburg to take emergency measures to protect the existence of the republic, as permitted under



Article 48 of the Weimar Constitution. A form of presidential dictatorship replaced the Wei-mar system’s parliamentary democracy.

At the polls, the parties of the extreme left and right showed dramatic gains as the eco-nomic depression worsened. In the Reichstag elections of September 1930, the KPD polled 1.3 million more votes than it had two years earlier, while the NSDAP total jumped from 800,000 to more than 6.4 million—making the Nazis the second largest party in the Reichstag.

On the streets, organized violence by para-military groups, such as the Sturm Abteilung (Storm Troopers), or S.A., of the NSDAP, and their counterparts in the communist party, become a regular feature of German politics. Extremists of both the right and the left at-tempted to intimidate their opponents and dominate neighborhoods. While the au-thorities tried to ban paramilitary groups and limit demonstrations, their measures were

ineffective in stemming the tide of violence, particularly in the cities.

Internationally, the collapse of global trade and the German government’s budget crisis crippled Germany’s finances. Without earnings from foreign trade, Germany was unable to pay reparations to the Allies. In response to the crisis, U.S. President Herbert Hoover called for a temporary halt to German reparations pay-ments. In addition, Hoover allowed the British and the French to reschedule their debts to American banks.

The economic circumstances in Germany, however, did not improve, and political tur-moil increased. In the next section, you will read more about the relationship between culture and politics of the Weimar Republic, to get a fuller picture of the situation most Ger-mans faced in the late 1920s and early 1930s.



Values are commonly defined as deeply held beliefs, ideals, customs, and relation-

ships that are central to our well-being and our sense of who we are and what we want to become. Many societies are held together by a core set of shared political values. Among Americans, for example, some of the most prominent values are the principles expressed in the Declaration of Independence and the Bill of Rights; beliefs in equal opportunity and the importance of individual expression, physical symbols such as the American flag, and even our emphasis on consumerism. In the political arena, disagreements about values produce bitter divisions and often lead to serious conflict, even violence. In the United States, the issue of slavery in the nineteenth century and the abortion issue today illustrate the significance of political values.

Popular culture—music, art, film, poetry, and television programs—reflects and shapes the values of a society. In the twentieth cen-tury, popular culture has gained sweeping influence. The growth of cities, the rise in lit-eracy, and the spread of radio, film, television, and the internet have tied people together as never before. In our age of constant change, popular culture plays a critical role in convey-ing and shaping values.

Consider, for example, how the values associated with family life are portrayed by today’s television programs, such as The Simp-sons, compared to those of the 1950s, such as Leave It To Beaver. Unlike the respected televi-sion father figures of four decades ago, Homer Simpson comes across as a harmless buffoon whose children dwarf his wisdom.

Your parents, who probably grew up dur-ing the 1950s, 1960s, or 1970s, experienced conflicting values through popular culture. This period of American history saw the emer-gence of rock ‘n roll, changes in male-female relationships called the “sexual revolution,” and the increased use of drugs. The new values of the young often clashed with the traditional values of the older generation. In addition to the conflicts over “sex, drugs, and rock ‘n roll,” there were deep struggles over values reflected in the civil rights movement and U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War. All of these issues spilled over into the popular culture of the time. For example, The Ballad of the Green Berets gave listeners a very different view of the Vietnam War than Pete Seeger’s song, Waist Deep in the Big Muddy.

Like the United States during the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s, Weimar Germany was a society marked by rapid change and sharp divisions over values. The clash of values touched every aspect of German culture, even architecture and classical music. As you will see from the examples that follow, the visual arts, popular music, drama, and literature were among the areas of culture most greatly affected.

After reading all of the pages in this sec-tion, select one visual image and one song to study in more detail. Use the study guide to direct your investigation.

(The artwork on the following pages was reproduced from: Broadsheets: Political Post-ers in Germany, 1900-1970; The Culture of the Weimar Republic; Vote Left! The Political Poster in Germany, 1918-1933; and The Wei-mar Years: A Culture Cut Short.)

Optional Reading 1: Culture, Values, and Politics



The Worker and Society Artists and propagandists from both the left (KPD) and the right (NSDAP) of the political

spectrum viewed German workers as the victims of exploitation by factory owners and corrupt politi-cians. Compare the sketch by George Grosz (left) with the NSDAP political cartoon (right) from 1924. (Note the Jewish symbol, the Star of David, dangling from the watch chain of the factory owner in the NSDAP cartoon.)

Also strikingly similar are the themes in Kaethe Kollwitz’s Demonstration (left) and a sketch (right) from Der Angriff (The Attack), the NSDAP newspaper.

Berlin First!

The String Puller



The Military and Society From the establishment of a united Germany, the military occupied a privileged position in Ger-

man society. Germany’s defeat in World War I, however, led many Germans to rethink the role of the military. Compare George Grosz’s drawing (top) of soldiers putting down a workers’ uprising early in the 1920s with a NSDAP campaign poster (bottom) of 1932 that features the paramilitary forces of the S.A.

National Socialism: The Organized Will of the Nation



Political Ideology Many of Weimar Germany’s political parties adopted songs as their unofficial anthems. The Horst

Wessel Song, composed by a young member of the NSDAP’s S.A. who was killed in a brawl, became the Nazi anthem. At the same time, The International, based on a poem written in the nineteenth cen-tury by a French worker, served as the anthem of the KDP. The painting below by Otto Griebel depicts German workers singing The International.

Horst Wessel Song Hold high the Banner! Close the hard ranks ser-

ried!

S.A. marches on with sturdy stride.

Comrades, by Red Front and Reaction killed, are buried

But march with us in image at our side.

Gangway! Gangway now for the Brown Battal-ions!

For the Storm Trooper clear roads o’er the land!

The Swastika gives hope to our entranced mil-lions,

The day for freedom and for bread’s at hand.

The trumpet blows its shrill and final blast!

Prepared for war and battle here we stand.

Soon Hitler’s banners will wave unchecked at last,

The end of German slav’ry in our land!

The International Arise, ye prisoners of starvation!

Arise, ye wretched of the earth.

For justice thunders condemnation,

A better world’s birth.

Tis the final conflict, let each stand in his place;

The International Party shall be the human race.

No more traditions’ chains shall bind us;

Arise, ye slaves! No more in thrall.

The earth shall rise on new foundations,

We have been nought, we shall be all.

Tis the final conflict, let each stand in his place;

The International Party shall be the human race.



Women in German Society The social turmoil and economic uncertainty of Weimar Germany recast the place of women in

German society. For many artists, the figure of the prostitute represented the moral bankruptcy and corruption of the early Weimar period. The visual arts and drama commonly featured prostitutes. Compare the sketches of George Grosz’s Friedrichstrasse (left) and Otto Dix’s Prostitutes (right) with the song about “Pirate Jenny,” a prostitute, from The Threepenny Opera, written by Bertholt Brecht with music by Kurt Weill.


Weimar Germany and the Rise of Hitler �9

Then you gentlemen can wipe off the laugh from your face,

ev’ry building in town is a flat one.

Your whole stinkin’ place will be down to the ground,

only this cheap hotel standin’ up safe and sound,

and you yell, “Why the hell spare that one?”

And you yell, “Why the hell spare that one?”

All the night through with the noise and to do,

you wonder who’s that person lives up there.

Then you see me steppin’ out into the morning,

lookin’ nice with a ribbon in my hair.

And the ship, the black freighter, runs the flag up

its masthead and a cheer rings the air.

By noontime the dock is all swarmin’ with men,

comin’ off of that ghostly freighter.

They’re movin’ in the shadows where no one can see,

and they’re chainin’ up people and bringin’ them to me,

askin’ me, “Kill them now or later?”

Askin’ me, “Kill them now or later?”

Nine by the clock and so still on the dock,

you can hear a foghorn miles away.

In that quiet of death, I’ll say, “Right now!”

And they pile up the bodies and I’ll say,

“That’ll learn you!”

Then a ship, the black freighter, disappears out to sea, and on it is me.

Pirate Jenny by Bertholt Brecht

You gentlemen can watch while I’m scrubbin’ the floors,

and I’m scrubbin’ the floors while you’re gawkin’

and maybe once you tip me and it makes you feel swell,

on a ratty waterfront in a ratty old hotel,

and you never guess to whom you’re talkin’,

and you never guess to whom you’re talkin’.

Suddenly one night, there’s a scream in the night,

and you yell, “What the hell could that a been?”

And you see me kind a grinnin’ while I’m scrub-bin’.

And you say “What the hell’s she got to grin?”

And a ship, a black freighter, with a skull on its masthead will be comin’ in.

You gentlemen can say, “Hey girl finish the floors, get upstairs,

make the beds, earn your keep here!”

You toss me your tips and look out at the ships;

but I’m countin’ your heads while I make up the beds,

‘cause there’s nobody gonna sleep here.

Tonight none of you will sleep here.

Tonight none of you will sleep here.

Then that night there’s a bang in the night,

and you yell, “Who’s that kickin’ up a row?”

And you see me kind a starin’ out the windows.

And you say “What’s she got to stare at now?”

And the ship, the black freighter, turns around

in the harbor, shootin’ guns from the bow!



The Abortion Controversy Women’s issues, particularly abortion rights, typically reflected fundamental differences in val-

ues. The SPD and the KPD actively campaigned to repeal paragraph 218 of the German criminal code, which prohibited abortions, while the predominantly Catholic Center party and the NSDAP strongly opposed repeal. The Ballad of Paragraph 218, by Bertholt Brecht, presents a conversation between a married woman (“Frau Griebel”) and her doctor. The poster below, Down with the Abortion Para-graph!, by Kaethe Kollwitz, was used by the KPD in its election campaign.

The Ballad of Paragraph 218 by Bertholt Brecht

“Please, doctor. I’ve missed my monthly...”

Why, this is simply great!

If I may put it bluntly

You’re raising our birthrate.

“Please, doctor, now we’re homeless...”

But you’ll have a bed somewhere

So best put your feet up, moan less

And force yourself to grin and bear.

You’ll make a simply splendid little mummy

Producing cannon-fodder from your tummy

That’s what your body’s for, and you know it, what’s more

And it’s laid down by law

And now get this straight:

You’ll soon be a mother, just wait.

“But, doctor, no job or dwelling:

My man would find kids the last straw...”

No, rather a new compelling

Objective to work for.

“But, doctor...” Really, Frau Griebel

I ask myself what this means

You see, our state needs people

To operate our machines.

You’ll make a simply splendid little mummy

Producing factory fodder from your tummy

That’s what your body’s for,

and you know it, what’s more



You’ll soon be a mother, just wait.

“But, doctor, there’s such unemployment...”

I can’t follow what you say.

You’re all out for enjoyment

Then grumble at having to pay.

If we make a prohibition

You bet we’ve a purpose in mind.

Better recognize your condition

And once you’ve agreed to put yourselves in our hands, you’ll find

You’re a simply splendid little mummy

Producing cannon fodder from your tummy

That’s what your body’s for,

and you know it, what’s more



You’ll soon be a mother,

just wait.

Down with the Abortion Paragraph!



The Unemployed and Political Violence Street battles between members of the NSDAP and the KDP intensified as the economic depres-

sion deepened in the early 1930s. In Song of the S.A. Man, Bertholt Brecht, a KDP member, reveals sympathy for the young unemployed men who were attracted to Hitler’s movement. Compare Song of the S.A. Man with the Horst Wessel Song, p17.

Song of the S.A. Man by Bertholt Brecht

My hunger made me fall asleep

With a belly ache

Then I heard voices crying

Hey, Germany awake!

Then I saw crowds of men marching:

To the Third Reich, I heard them say.

I thought as I’d nothing to live for

I might as well march their way.

And as I marched, there marched beside me

The fattest of that crew

And when I shouted “We want bread and work”

The fat man shouted too.

The chief of staff wore boots

My feet meanwhile were wet

But both of us were marching

Wholeheartedly in step.

I thought that the left road led forward

He told me that I was wrong.

I went the way that he ordered

And blindly tagged along.

And those who were weak from hunger

Kept marching, pale and taut

Together with the well-fed

To some Third Reich of a sort.

They told me which enemy to shoot at

So I took their gun and aimed

And, when I had shot, saw my brother

Was the enemy they had named.

Now I know: over there stands my brother

It’s hunger that makes us one

While I march with the enemy

My brother’s and my own.

So now my brother is dying

By my own hand he fell

Yet I know that if he’s defeated

I shall be lost as well.



Nancy Drew and The Hardy Boys, Judy Blume and Roald Dahl. At first glance,

such well-known titles and authors of chil-dren’s literature appear to have no connection to political ideology. Yet children’s literature has traditionally been a means of instilling values in young people. Children’s literature has gained parental approval not only because it helps young people improve their reading skills, but also because it offers positive role models and teaches important lessons.

As in other areas of popular culture, chil-dren’s literature reflects and shapes the values of the larger society. For example, the wise and understanding teachers and parents found in The Hardy Boys series bear little resemblance to the cruel father and school principal of Matilda, a novel by Roald Dahl. When a soci-ety is split over fundamental values, children’s literature often reflects the divisions. Such was the case in Weimar Germany.

In the following pages, you will have an opportunity to review three very popular and influential examples of children’s literature from Weimar Germany. The books are Emil and the Detective (1929) by Erich Kaestner, The Hitler Youth Quex (1931) by Karl Schenz-inger, and Ede and Unku (1931) by Alex Wedding (Grete Weiskopf). Each was written to shape the political and social values of young readers. As you read the plot summa-ries and excerpts, identify passages that reveal the political viewpoints of the authors. Ask yourself how the authors try to shape the po-litical perceptions and behavior of their young readers.

Emil and the Detective

Emil is sent by his hard-working mother to visit relatives in Berlin. His mother gives

him 140 marks, which she pins on the inside of his coat. During his trip, Emil is joined in his compartment by Mr. Grundeis. After wak-ing up from a nap, Emil discovers that Mr. Grundeis has gone and his money is missing.

Optional Reading 2: Children’s Literature in Weimar Germany

Although Emil finds Mr. Grundeis in Berlin, he does not go to the police. Instead, he is befriended by a group of middle-class boys who offer to help Emil trail Mr. Grundeis and recover the money. The leader of the boys, whose father is an official in the Ministry of Justice, is known as “the Professor.” He assigns each member of the group a specific respon-sibility. A boy named Dienstag volunteers for the job of manning the telephone for two days and passing on messages to the others, even though this means that he will miss out on the excitement.

The Professor’s role as a positive authority figure and his attention to proper legal proce-dures are evident from the following dialogue:

“You’re fighting the moths!” said Traugott enraged. “We’ll just watch for the opportunity and steal the money he stole back from him!”

“Nonsense!” exclaimed the Professor. “If we steal the money from him then we are exactly the same kind of thieves that he is himself.”

“I just won’t be made a fool of!” yelled Traugott. “If someone steals something from me and I steal it back from him, then I am not a thief!”

“On the contrary. Then you are a thief,” asserted the Professor.

“Don’t talk nonsense,” murmured Trau-gott.

“The Professor is certainly right,” inter-rupted Emil. “If I take something away from someone secretly, I am a thief. It doesn’t mat-ter whether it belongs to him or he stole it first from me.”

“That’s just how it is,” said the Professor. “Do me a favor and don’t have any clever talk here that does no good. The store is equipped. We don’t know yet how we’re going to buy back those rascals. We’ll manage it somehow. Anyway, one thing is sure, that he has to give it back voluntarily. Stealing would be idiotic.”



“I don’t understand,” said little Dien-stag. “What belongs to me I can’t steal? What belongs to me, belongs to me, even if it is in another’s pocket.”

“Those are differences that are hard to comprehend,” lectured the Professor. “In my opinion you are morally right. But the law will condemn you anyway. Many adults don’t even understand that. But it is so.”

In the following exchange, one of the boys, Petzold, challenges the Professor’s faith in the legal system and authority over the group:

“Don’t ask again,” yelled the Professor, furiously.

“Don’t shout so, if you please,” said Pet-zold. “You have some nerve to order me to do this.”

“I suggest that Petzold be immediately investigated and that he be forbidden to take part in the hunt from now on,” yelled the Pro-fessor, stamping his foot.

“I’m sorry that you are quarrelling because of me,” said Emil. “We want to vote like in the Reichstag. I propose that we only strongly warn Petzold. Because we can’t have it that everyone just does what he wants.”

“Don’t be so mousy, you pigs! I’m going anyway, just so you know!”

Then Petzold said something terribly im-proper and left...

“Not a word more about Petzold,” ordered the Professor and spoke very calmly again. He gathered himself strongly together. “Done.”

During their adventures, the boys are as-sisted by several responsible and sympathetic adults, including a hotel bellhop, a bank teller, and even the police commissioner. In the end, the boys stop Mr. Grundeis just as he is trying to exchange the stolen bills, which Emil can identify by the pin holes. The police arrest Mr. Grundeis and realize that he is a bank robber. Emil receives a reward of 1,000 marks and public acclaim as a hero.

In a conversation with her grandson at the end of the novel, Emil’s grandmother rein-forces the moral of the story by praising little

Dienstag for his faithfulness in manning the telephone:

“He spent two days sitting by the tele-phone. He knew what his duty was. And he did it, although it was not pleasant. That was heroic behavior, do you understand? That was heroic! Take him as an example for you.”

The Hitler Youth Quex

Heini is the 15-year-old son of an alcoholic, unemployed communist father. Heini’s

mother suffers terrible abuse at the hands of her husband, who yells that he is “a class-con-scious proletariat” while he beats her. Heini is forced by Stoppel, the leader of a local com-munist youth gang, to join his group. Heini, who works as a trade apprentice, is disgusted by the gang’s loose morals and the constant brawling over the group’s leadership. In ad-dition, the communists ridicule and rob him. Despite the opposition of his father and Stop-pel, Heini makes friends with members of the local Hitler youth group. He finds them virtu-ous and patriotic. Heini admires their concept of German strength and honor, and is attracted to their military discipline. When shown a photograph of a brigade of brown-shirted S.A. members, Heini calls them “Germany’s future.” Heini willingly links his individual identity to the group, as is clear from the fol-lowing passage:

“He [Heini] really liked the S.A. They looked orderly, clean, robust, and their leather shone. They reminded him of order, good breeding, and discipline—just like it was in the old stories.... Those lads, too, had worn leather gaiters. They marched past him one day; each one like the other, shining, lively and fresh, a flag up in front. For an hour he marched alongside them, with only one wish in his heart—to be allowed to march along in these rows, with these chaps, who were young like him, who sang songs. He was almost brought to tears with pride and happiness. These are Nazis!”

Later in the story, the Nazi youth leader, Fritz, explains to Heini the importance of preserving the purity of the German people by



not mixing German blood with “non-Aryan” blood:

“I want to train, inside and out, so that I understand courage. I want to smell my blood and the blood of others who have the same blood as me. The word “Volk” [people] has become ridiculous here in Germany. Man, just think! We should be ashamed whenever we see a herd of deer or an elephant herd. They don’t mix with one another. There, too, each animal has his place according to what he is and what he does for the herd. Isn’t it so? The zoo is the best university that I know of.”

After Heini warns Fritz about the com-munist gang’s plan to ambush the Nazis, the communists vow revenge. Meanwhile, Heini suffers a family tragedy. In a desperate attempt to escape her misery, Heini’s mother turns on their gas stove while Heini is sleeping. While Heini saves his own life at the last minute, his mother dies. Heini’s family ties are finally broken.

Heini now devotes himself entirely to the Hitler youth, who comforted him after his mother’s death. Striving to be a loyal and use-ful member of the group, Heini is nicknamed “Quex,” short for Quecksilber (quicksilver), because of his speed in carrying out or-ders. Despite the threats of revenge from the communist gang, Heini remains in his neigh-borhood to lead the Hitler youth. One evening, after a program of music and entertainment produced for local teenagers by the Hitler youth, Heini is attacked and fatally wounded by the communists. His comrades from the Hitler youth commemorate his martyrdom with a huge funeral procession, carrying hun-dreds of NSDAP banners.

Ede and Unku

Ede is the 12-year-old son of a factory work-er who loses his job. Ede’s friend, Maxe,

whose father is a communist union organizer, helps Ede find a part-time job. Later, Ede meets a clever gypsy girl, Unku. Ede’s father, like the NSDAP leaders who viewed gypsies as Untermenschen (subhuman), despises gypsies. Nevertheless, Ede finds Unku fascinating. He

is especially intrigued by how the gypsies share everything they own among themselves.

Below, Ede and Unku compare living con-ditions:

“What is it like, anyway—living in a van?” asked Ede.

“It’s nothing so swell at our place,” Unku said. “Just one step and you’re already sitting in Grandmother’s lap, or treading on Brabby’s tail.... Have you got running water and a lava-tory with a chain, just like in our school?” asked the deeply interested Unku.

“Of course. Why?” said Ede.

“Why, you live like kings! We have to get our water from the pump in the yard and carry it to the wagon. And there’s only one toilet in the yard for the whole camp. It’s always en-gaged! And when there’s a heavy wind blowing I’m always afraid it’ll be carried up in the air.”

In addition to his prejudice against gyp-sies, Ede’s father dislikes communists, and orders his son to stay away from Maxe and his family. Nonetheless, Ede accepts an invitation to visit Maxe’s home. Below, he reflects on his father’s views as he walks to his friend’s house:

“Ede did not know Maxe’s parents, and he was very curious to see what communists really looked like. Did they always talk in whispers, like thieves? Or people who had bro-ken the law and were afraid of the police? Ede was just a trifle scared, it must be confessed. He remembered that his father had always said that the Reds wanted to divide everything up. Suppose he had to go home without his coat!”

Ede learns to trust Maxe’s father. Through a simple parable about ten fishermen stranded on a deserted island, Maxe’s father teaches Ede about the nature of exploitation and the need for worker solidarity. According to the parable, the three strongest fishermen control the fish-net on the island and exploit the other seven fishermen. The exploited fishermen gain their rights only when they unite and seize control of the means of production—the fishnet.

Meanwhile, Ede’s father remains unem-



ployed. He is forced to plead for help from Mr. Abendstund, a well-to-do, retired postal official. Through Mr. Abendstund, Ede’s father accepts a temporary job at a factory. He does not realize that Maxe’s father has organized a strike at the factory and that he will be replac-ing striking workers. Fearing that the strike may turn violent, Ede turns off his father’s alarm clock so that his father will miss work.

At the climax of the story, Mr. Abends-tund returns to Ede’s home to offer his father another job as a replacement worker. Mean-while, Ede is secretly hiding Maxe’s father, who is wanted by the police after a clash at the factory. Ede explains to his father Mr. Abend-stund’s intent and argues that accepting a job as a replacement worker would be dangerous. Enlightened by his son, Ede’s father orders Mr. Abendstund to leave. He then welcomes Maxe’s father into his home and hides him from the police. He also declares that he will join the strikers in picketing at the factory gate.

At the conclusion of the story, Ede’s parents allow Ede to spend the summer with Unku and her family in the countryside. In the following conversation, Ede and Unku discuss the gypsy way of life, which is meant to illus-trate the values of communism.

“But in the country we don’t need any money. Oh Ede—I tell you—the apples and cherries and plums taste lovely! And the fish from the brooks and rivers! I catch them my-self with a line.”

“But that’s stealing!” cried Ede.

“Don’t you think that I’d rather go to a hotel, like a millionaire, and order my grub from a menu as long as your arm?” she said indignantly. “I wouldn’t take anything from you! But, when your belly’s complaining of emptiness, and the juicy apples are hanging over your head—? And the water’s alive with fish? Do you think we’re fools?”

“Yes, that’s so—the fish—they’re swim-ming in the water and should belong to everyone—like on the island....These things should belong to everyone, and everyone who works should get enough to eat. That’s true enough,” agreed Ede.



As the July 1932 Reichstag elections ap-proached, Germany’s economic and

political crisis worsened. Nearly six million Germans were registered with the govern-ment as unemployed. The actual number was probably much higher. In industry and min-ing alone, 5.4 million jobs had been lost since 1928, the last year of prosperity. Almost 50 percent of Germany’s union members were unemployed.

Chancellor Heinrich Bruening had not had a working majority in the Reichstag since the spring of 1930. Increasingly, he relied on Presi-dent Hindenburg, now nearly eighty-five years old, to govern through emergency decrees, as permitted by Article 48 of the Weimar Consti-tution. In 1932, Hindenburg issued sixty-six presidential emergency decrees, while the Reichstag passed only five laws through the legislative process.

The presidential elections of the spring of 1932 indicated that many Germans were looking for a strong leader to solve Germany’s problems. Voters reelected President Hinden-burg by a clear majority, but only after he had been forced into a run-off election against Adolf Hitler. In the first round of balloting, Hitler captured 30 percent of the vote to finish second behind the aging president. In addi-tion, the KPD candidate won 14 percent of the vote, while a minor candidate polled 7 percent. Rather than run their own candidates, the Center Party and the SPD lent their sup-port to Hindenburg.

Hitler’s strong showing in the presidential race was a reflection of the NSDAP’s growing political sophistication. By the early 1930s, the Nazis had set up local party organizations in towns and cities throughout Germany. They had also learned to tailor their propaganda to win over specific groups and regions. More-over, the NSDAP’s broad-based strategy gave the party an edge over its political rivals. Un-like the SPD and KPD, which appealed mainly to working-class voters, and the Center, whose

The Moment of Decision: The July 1932 Reichstag Elections

The Election Turntable, by Gerd Arntz, depicts the choices available to German voters in the 1932 elections. Which political parties are represented?

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support was limited largely to Catholics, the Nazis directed their message to virtually all ethnic Germans, regardless of their religion, occupation, or region.

As the July 1932 parliamentary elections approached, the NSDAP, the SPD, the Center, and the KPD were the likely favorites among the Reichstag’s fifteen political parties. (In fact, these four parties would together receive nearly 90 percent of the vote.) Each of these parties had a different perspective on the problems facing Germany. Each had a different set of fundamental values. And each proposed a different program to guide Germany toward the future. On the following two pages is a summary of the philosophy and source of sup-port for each party.



Party Platform 1: KPD (Communist Party of Germany)

Founded at the time of the failed Sparta-cist uprising in 1919, the KPD rejected the legitimacy of the Weimar system and continu-ally attacked its leaders. The KPD’s support was found primarily among factory work-ers and the unemployed in large cities. The KPD had little strength in the countryside. Although both the KPD and the SPD directed their appeal to the working class, the two par-ties were bitter enemies. Alone among Weimar Germany’s major political parties, the KPD called for the violent overthrow of capitalism and the establishment of a workers state, as had occurred in Russia in 1917. By the late 1920s, the KPD was closely following the di-rection of Josef Stalin, the leader of the Soviet Union. From 1929 to 1932, the KPD secretly cooperated with the NSDAP to bring down the Weimar Republic. Each extremist party believed that it would emerge victorious from the ashes of the Weimar system’s destruction. Like the NSDAP, the KPD had paramilitary forces numbering in the tens of thousands. The KPD forces disrupted the meetings of their politi-cal opponents and fought street battles against the S.A., the NSDAP para-military organization, for control of neighborhoods. The KPD also shared the NSDAP’s attention to the recruitment of young people. KPD clubs were established to involve teenagers in recreational activities.

Party Platform 2: SPD (Social Democratic Party of Germany)

Founded during the latter part of the nine-teenth century, the SPD was Germany’s largest party until 1932. Its strength was based in the growing industrial working class. The leaders of the major non-Catholic labor unions largely shaped SPD policies. Except for a brief period from 1928 to 1930, the SPD was not a formal partner in a Weimar governing coalition after 1922. Nonetheless, the SPD was a powerful force in the Reichstag. The SPD led efforts to pass legislation that established the eight-hour workday, laid down rules for settling employ-er-employee disputes, protected labor unions, and created social programs that benefited the working class. Both the SPD and the KPD drew from the teachings of Karl Marx, but the SPD firmly rejected violent, revolutionary means to change German society. Rather, SPD leaders were committed to working within the system to improve the status of workers and to achieve what they called “economic democ-racy.”

Mother, have you borne your children for this purpose?Show that you are against battleships and war!

Platforms in Brief



Party Platform 3: Center (originally called the Christian People’s Party)

Founded during the latter part of the nine-teenth century, the Center, like its close ally, the Catholic Bavarian People’s Party (BVP), drew support largely from Germany’s Roman Catholics. Center voters came from different regions and different classes, but they were united in their desire to protect their Catholic heritage from government interference. Al-though Catholics were roughly 37 percent of Germany’s population, many of the Weimar Republic’s chancellors were drawn from the ranks of the Center leadership, thanks largely to the loyalty of the Center’s supporters. As one Center leader said, “one did not join the Center, one was born into it.” The political and social outlook of the Center was dominated by traditional family-centered religious values. The Center’s strong opposition to Marxism led party leaders to regard the SPD with suspicion. During most of the Weimar period, Center politicians went to great lengths to keep the SPD out of the government.

Party Platform 4: NSDAP (National Socialist German Workers’ Party)

Founded in Munich in 1920, the NSDAP attracted little attention at first. Like the KPD, the NSDAP rejected the legitimacy of the Wei-mar Republic and argued that Weimar leaders had betrayed the German people by accepting the Versailles Treaty. The NSDAP’s program was based on extreme nationalism, anti-Semitism, and condemnation of the Versailles Treaty. The party’s success was due largely to the charisma of Adolf Hitler, who declared himself Fuehrer, or leader, of the movement. Hitler was a gifted, hypnotic orator. His highly charged speeches ignited the sense of anger and humiliation that many Germans felt, es-pecially after the economic depression began. Because he did not become a German citizen until 1932, Hitler did not serve in the Reich-stag. Instead, he remained a fiercely critical political outsider as the Weimar system unrav-eled. The NSDAP leapt to national prominence with the parliamentary elections of 1930. The NSDAP’s support came primarily from Protes-tant, white-collar workers, small businessmen, farmers, and craftsmen. While young voters and new voters voted heavily for the NSDAP in the early 1930s, most factory workers were not attracted to this “workers” party.

Political Party June 1920 May 1924 Dec. 1924 May 1928 Sept. 1930

Center 13.6% 13.4 13.6 12.1 11.8

SPD 21.7 20.5 26.0 29.8 24.5

KDP 2.1 12.6 9.0 10.6 13.1

NSDAP — 6.5 3.0 2.6 18.3

Reichstag Election Results—1920-1930 (percentage of votes cast)

Data from Modern Germany: Society, Economy, and Politics in the 20th Century



Party Platform 1: KPD (Communist Party of Germany)

Working men and women—unite and rise up! We have nothing to lose except the political and economic chains that bind us. We must destroy this so-called “democracy.” The

Weimar system serves the interests of the ruling capitalist and landowning classes that rob us of the fruits of our hard labor. Until we seize the means of production—the factories and the land—from the ruling classes, we will remain slaves and our children will continue to starve.

Don’t let the Social Democrats (SPD) fool you with their claims that they represent your interests. The SPD talks of economic democracy, but is quick to ally itself with the fascists against the progressive forces of revolution. In 1919, during the early days of the Weimar Republic, SPD leaders called in the army to shoot down our brothers and sisters in the Spartacist movement. They are not “social democrats,” they are “social fascists.” Inevitably, they and their capitalist-imperialist allies will be swept into the dustbin of history.

The Center Party is nothing but a tool of reactionary organized religion—the bishops and popes who have sought for centuries to keep you ignorant and docile. The Center denies women the right to control their bodies by outlawing abortion. The Center tells you that those in power have been put there by God. But their God is not the god of laboring men and women.

The NSDAP is not a political party. It is a gang of thugs financed by capitalist bosses who seek to remove even the illusion of democracy. The NSDAP must be fought at the ballot box just as we fight the S.A. in the streets. We have no quarrel with the workers and the unemployed who have been misled by slick NSDAP propaganda. They are our brothers.

The economic crisis that we face today is the unavoidable result of the rotten international capitalist-imperialist system. The day of world revolution is fast approaching. In the meantime, we must not allow the German people to become puppets of the generals and the politicians again. Our country needs bread and butter for our children, not armored cruisers. Instead of looking with hostility toward our working class brothers in other countries, we should unite with them to lead the worldwide workers’ movement. Our comrades in the Soviet Union will show us the path to the future. Forward workers. Together we will triumph.End this System

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The KPD Program

1. Replace the Weimar system with a workers’ state governed by KPD-led workers’ councils.

2. Stop cuts in wages and benefits for workers.

3. Increase spending on welfare benefits for unemployed workers and social programs, such as low-cost housing, public transportation, and education.

4. Halt military spending.

5. Eliminate tariffs and other trade barriers to lower the cost of food and imported goods for workers.

6. Close church-run schools and eliminate state support for organized religion.

7. Lower taxes on workers while raising taxes on the wealthy.

8. Legalize abortion under all circumstances.

9. Cooperate closely with the Soviet Union in spreading the communist revolution internationally. For Bread and Freedom!

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Party Platform 2: SPD (Social Democratic Party of Germany)

German men and women—work with us as we seek to build a better, more just society. The labor unions and the SPD are one. Ten years ago, the SPD brought you the eight-hour day

and social insurance to support your families when you were sick or unemployed. The SPD forced factory owners to sit down at the negotiating table and settle disputes with workers. The SPD saved our democracy from armed attacks by both the fascists and the communists.

Beware the insane rantings of the KPD. The communists would destroy everything and trigger civil war. We can work within the system to achieve true economic democracy. If you want to see what the KPD will deliver, look eastward to the Soviet Union, where Josef Stalin has stripped workers of every right in the name of creating a workers’ state. Look at the Reichstag, where the KPD and the NSDAP are working together to destroy our democracy.

The NSDAP is just as irresponsible as the communists. They are being manipulated by reactionary elements in industry to reverse the tide of worker benefits and social legislation. By blaming Germany’s problems on Jews, democrats, and other scapegoats, the NSDAP is polluting our society with anger and hatred. Hitler would not bring Germany strength and honor, but violence and war.

To Catholic workers, we call on you to reject the efforts of the Center Party to set you against your non-Catholic working brothers and sisters. The social legislation that we have championed benefits Catholic and Protestant workers alike. We do not threaten your religious beliefs or practices. On the contrary, we drafted the language in the constitution that protects all religious faiths. We believe that everyone should be free to follow his or her conscience.

In foreign policy, we must not repeat the mistakes of the past. Germany does not need a wasteful program of military expansion. We cannot allow our children to go hungry while we build new battleships. We will not permit a war that slaughters millions of working-class Germans to satisfy the ambitions of the ruling class.

We are Building a New World! Vote Social Democratic.

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By proceeding cautiously, we will be able to overcome the unjust provisions of the Versailles Treaty while maintaining peace in Europe. We have already ensured that German soil is free of foreign troops and that Germany is treated as an equal in the League of Nations. German strength should be built on a healthy and just economy, not on dangerous militarism.

The SPD Program

1. Protect workers’ rights and improve the standard of living for working people as part of the struggle to achieve economic democracy.

2. Hold down military spending.

3. Negotiate with the Allies to change the unjust provisions of the Versailles Treaty.

4. Ban religious instruction from the public schools, and maintain the separation of church and state.

5. Impose limited tariffs on imported food to protect small farmers.

6. Maintain spending for workers’ benefits and other social programs.

7. Legalize abortion under all circumstances.

8. Re-establish the eight-hour workday.

The Worker in the Realm of the Swastika!Therefore, Vote SPD!

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Party Platform 3: Center Party

German Catholics—we must continue to work together to protect our faith, our heritage, and our democratic system. As Catholics, you have been born into the

Center, and you can continue to rely on us to champion the interests of our church and our country. We are the only party that unites Germans of all classes, all regions, and all occupations. We are truly the center of German political life. Because of our moderate, reasonable policies, we are under attack from extremists on both the left and the right.

The KPD would destroy our Christian society, our family structure, and our democratic heritage. The KPD would substitute an international, godless communism for German Christian culture. The communists have fallen under the spell of an evil anti-Christ. The authorities must employ rigorous means to curtail the communists’ illegal, violent activities.

Despite the promises of SPD leaders, they cannot be trusted and should be kept out of the government. Their Marxism, however softened, and their proposal to legalize abortion, represent a frontal attack on the family-oriented values of our German Christian culture. While we will continue to work with them in parliament on common objectives, their interests and yours lead down different paths. The SPD speaks with the voice of labor union leaders, not all of Germany. Unlike the SPD, we reject the notion that factory workers and factory owners must inevitably be in conflict. We all have common interests as members of the German family. The Center, like the loving father, will continue to mediate disputes between different members of our family.

The NSDAP has drawn its strength from Germany’s misfortune. We understand the pain and despair that have driven many Germans into Hitler’s arms, but we must warn them where they are heading. The NSDAP’s violent threats and irresponsible rhetoric will only complicate our relations with the Allies and lead us toward war. Likewise, Hitler’s demand to do away with the Weimar system and turn over authority to a Fuehrer with dictatorial powers will only deepen conflict in our society.

In foreign policy, we should continue to struggle against the unjust terms of the Versailles Treaty and gradually rebuild our country’s military. At the same time, our stance toward Britain, the United States, and even France should not be confrontational. Germany belongs to the West. The true enemy of our Christian German civilization is Soviet communism.

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Bruening—Freedom and Order—The Last BulwarkTruth, Freedom and Justice. Vote Center.



The Center Program

1. Balance the government budget by cutting spending on social programs and increasing taxes on individuals.

2. Uphold laws prohibiting abortion and provide government support for strengthening traditional family values.

3. Build a fleet of armored cruisers to protect German shipping and construct defensive fortifications in the Rhineland.

4. Reduce taxes on businesses to encourage industrial growth and promote economic recovery.

5. Impose high tariffs on imported grain to protect German farmers from foreign competition and preserve the traditional way of life of the German countryside.

6. Protect the Roman Catholic Church in Germany from government interference and safeguard the church’s role in educating German youth.

7. Give the police additional support to control street violence by the communists and other radical groups. Bavarians, the Bolshevik is on the Loose!

Get Rid of Him on Election Day!Bavarian People’s Party

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Party Platform 4: NSDAP (National Socialist German Workers’ Party)

Men of German blood—unite and fight with us to destroy the putrid Weimar

system. Germany needs a strong, vigorous leader, a Fuehrer, not a bunch of squabbling, corrupt politicians, to lead our fatherland out of crisis and on to the greatness that destiny holds. Germany needs a new political system in which one great national party, the NSDAP, will organize all aspects of German government and society. Only by purging German society of the corrupting non-Aryan polluters of our culture can Germany be cleansed and our traditional values protected. Only by ensuring the purity of the German race can we recover the courage, strength, and greatness that is our blood heritage. The good of the German people must stand above the selfish interests of individuals. All Germans must work together for the greatness of the German people.

The criminals from the SPD and the Center, who stabbed our valiant soldiers in the back in November 1918 and accepted the dictated peace of the Versailles Treaty must be thrown out of office and punished. These traitors have conspired with international bankers to inflict terrible hardships on the German people. The social programs of the SPD and their allies have sapped the morale of German workers, and yet one-third of the work force is unemployed. Meanwhile, the SPD has opened Germany to a flood of decadent foreign culture that has corrupted our youth and our women.

With the German nation weak and confused, the KPD has grown bolder in its drive for power. The communists have taken to the streets in their efforts to impose international communism upon the German people. They are not true Germans. Many of them are not even of pure German blood. They are the puppets of the Soviet leaders in Moscow. Only the Storm Troopers (S.A.) of the NSDAP stand between these godless hordes and their ambitions. We will protect German Christianity from communist atheism. Catholics and Protestants alike have nothing to fear from our party.

The security of our fatherland requires that we reject the Versailles settlement and insist upon rebuilding the German army. The German people need room to grow. We have the right to acquire this space to live (Lebensraum) by all necessary means. The prosperity of our fatherland demands that we recover those German territories now under Polish

Back then, like today, we remain comrades.

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occupation. The honor of our fatherland requires that we unite with our German brothers in Austria, and protect the Germans of Czechoslovakia and Poland. Together we will build a Germany that is dependent on no other nation. One People—One Reich—One Fuehrer!

The NSDAP Program

1. Replace the Weimar system with a regime unified under the leadership of the Fuehrer of the NSDAP.

2. Reorganize society to harness the German people to work together for the greater good of our nation.

3. Reject the Versailles Treaty and punish the politicians responsible for stabbing the German military in the back in November 1918.

4. Rebuild the German army, construct a fleet of battleships, and reassert our military presence in the Rhineland.

5. Unify all Germans and expand territorially toward the east, beginning with Poland, to provide the German nation with sufficient living space.

6. Purge German society of corrupting non-Aryan influences.

7. Impose high tariffs against foreign imports to promote industrial growth, encourage economic self-sufficiency, and protect German farming.

8. Break the hold of international Jewish capitalism over German banks and other key financial institutions.

National SocialistOr the Sacrifice was in Vain

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Epilogue: The NSDAP and Totalitarian Rule

In the July 1932 parliamentary elections, the NSDAP captured 37 percent of the vote—the

largest total that any one party had received thus far under the Weimar system. As the larg-est party in the Reichstag, the NSDAP chose Hermann Goering, a war hero and a close associate of Hitler, as the presiding officer of the legislature. Although presidential decrees that excluded the Reichstag still governed Germany, President Hindenburg’s advisers recognized that the NSDAP would have to be brought into the government in some capacity.

Hitler, leader of the party, initially main-tained that he was entitled to nothing less than the chancellorship and complete control over the government. Results from parliamentary elections in November 1932, however, nudged Hitler toward compromise. The NSDAP’s share of the vote dropped to 33 percent, raising fears in the Nazi leadership that support for the NSDAP had already peaked.

How did Hitler become chancellor? The November 1932 elections also con-

vinced many of Hindenburg’s advisers that Hitler was a passing figure on the political stage. They now favored appointing Hitler as chancellor, arguing that the Nazi leader could be tamed by surrounding him with respon-sible conservative ministers. Likewise, they expected that Hitler’s supporters would be transformed into the foundation of a restruc-tured, conservative government. Many of Hindenburg’s advisers belonged to the German National People’s Party and, in fact, had never been deeply committed to the Weimar sys-tem. Leaders of the Center, who had become increasingly conservative, and the nationalis-tic Stahlhelm war veterans organization also backed the decision. After intense behind-the-scenes negotiations, Hindenburg named Hitler chancellor on January 30, 1933.

On the night of February 27, 1933, fire de-stroyed the Reichstag building. Hitler claimed that the communists had set the fire as part of a plot to overthrow the government and trigger

a civil war. In line with Hitler’s accusations, the police charged a Dutch communist with igniting the blaze. Many Germans, however, suspected that the Nazis themselves had started the fire to justify a political crackdown.

The day after the destruction of the Reich-stag, Hitler proclaimed a national emergency and suspended most of the political rights guaranteed in the Weimar Constitution, including freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and freedom of assembly. The KPD was, in effect, outlawed and the SPD intimidated.

In the Reichstag elections that took place the following week, the NSDAP increased its share of the vote to 44 percent. Despite the curtailment of political activity prior to the election, the SPD received 18 percent of the vote and the KPD polled more than 12 percent. The Center captured 14 percent of the vote. In coalition with other ultra-nationalist parties, the Nazis controlled a majority of votes in the parliament.

How did Hitler establish a totalitarian government?

With the emergency decrees issued after the Reichstag fire and bolstered by his election success, Hitler wriggled free of the political constraints imposed by the Constitution. In late March, Hitler won passage of legislation in the Reichstag that enabled his cabinet to enact new laws without the approval of the parliament or the president. The measure gave Hitler the legal means to dismantle the Weimar system.

In the coming months, Hitler set out to es-tablish a totalitarian dictatorship. He smashed political opponents of the Nazis and placed loyal NSDAP members in key government po-sitions. The conservatives who imagined that they could manipulate Hitler were themselves pushed out of the government. Hitler extended Nazi control to all aspects of German society, including the schools, the military, the press, the churches, and even the arts. When the ail-ing President Hindenburg died on August 2,



1934, Hitler claimed the title of president and declared himself the Fuehrer of the German nation. The dictatorship was now complete.

“We National Socialists have never claimed to be representatives of a democratic point of view.... For us, parliament is not an end in itself but a means to an end.”

—Adolf Hitler

In 1934, Hitler began to purge the govern-ment of threats to his authority, ordering the murder of his opponents. He also initiated a series of anti-Semitic laws which paved the way for the Holocaust, and began his quest to

dominate Europe.

Hitler and his party enjoyed popular support throughout the rest of the 1930s. His economic policies did, in fact, signifi-cantly reduce unemployment. In addition, Hitler’s foreign policies—the reoccupation of the Rhineland, his rejection of the Versailles Treaty’s restrictions on the German military, and the annexation of Austria in 1938—re-stored for many Germans their sense of national pride. For many Germans, the period of Hitler’s power was a time of great fear of the government as well as of pride in the German nation. For the victims of Nazi Germany, the period was one of seemingly unending terror.

Many historians have studied the ascension of Hitler and the Nazi Party to power in Germany, and their subsequent

destruction of much of Europe. Students often wonder how a government such as Hitler’s could have gained so much power so quickly. Through the readings and exercises in this unit you should have a much better understanding of how national pride (and national humiliation), economic hardship, charismatic leadership, and propaganda each contributed to the downfall of a fledgling democratic system and the rise of a totalitarian state.



Optional Reading 3: Conscience and the Patriot

Martin Niemoeller, the son of a Protes-tant minister, became a cadet in the

Imperial Germany navy in 1910 at the age of eighteen. His leadership abilities led to rapid promotion and transfer to the new elite U-boat command. During the last year of World War I, Niemoeller was given command of his own submarine and was decorated with the Iron Cross for heroism. Disgusted with the Versailles Treaty and the Weimar government, Niemoeller supported the German officers who sank their ships rather than turning them over to the British as the treaty required. He also resigned from the navy. Like many for-mer officers, Niemoeller joined the right-wing Freikorps and commanded a unit formed to suppress left-wing political activity.

Niemoeller also began studying for the ministry. In 1923, he became the pastor of a Protestant church. Niemoeller remained a staunch opponent of the Weimar system and the new “Weimar culture.” He voted for the NSDAP in 1924 and in the 1932 presidential election. When Hitler was appointed chancel-lor in January 1933, Niemoeller expressed hope “that there will now be a new meeting between our nation and the Christian church.” As late as October 1933, Niemoeller praised Hitler for his decision to take Germany out of the League of Nations. Niemoeller’s conflict with Hitler over values began in late 1933 as the NSDAP attempted to extend its control over the churches of Germany. The Nazis sought to promote “German Christianity”—a blend of traditional Christianity with NSDAP ideology, in which the folk spirit of the Ger-man people and the Fuehrer, as the expression of this spirit, played central roles.

The new Nazi doctrine is revealed in a speech made by Hitler’s minister for church affairs in early 1937: “[speaking] always of belief in Christ as the Son of God. This [is] laughable. For that [is] a dogma of the past; true Christianity [is] represented by National Socialism; National Socialism [is] the fulfill-

ment of God’s will; it [is] not the church which had exhibited the faith which moves moun-tains. It [is] the Fuehrer, and he [is] the herald of a new revelation.”

Niemoeller emerged as a principal op-ponent of Nazi efforts to reshape Christianity and manipulate the church. In September 1933, Niemoeller formed an emergency league of pastors to protest the decision of a Nazi-dominated church conference to dismiss twenty-three ministers who were considered “non-Aryan” or who had married “non-Aryans.” By January 1934, more than seven thousand Protestant pastors had joined Niemoeller’s opposition group, prompting a response from Hitler himself.

On January 25, 1934, Niemoeller and several of his supporters were summoned to a meeting with the Fuehrer. An angry Hitler demanded that they leave the care of the Third Reich to him and focus only on getting people to heaven. Hermann Goering then read to them transcripts of telephone conversations they had held with one another. Clearly, the secret police was now closely monitoring their ac-tions. Although membership in the emergency league of pastors dropped to five thousand as a result of government intimidation, Niemoeller continued to speak out against Hitler and became a focus of the internal opposition to Nazi rule. Because of his international reputa-tion, Niemoeller drew the attention of church leaders throughout the world to the situation in Germany.

On June 27, 1937, Niemoeller was arrested after violating an order by Hitler that prohibit-ed mention of the names of arrested ministers from the pulpit. (See the second excerpt from Niemoeller’s sermons.) Three days later, the secret police arrested Niemoeller for the sixth time. At his trial, Niemoeller testified that he was a loyal German, and many witnesses, including high-ranking military commanders and one of Hermann Goering’s sisters, testified

Case Study #1—Martin Niemoeller



to his patriotism. Although the trial judge dis-missed all of the serious charges and ordered that Niemoeller be released, Hitler ordered that the pastor be held as his “personal prison-er” in Sachsenhausen concentration camp. In September 1939, at the outbreak of World War II, Lieutenant Commander (retired) Niemoeller wrote the chief of the German navy, Admiral Erich Raeder, from his cell in Sachsenhausen with an offer to serve his country in any capac-ity in the war. His offer was rejected. After seven years in prison, including four years in solitary confinement, Martin Niemoeller was released by Allied troops in May 1945.

Excerpts from Martin Niemoeller’s ser-mons (1933-37):

The church cannot allow its actions towards its members to be prescribed by the state. The baptized Jew is a member of our church.... But if the state commands us to do wrong, ‘We must obey God rather than men.’...We see more and more clearly how there is being propagated a new heathenism, which wishes to have nothing to do with the Saviour, who was crucified for us, while the church which acknowledges that Saviour as its only Lord is exposed to reproval as an enemy of the state.... [The Reich minister for church affairs is] trying to compel the church to tolerate racial heresy and poison itself with such doctrines.... [While] we are prepared to

sacrifice all our worldly goods and our blood for the state and our German people...[we will not] have it said of us before God’s judgment seat: ‘When the gospel of Jesus was attacked in Germany, you were silent and, without resist-ing, left your children to an alien spirit’...

In response to attacks on the “Jewish” Old Testament: The words which once led our nation to the living God are one after the other being filled up with debris a yard high [referring to a previous promise of noninter-ference in religious affairs given by Hitler]....Does the Fuehrer’s word still hold good? We must not—for Heaven’s sake—make a Ger-man gospel out of the gospel; we must not—for Heaven’s sake—make a German church out of Christ’s church; we must not—for Heaven’s sake—make German Christians out of Prot-estant Christians.... Neutrality is impossible in Germany; persecution has begun. I think, for instance, how on Wednesday the secret police penetrated the closed church of Fried-rich Werder and arrested at the altar eight [ministers] of the Council of Brethren.... And we recall today how the pulpit of St. Anne’s Church remains empty, because our pastor and brother Mueller, with forty-seven other Christian brothers and sisters of our Protestant church, has been taken into custody.

Case Study #2 — Dietrich Bonhoeffer

Dietrich Bonhoeffer was born in 1906, the son of one of Germany’s most respected

psychiatrists. While Bonhoeffer was too young to serve in World War I, two of his older brothers fought. One died at the front. Unlike Martin Niemoeller, Bonhoeffer chose theology as his first career. After completing his doctor-al work, he began lecturing at the University of Berlin in 1929 at the age of twenty-three—two years below the minimum age for ordina-tion as a minister. He soon won international recognition for his work on Christian ethics, addressing the meaning of life as a disciple of Christ in the twentieth century and applying Christ’s teachings to situations involving moral

values. Bonhoeffer also founded a seminary at which young men wishing to become minis-ters could study theology and practice living as disciples of Christ in a communal atmo-sphere.

Despite his youth, Dietrich Bonhoeffer became one of the leaders of the Protestant movement which resisted Hitler’s attempts to enlist the churches in the Nazi cause. Together with Martin Niemoeller, Bonhoeffer increas-ingly found himself a target of Nazi suspicion. In September 1935, the government prohibited unauthorized church groups from training and ordaining clergy, thereby outlawing the semi-nary that Bonhoeffer had founded. Despite this



prohibition, Bonhoeffer continued to instruct young seminarians and to use his contacts abroad to gain the support of foreign church groups.

Through his brother-in-law, Hans von Dohnanyi, a high-ranking attorney in the De-partment of Justice, Bonhoeffer and his family were given advanced warning of actions to be taken by the Hitler government. In the summer of 1938, Bonhoeffer’s twin sister, Sabine, and her Jewish-born husband fled Germany with his assistance before the frontiers were closed to those identified as Jews by the “J” stamped in their passports. As events in the spring of 1939 made war increasingly likely, Bonhoef-fer decided to leave Germany to avoid facing the prospect of military service. To fight for the Nazis would have violated Bonhoeffer’s conscience, yet to reject military service would have appeared unpatriotic and would have damaged the church protest movement. In June 1939, Bonhoeffer left for the United States. After only a few weeks abroad, howev-er, Bonhoeffer returned to his homeland. The reasons for his decision are evident in a letter Bonhoeffer wrote to an American friend:

I have come to the conclusion that I have made a mistake in coming to America. I must live through this difficult period of our na-tional history with the Christian people of Germany. I shall have no right to participate in the reconstruction of Christian life in Germany after the war if I do not share the trials of this time with my people....Such a decision each man must make for himself. Christians in Ger-many will face the terrible alternative of either willing the defeat of their nation in order that Christian civilization may survive, or willing the victory of their nation and thereby destroy-ing our civilization. I know which of these alternatives I must choose, but I cannot make that choice in security.

Through his brother-in-law, Bonhoeffer became actively involved in the German politi-

cal resistance movement. Among the leaders of this movement were highly placed officers in the Abwehr—the German military intelligence department. By 1940, Bonhoeffer had become a part-time agent for the Abwehr, even though the Gestapo, the government’s secret police force, had prohibited him from speaking in public or writing for publication and required regular reports from him because of his sub-versive activities.

Working under the protection of the Abwehr, Bonhoeffer was involved in an opera-tion in which twelve Jews were smuggled to Switzerland. He was also used to open communication links between Britain and the German political opposition through his contacts with British clergy. However, the opposition’s hopes that army leaders would overthrow Hitler in 1941 were dashed when the generals planning the coup failed to act.

By 1942, the opposition had begun con-sidering more drastic measures. Bonhoeffer himself had come to believe that assassinating Hitler would represent God’s proper judgment. He was aware of two plans to kill Hitler in March 1943. In one instance, a bomb planted on Hitler’s plane failed to explode. In the other instance, a change in Hitler’s itinerary frustrated the would-be assassins. The next month, Bonhoeffer and his brother-in-law were arrested and imprisoned. Despite intense questioning, neither revealed any information about fellow opposition members. Further assassination attempts, including an explo-sion which seriously injured Hitler on July 20, 1944, continued during their imprisonment. The July 1944 attempt caused the Gestapo to focus on the Abwehr. Many of the plotters, including Admiral Wilhelm Canaris, head of the Abwehr, were arrested. On April 9, 1945, one month before the end of the war, Diet-rich Bonhoeffer, his brother-in-law, Hans von Dohnanyi, Admiral Canaris, and several other high-ranking officers were executed.



The following laws and speeches provided the legal and ideological underpinnings of

the totalitarian Nazi regime.

Orders to Prussian Police, February 17, 1933 (issued by Hermann Goering)

I expect all police authorities to maintain the best relations with these organizations [S.A. and Stahlhelm, the ultra-nationalist veterans organization] that comprise the most important constructive forces of the state.... The activities of subversive organizations are on the contrary to be combated with the most drastic methods. Communist terrorist acts and attacks are to be countered with all severity, and weapons must be used ruthlessly if neces-sary.... Every official must constantly bear in mind that failure to act is more serious than errors committed in acting.

Enabling Law, March 24, 1933This critical legislation passed with a two-

thirds majority of the Reichstag. The Center Party voted for granting dictatorial powers to Hitler’s government. Since the KPD was now outlawed, only the SPD voted against the measure.

National laws can be enacted by the National Cabinet [Hitler and his ministers] as well as in accordance with the procedure established in the Constitution.... The national laws enacted by the National Cabinet may deviate from the Constitution so far as they do not affect the position of the Reichstag and National Council. The powers of the President remain undisturbed.

Law for the Restoration of the Civil Service, April 7, 1933

Officials of non-Aryan descent [primar-ily Jews] are to be retired. Those who have honorary status are also to be dismissed.... Those officials who have indicated by their previous political activity that they may not exert themselves for the national state without

reservation may be dismissed.

Speech by Dr. Joseph Goebbels, Minister for Public Enlightenment and Propaganda, at Mass Book Burning, May 10, 1933

You have done well in the middle of the night to throw into the flames these unspiri-tual relics of the past. It is a strong, great, and symbolic performance that should document for all the world that here, tonight, the spiri-tual foundations of the November [Weimar] Republic sink to the ground. But out of these ruins there will arise the phoenix of a new spirit, a spirit that we bear, that we demand, a spirit on which we have stamped its decisive character and its decisive features. So I beg you, my fellow students, to stand up for the Reich and for its new authorities. So I beg you to dedicate yourselves to the work and duty and banners of responsibility.

Thousands of students in coordinated demonstrations organized by the NSDAP in over thirty university towns burned books by Albert Einstein, H.G. Wells, Jack London, Erich Maria Remarque, Sigmund Freud, Thomas Mann, Upton Sinclair, Karl Marx, and other writers whose works were considered “un-Ger-man.”

Decree for the Coordination of All Activities, June 30, 1933

...all of the following are transferred to the jurisdiction of the Minister for Public Enlight-enment and Propaganda [Joseph Goebbels]:... general public enlightenment on the domestic scene, the Academy of Politics, setting up and celebrating national holidays and state ceremonies...the press, the radio, the German Library in Leipzig, art, music, including phil-harmonic orchestras, theater, cinema....

Law Concerning the Formation of New Parties, July 14, 1933

The National Socialist German Workers’

Supplementary Documents



Party is the only political party in Germany. Anyone who seeks to maintain the organiza-tion of another political party or to organize a new political party is to be punished by confinement in a jail.

Law for the Protection of Hereditary Health, July 14, 1933

Anyone who suffers from an inheritable disease may be sterilized surgically if, in the judgment of medical science, it could be expected that his descendants will suffer from serious inherited mental or physical defects.... Sterilization may also be recommended by 1) the official physician, 2) the official in charge of a hospital, sanitarium, or prison.... The proceedings of the Health Inheritance Courts are secret.

Law to Promote National Labor, January 20, 1934

A labor trustee will be appointed for every large industrial area. It will be the duty of this officer to promote the maintenance of industrial peace.... Each member of a working community is responsible for the conscien-tious performance of the duties entailed by his position in that community. His conduct must be such as to deserve the consideration attached to his position, and in particular he must be constantly mindful of his duty to devote his energies wholeheartedly to the services of the undertaking and to subordinate himself to the general good.

Law for the Reorganization of the Reich, January 30, 1934

The popular assemblies of the individual states are hereby abolished. The sovereign rights of individual states are hereby trans-ferred to the Reich. The governments of the individual states are to be subordinate to the Reich government.... The Reich government may draw up new constitutional laws.

Armed Forces Oath of Personal Loyalty, August 2, 1934

I swear before God this holy oath: that I

shall give absolute obedience to the Fuehrer of the German Reich and people, Adolf Hitler, the Supreme Commander of the Wehrmacht [army], and as a courageous soldier will be ready at all times to lay down my life for this oath.

Law Regarding Labor Service, June 26, 1935

All young Germans of both sexes are obligated to serve their country in the Reich Labor Service. It is the purpose of the Reich Labor Service to educate German youth in the spirit of National Socialism so that they may obtain a true national community sentiment, a free conception of labor, and above all, a due respect for manual work.

Nuremberg Laws on Citizenship and Race, September 15, 1935

A citizen of the Reich may be only one who is of German or kindred blood, and who, through his behavior, shows that he is both desirous and personally fit to serve loyally the German people and the Reich.... Only a citizen of the Reich may enjoy full political rights in consonance with the provisions of the laws.

Law for the Protection of German Blood and Honor, September 15, 1935

Any marriages between Jews and citizens of German or kindred blood are herewith for-bidden.... Extramarital relations between Jews and citizens of German or kindred blood are herewith forbidden.... Jews are forbidden to employ as servants in their households female subjects of German or kindred blood who are under the age of forty-five years. Jews are for-bidden from displaying the Reich and national flag and from showing the national colors.

Supplementary Decree on Citizenship, November 14, 1935

A Jew cannot be a citizen of the Reich. He cannot exercise the right to vote; he can-not occupy public office. Jewish officials [government employees] will be retired as of December 31, 1935.... A Jew is an individual



who is descended from at least three grand-parents who were racially full Jews.... A Jew is also an individual who is descended from two full Jewish grandparents if...[four specific conditions are met].



�9��June 28

Archduke Ferdinand, heir to the Aus-tro-Hungarian throne, is assassinated in Sarajevo by Serb nationalists.

August 1Germany declares war on Russia and on France two days later, beginning World War I.

�9��April 4

The United States declares war on Ger-many.

NovemberCommunists under Lenin seize power in Russia.

�9��January 8

President Wilson announces his Fourteen Points.

MarchGermany and Russia sign the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, requiring Russia to give up huge tracts of territory to Germany.

MarchGermany launches its final offensive on the western front.

JulyThe Allies begin a counter-offensive, eras-ing German advances.

NovemberGerman military leaders ask their govern-ment to request an armistice; the German fleet mutinies; Kaiser Wilhelm II abdicates.

November 11An armistice is declared, ending World War I.

�9�9January

The SPD-led government calls in troops to

suppress an uprising in Berlin led by the communist Spartacus League.

June 28Germany’s government signs, under pro-test, the Versailles Treaty.

July 31The Weimar Constitution is adopted.

NovemberThe U.S. Senate rejects U.S. membership in the League of Nations.

�9�0March

A right-wing coup d’état collapses in Ber-lin after forcing the Weimar government to flee.

�9��June 24

German Foreign Minister Walter Rathenau is assassinated.

�9��January

French troops occupy the Ruhr, sparking a campaign of passive resistance by Ger-many.

June-DecemberHyperinflation in Germany forces the gov-ernment to issue new currency.

NovemberPolice break up an attempted putsch by the NSDAP in Munich.

�9��April

Retired Field Marshal Hindenburg is elected president.

�9�9October

A stock market crash in the United States triggers a worldwide depression.

Chronology of German History: 1914-1939



�9�0September

The NSDAP wins 18 percent of the vote in Reichstag elections.

�9��April

Hindenburg defeats Hitler in a run-off election for president.

JulyThe NSDAP emerges as the largest party in Reichstag elections.

�9��January 30

Hitler is appointed chancellor by Hinden-burg.

February 27The Reichstag is destroyed by fire, prompt-ing Hitler to declare emergency rule.

March 23The Enabling Law allows Hitler’s govern-ment to bypass the Reichstag and the constitution.

JulyHitler bans political parties other than the NSDAP.

OctoberGermany withdraws from the League of Nations.

�9��June

The NSDAP purges the leadership of the S.A.

AugustHitler combines the offices of the president and the chancellor and formally assumes the title of Fuehrer.

�9��September

Hitler proclaims anti-Semitic Nuremberg Laws.

�9�6March

German troops move into the Rhineland in violation of the Versailles Treaty.

�9��March

Germany annexes Austria.

SeptemberBritish and French leaders agree to allow Germany to occupy the German-populated Sudeten region of Czechoslovakia.

�9�9March

Germany occupies all of Czechoslovakia.

AugustGermany and the Soviet Union sign a non-aggression pact.

September 1Germany invades Poland, setting off World War II in Europe.



Bertholt Brecht (1898-1956)Born in Bavaria, Bertholt Brecht studied

medicine and served in an army hospital during World War I. He developed a strong opposition to capitalism and became a sup-porter of the KPD. Working in Berlin during most of the Weimar years, he was involved in the movement to revolutionize the arts. He collaborated with composers Kurt Weill and Paul Hindemith in writing and staging musi-cal plays, which he called “operas.” The most famous of these operas were The Threepenny Opera (1928) and The Rise and Fall of the Town of Mahoganny (1930).

In addition to these works, Brecht wrote more than 100 poems, some in the form of ballads. Nearly all of these poems contain a strong political or social statement. After the NSDAP seized power in 1933, Brecht went into exile. His citizenship was revoked by the Hitler government and his works were public-ly burned. Brecht found refuge in the United States, where he worked during World War II. In 1947, Brecht left the United States after he was forced to testify before the House Un-American Activities Committee. He returned to East Germany to live once more in Berlin. He was awarded the Stalin Peace Prize in 1955 and died the following year.

Friedrich Ebert (1871-1925)Raised in a working-class family, Fried-

rich Ebert became a SPD activist in the 1890s. Despite having only a limited formal educa-tion, he served on the editorial staff of the SPD newspaper in Bremen. In 1913, he was elected to the Reichstag and was chosen SPD party leader. Although he consistently voted to fi-nance the war effort, he strongly supported the peace resolution introduced in February 1917 and was involved in a strike by munitions workers in Berlin in 1918.

Ebert was a leader of the founding Wei-mar coalition and was elected as the Weimar Republic’s first president in 1919. During the political turmoil of November 1918 through

January 1919, Ebert opposed efforts to bring about radical economic or social change. He called on the army to put down an uprising in Berlin led by the communist Spartacus League in January 1919. During the crises of 1922-23, he invoked the emergency powers of Article 48, which established a precedent later used by Adolf Hitler to consolidate the NSDAP dic-tatorship. Ebert died suddenly on February 28, 1925, before his term as president had ended.

Joseph Goebbels (1897-1945)Born into a Catholic family in western Ger-

many near the French border, Joseph Goebbels contracted polio as a child and was left with a club foot and a pronounced limp. His dis-ability disqualified him from military service in 1914. Goebbels received his doctorate in history and literature from the University of Heidelberg in 1922 and joined the NSDAP the same year.

Founder of the party newspaper, Der Angriff, in 1927, Goebbels displayed a gift for propaganda that effectively promoted the NSDAP message of racism and militaristic nationalism. In 1928, he was elected to the Reichstag, and also played a major role in orchestrating NSDAP street demonstrations and brawls against political opponents. Ap-pointed minister of propaganda by Hitler in 1933, Goebbels used his position to dominate German cultural life and mobilize the popula-tion behind the Fuehrer. He committed suicide in Hitler’s Berlin bunker on May 1, 1945.

Hermann Goering (1893-1946)Born into an upper-class family in Ba-

varia, Hermann Goering trained as a military cadet, joined the army as an officer in 1914, and was soon transferred to the air force. As the final commander of the famous Richthofen Fighter Squadron, Goering became a nationally recognized war hero. After the war, Goering became involved in the Freikorps. In 1922, he accepted Hitler’s offer to command the newly formed S.A.—the paramilitary units of the

Biographical Sketches



NSDAP. Goering was seriously wounded in the failed Munich putsch in 1923 and fled abroad. He did not return to Germany until amnesty was granted in 1927. Goering was elected to the Reichstag in 1928 and became the leader of the NSDAP delegation. Goering’s ties with the German upper class and wealthy industrial-ists enabled the NSDAP to gain support among Germany’s elite.

After the success of the NSDAP in the July 1932 elections, Goering was chosen Reich-stag president. As Prussian minister of the interior under Hitler, he was a central actor in the establishment of the Nazis’ totalitarian rule. In 1935, Goering was given command of the air force. At the outset of World War II, he was put in charge of organizing the German economy. During the last months of the war, Hitler became suspicious of Goering, as well as many of his other closest associates, and ordered him arrested. Condemned to death by the Nuremberg Military Tribunal after the war, Goering committed suicide before the sentence could be carried out.

George Grosz (1893-1959)A Berliner by birth, George Grosz was a

gifted painter who studied briefly in Paris be-fore the outbreak of war. As a front-line soldier during World War I, he suffered a breakdown and was sent to an asylum. Grosz developed an intense hatred for Germany’s ruling class and military leaders. Even before the war had ended, Grosz was drawing pen-and-ink sketch-es that ridiculed conservative, militaristic values. He quickly established a reputation as one of Germany’s harshest social critics.

During the Weimar years, Grosz contin-ued to attack conservative forces through his art. He was also strongly critical of the Ebert government’s decision to suppress the Sparta-cist uprising. Grosz left Germany in 1932 and settled in the United States. He returned to Berlin shortly before his death in 1959.

Paul von Hindenburg (1847-1934)Born into a noble, landowning family in

West Prussia, Paul von Hindenburg chose

a military career. He was appointed to the General Staff in 1879 after service in the Austro-Prussian War and the Franco-Prus-sian War. The most significant military victory of his career was at the Battle of Tannenberg in 1914, where he led outnumbered German forces to victory against the Russian army. He was appointed supreme commander of the entire German army in August 1916. Along with General Erich von Ludendorff, Hinden-burg headed a virtual military dictatorship that governed until the end of the war. Hindenburg retired from military service after the kaiser’s abdication.

As a leading figure in the conservative, nationalist right, Hindenburg was elected president of the Weimar Republic in 1925, defeating candidates from the Center Party and the KPD. Although a monarchist and anti-so-cialist, Hindenburg committed his personal prestige to the Weimar system until the onset of the economic depression. Beginning in mid-1930, Germany’s economic and political crises led Hindenburg to increasingly invoke the emergency powers of Article 48 in the Weimar Constitution. Hindenburg had a low opinion of the NSDAP and Hitler, whom he referred to as a “Bohemian corporal.” Hindenburg was re-elected as president in April 1932, but only after Hitler forced him into a run-off election. Hindenberg reluctantly appointed Hitler as chancellor in January 1933. Thereafter, he assumed a largely ceremonial role until his death in August 1934.

Adolf Hitler (1889-1945)Born the son of a minor government offi-

cial in Austria, Adolf Hitler resided in Vienna from 1907 to 1914, earning a meager living as an artist. During this period, he developed an intense hatred for Jews, communists, and lib-erals. Hitler enlisted in the German army when World War I broke out and was decorated for bravery with the Iron Cross (first class). Tem-porarily blinded in a gas attack at the close of the war, he was in a military hospital when he learned of Germany’s surrender.

After his release from the hospital, Hitler joined a small, right-wing political group,



which took the name National Socialist Ger-man Workers’ Party (NSDAP) in 1920. Hitler quickly established his leadership over the NSDAP and became its most effective public speaker. He received national attention after leading a failed putsch in Munich in 1923. Hitler served less than a year in prison for his role in the putsch. During that time, he wrote his main political work, Mein Kampf (My Struggle).

Hitler won growing support for his racist nationalism as economic depression shook the Weimar system. He lost his bid to unseat the aging President Hindenburg in 1932, but the campaign served to increase his visibility and popularity. In the parliamentary elections of July 1932, the NSDAP won 37 percent of the vote to become the largest political party in the Reichstag. Hitler was appointed chancel-lor in January 1933, and quickly transformed Germany into a totalitarian state under Nazi control. For the next twelve years, Hitler ruled as the unchallenged Fuehrer of Germany. His program of territorial expansion led Germany into World War II in 1939. As many as twelve million civilians, including six million Jews, were killed under Hitler’s orders in areas occupied by German troops. When the war turned against Germany in the winter of 1942-43, Hitler became increasingly suspicious and irrational. He committed suicide in his Berlin bunker during the closing days of the war.

Ludwig Kaas (1881-1952)Born into a lower middle-class Catholic

family, Ludwig Kaas studied for the priesthood and was ordained in 1906. In 1921, Monsignor Kaas was elected to the Reichstag as a mem-ber of the Center Party. He quickly rose to a position of leadership within the party. In late 1928, he publicly condemned the policies of Foreign Minister Gustav Stresemann, who had been attempting to convince the French and British that an economically strong Germany would not pose a threat to their security. Kaas advocated a more forceful foreign policy.

Assuming the leadership of the Center in 1928 and continuing in this position until 1933, Kaas moved his party to the right. He

espoused traditional, conservative Catholic values and fought the social welfare policies of the SPD. Despite opposition from many of his Center Party colleagues, Kaas supported efforts to bring the NSDAP into the government after the July 1932 parliamentary elections. In 1933, he led the Center delegation in the Reichstag in voting for the Enabling Law, giving Hitler the power to establish a dictatorship. Shortly thereafter, Kaas moved to Rome, where he worked at the Vatican. He played a major role in negotiating an agreement between the Vati-can and Nazi Germany in July 1933.

Kaethe Kollwitz (1867-1945)Born into a middle-class socialist family in

East Prussia, Kaethe Kollwitz studied paint-ing and sculpture in Berlin and Munich. She became one of Germany’s foremost graphic artists of the 1890-1910 period by reviving the art of etching. Her works, which often focused on the plight of the poor and oppressed, were remarkable for their powerful emotion.

Kollwitz’s life radically changed after her youngest son was killed in battle in 1914. Following this, Kollwitz redoubled her ef-forts to achieve peace and social justice. She welcomed both the communist revolution in Russia in 1917 and the workers’ uprisings in Germany in late 1918. The first woman elected to the Prussian Academy of Arts, she headed the Graphic Arts Studio from 1928 until 1933. An outspoken opponent of fascism and the NSDAP, Kollwitz remained in Germany after the Nazi takeover, even though her works were removed from public exhibition. Her personal tragedy was compounded during World War II by the death of her grandson in battle and by the destruction of much of her life’s work in an Allied bombing raid. Kollwitz died shortly before the war ended.

Wilhelm Marx (1863-1946)Born into a devout Catholic family in Co-

logne, Wilhelm Marx began his public career as a doctor of law and a respected judge. Marx was elected to the Reichstag in 1910 as a mem-ber of a small Catholic party allied with the Center Party. In 1922, he became chairman of



the Center and continued in that position until 1928, serving as Germany’s chancellor on four occasions. During the economic crisis of 1923, Marx governed through emergency decrees issued by President Ebert. While heading the Center delegation in the Reichstag, Marx led efforts to keep the SPD out of the government and instead sought coalition partners for the Center among conservative parties.

As the Center’s candidate in the 1925 presidential race, Marx narrowly lost to Field Marshal Hindenburg in a run-off election. Marx was associated with much of the key legislation produced during the Weimar Re-public, including the social programs adopted in 1926-28. Marx resigned as party leader in 1928.

Walter Rathenau (1867-1922)Born the son of Germany’s wealthiest

Jewish industrialist, Walter Rathenau earned a doctorate in physics and worked as an engineer in his family’s firm. Taking over the family business in 1915 after his father’s death, Rathenau played a major role in orga-nizing Germany’s industrial potential for the war effort. While his support for the war was unshakable, he opposed territorial annexations and unrestricted submarine warfare.

A widely read man whose philosophical interests and utopian ideals made it diffi-cult for him to identify with party politics, Rathenau was nevertheless respected for his economic expertise and influence. He was appointed foreign minister in January 1922 and argued that Germany had no choice but to fully comply with the terms of the unpopular Versailles Treaty. Rathenau’s position on the treaty and his Jewish background made him a target of hatred by ultra-nationalists. On June 24, 1922, he was assassinated by members of an extreme right-wing terrorist group.

Gustav Stresemann (1878-1929)Born the youngest child of an innkeeper in

Berlin, Gustav Stresemann’s intellectual gifts enabled him to rise above his class background and receive a doctorate in economics. A mem-

ber of the National Liberal Party, Stresemann was elected to the Reichstag in 1907. Although a vocal monarchist and expansionist during the war, his views changed sharply with the German defeat.

In November 1918, he founded the Ger-man Peoples’ Party (DVP). Under Stresemann’s leadership, the DVP held 14 percent of the Reichstag’s seats from 1920 to 1924 and occu-pied an important role at the center of Weimar politics. Stresemann himself served as chan-cellor from August to November 1923. Serving as foreign minister from August 1923 until Oc-tober 1929, he continued Rathenau’s policies and worked effectively to improve relations with France. Stresemann helped to restore Germany’s position in Europe. In 1926, he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. Like many German conservatives, Stresemann favored Germany’s territorial expansion in Eastern Europe, particularly at the expense of Poland. After his death in 1929, his party lost strength as most of the DVP’s supporters turned to the NSDAP.

Ernst Thaelmann (1886-1944)Born into a lower middle-class family in

Hamburg, Ernst Thaelmann left school at an early age to work. He joined the SPD in 1903. Thaelmann quickly became active in union and SPD affairs. In January 1915, he was drafted into the German army. Wounded twice on the western front, he deserted in November 1918. Thaelmann left the SPD after the Sparta-cist uprising in January 1919 and was elected to the central committee of the newly formed KPD in December 1920. He visited Moscow in early 1921. Support from the Soviet regime propelled him into the top leadership of the KPD. In turn, Thaelmann carried out Moscow’s policies throughout his political career. He served in the leadership of the Comintern, the international communist movement directed by the Soviet Union.

In 1924, Thaelmann was elected to the Reichstag and one year later chosen to be chairman of the KPD. He also led the KPD paramilitary organization, the Red Front Fight-ers’ League, a group that engaged in street



battles with the S.A. Nominated as the KPD’s candidate for president in 1925, Thaelmann earned nearly 2 million votes in the run-off election. In 1928, in line with the strategy of Josef Stalin, Thaelmann began identifying the SPD and other social democratic groups as the principal enemies of the proletarian

revolution. Thaelmann and the KPD secretly cooperated with the NSDAP to bring down the Weimar system. The Nazis arrested Thaelmann in March 1933, after the KPD was outlawed, and sent him to a concentration camp. He was executed eleven years later.



Supplementary Resources

BooksAbraham, David. The Collapse of the Weimar

Republic: Political Economy and Crisis (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981). 366 pages.

Berghahn, Volker R. Modern Germany: Society, Economy and Politics in the Twentieth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982). 314 pages.

Broszat, Martin. Hitler and the Collapse of Weimar Germany (New York: Berg, 1987). 157 pages.

De Jonge, Alex. The Weimar Chronicle: Prelude to Hitler (New York: New American Library, 1979). 256 pages.

Eyck, Erich. A History of the Weimar Republic. 2 vols. (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1962). 710 pages.

Hiden, John W. The Weimar Republic (London: Longman, 1974). 114 pages.

Nicholls, Anthony J. Weimar and the Rise of Hitler (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1991). 195 pages.

World Wide WebCommanding Heights <http://www.pbs.org/

wgbh/commandingheights/lo/countries/de/de_full.html> A PBS website on economy. Timeline of German history and explanation of inflation during the Weimar Republic.

The German History Museum in Berlin <http://www.dhm.de/ENGLISH/index.html>

Facing History and Ourselves <http://www.facinghistory.org> An educational organization focusing on the Holocaust. Teaching materials also available on the Weimar Republic.

The Choices Program <http://www.choices.edu/weimar.cfm> Updated resources and links.

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Weimar Germany and the Rise of HitlerWeimar Germany and the Rise of Hitler confronts students

with the troubling legacy of the triumph of Nazism in a

carefully crafted democratic system. Students are challenged

to draw lessons from the failure of Weimar Germany in as-

sessing the future of democracy at home and abroad.

Weimar Germany and the Rise of Hitler is part of a con-

tinuing series on current and historical international issues

published by the Choices for the 21st Century Education

Project at Brown University. Choices materials place special

emphasis on the importance of educating students in their

participatory role as citizens.

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Weimar Germany and the rise of hitler

CHOICES for the 21st Century Education Program

February 2006

Director

Susan Graseck

Curriculum Developer

Andy Blackadar

Curriculum Writer

Sarah Kreckel

International Education Intern

Daniela Bailey

Office Assistant

Dan Devine

Outreach Coordinator

Bill Bordac

Office Manager

Anne Campau Prout

Professional Development Coordinator

Lucy Mueller

Program Coordinator for Capitol Forum

Barbara Shema

The Choices for the 21st Century Education Program develops cur-

ricula on current and historical international issues and offers workshops, institutes, and in-

service programs for high school teachers. Course materials place special emphasis on the impor-

tance of educating students in their participatory role as citizens.

The Choices for the 21st Century Education Program is a program of

the Thomas J. Watson Jr. Institute for International Studies

at Brown University.

Thomas J. Biersteker Director, Watson Institute for

International Studies

Acknowledgments

Weimar Germany and the Rise of Hitler was developed by the Choices Program with the assistance of the research staff of the Thomas J. Watson Jr. Institute for International Studies and scholars at Brown University. We wish to thank the following researchers for their invaluable input:

Jeffrey AndersonProfessor of Political Science Brown University

Volker BerghahnProfessor of History Columbia University

Frederick FullertonEditor Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

Dietrich RueschemeyerProfessor of Sociology Brown University

Thanks to Carrie Chorba, Rich Gann, Greg Kazarian, and Charles Kerr for their assistance in developing this unit.

Weimar Germany and the Rise of Hitler is part of a continuing series on international public policy issues. New units are published each academic year and all units are updated regularly.

Visit us on the World Wide Web — www.choices.edu


Contents

The ChoiCes for The 21sT CenTury eduCaTion Program is a program of the Watson Institute for Inter-national Studies at Brown University. ChoiCes was established to help citizens think constructively about foreign policy issues, to improve participatory citizenship skills, and to encourage public judgement on policy issues.

The Watson Institute for International Studies was established at Brown University in 1986 to serve as a forum for students, faculty, visiting scholars, and policy practitioners who are committed to analyzing con-temporary global problems and developing initiatives to address them.

© Copyright February 2006. Fourth edition. Choices for the 21st Century Education Program. All rights reserved. ISBN 1-891306-98-7-TRB.

The Choices Approach to Historical Turning Points ii

Note To Teachers 1

Integrating This Unit into Your Curriculum 2

Day One: The Birth of the Weimar Republic 3

Day Two: Hyperinflation, Prosperity, and Depression 16

Optional Lesson 1: Culture, Values, and Politics 25

Optional Lesson 2: Children’s Literature in Weimar Germany 27

Day Three: Platform Presentations: Organization and Preparation 29

Day Four: Platform Presentations: Debate and Discussion 32

Day Five: Lessons from the Weimar Experience 34

Optional Lesson 3: Conscience and the Patriot 37

Key Terms 40

Toolbox: Understanding “Political Spectrum” 41

Making Choices Work in Your Classroom 42

Assessment Guide for Oral Presentations 44

Alternative Three Day Lesson Plan 45


Weimar Germany and the Rise of Hitlerii

TRB

The Choices Approach to Historical Turning Points

Historical Understanding

Each Choices curriculum resource pro-vides students with extensive information about an historical issue. By providing stu-dents only the information available at the time, Choices units help students to under-stand that historical events often involved competing and highly contested views. The Choices approach emphasizes that histori-cal outcomes were hardly inevitable. This approach helps students to develop a more sophisticated understanding of history.

Each Choices unit presents the range of options that were considered at a turning point in history. Students understand and analyze these options through a role play activity.

In each unit the setting is the same as it was during the actual event. Students may be role playing a meeting of the National Security Council, a town gathering, or a Senate debate. Student groups defend their assigned policy options and, in turn, are challenged with ques-tions from their classmates playing the role of “decisionmakers” at the time. The ensuing debate demands analysis and evaluation of the conflicting values, interests, and priorities reflected in the options.

The final reading in a Choices historical unit presents the outcome of the debate and reviews subsequent events. The final lesson encourages students to make connections be-tween past and present.

Choices curricula are designed to make complex international issues understandable and mean-ingful for students. Using a student-centered approach, Choices units develop critical thinking and an understanding of the significance of history in our lives today—essential ingredients of responsible citizenship.

Teachers say the collaboration and interaction in Choices units are highly motivating for stu-dents. Studies consistently demonstrate that students of all abilities learn best when they are actively engaged with the material. Cooperative learning invites students to take pride in their own contribu-tions and in the group product, enhancing students’ confidence as learners. Research demonstrates that students using the Choices approach learn the factual information presented as well as or better than those using a lecture-discussion format. Choices units offer students with diverse abilities and learning styles the opportunity to contribute, collaborate, and achieve.

Choices units on historical turning points include student readings, a framework of policy op-tions, primary sources, suggested lesson plans, and resources for structuring cooperative learning, role plays, and simulations. Students are challenged to:

•understand historical context•recreate historical debate •analyze and evaluate multiple perspectives at a turning point in history•analyze primary sources that provide a grounded understanding of the moment•understand the internal logic of a viewpoint•identify the conflicting values represented by different points of view•develop and articulate original viewpoints•recognize relationships between history and current issues•communicate in written and oral presentations•collaborate with peers

Choices curricula offer teachers a flexible resource for covering course material while actively engaging students and developing skills in critical thinking, persuasive writing, and informed citizen-ship. The instructional activities that are central to Choices units can be valuable components in any teacher’s repertoire of effective teaching strategies.



TRB

Note To Teachers

a day-by-day lesson plan and student activi-ties. On the first and second day of the unit students use documents and charts to under-stand the nature of the Weimar Republic. On the third and fourth day students participate in the Reichstag elections of July 1932, which saw the Nazi Party emerge with a plurality of votes. Two optional lessons explore visual arts, poetry, and children’s literature from the era. A brief epilogue examines the implementation of Hitler’s strategy to establish a totalitarian dictatorship. Finally, a concluding optional lesson invites students to reflect on the lives of two patriotic Germans who openly challenged Nazi rule. You may also find the “Alternative Three-Day Lesson Plan” useful.

•Alternative Study Guides: Each section of background reading is accompanied by two study guides. The standard study guide helps students harvest the information from the back-ground readings in preparation for analysis and synthesis in class. The advanced study guide requires the student to tackle analysis and syn-thesis in more depth prior to class activities.

•Vocabulary and Concepts: The back-ground reading addresses subjects that are complex and challenging. To help your stu-dents get the most out of the text, you may want to review with them “Key Terms” found in the Teacher Resource Book (TRB) on page TRB-40 before they begin their assignment. A “Political Spectrum Toolbox” is also included on page TRB-41. This provides additional information on key concepts.

• Primary Source Documents: Materials are included throughout the student text that may be used to supplement the lessons.

• Additional Online Resources: More resources are available at <www.Choices.edu/Weimar.cfm>.

The lesson plans offered here are provided as a guide. Many teachers choose to devote ad-ditional time to certain activities. We hope that these suggestions help you tailor the unit to fit the needs of your classroom.

“Government of the people, by the people, and for the people” has been the popular American conception of democracy. History, however, reveals that democracy has taken many forms—from the direct participatory democracies of ancient Athens and the New England town meeting to modern indirect democracies in which citizens elect represen-tatives to direct the government. History also shows that democracies are neither historical-ly inevitable nor necessarily more stable than their non-democratic alternatives.

The study of democracy is particularly relevant today. At home, we are facing chal-lenges to maintaining the health and stability of the American democratic system, while internationally the United States is involved in nurturing fledgling democracies across the globe.

In Weimar Germany and the Rise of Hitler, students have an opportunity to ponder the lessons for democracy from one of the twenti-eth century’s most troubling political legacies. This five-day unit asks students to examine the foundations of Western democracy and ex-plore the political culture of Weimar Germany. In the end, students should understand why democracy failed to take root in a modern, industrialized society, and how the carefully crafted parliamentary system of the Weimar Republic resulted in the triumph of Nazism.

Through primary source documents, excerpts from Weimar literature and drama, contemporary political art, and background reading, students are immersed in the zeit-geist of the era. Weimar Germany and the Rise of Hitler samples the culture of the Weimar period to clearly delineate the dominant is-sues. Just as American culture during the late 1960s—songs, movies, plays, art—echoed the politics of the Vietnam War era, so German culture during the 1920s both reflected and af-fected the country’s political crises.

Suggested Five-Day Lesson Plan: The Teacher Resource Book accompanying Wei-mar Germany and the Rise of Hitler contains



TRB

Units produced by the Choices for the 21st Century Education Program are designed to be integrated into a variety of social studies courses. Below are a few ideas about where Weimar Germany and the Rise of Hitler might fit into your curriculum.

European History: The study of Weimar Germany offers a compelling link between World War I and World War II. Virtually all of the major issues that emerged from World War I—the dehumanizing brutality of trench warfare, the implications of the Bolshevik Revolution, the ramifications of the Versailles Treaty, and the consequences of American isolationism—weighed heavily on the Weimar Republic. Moreover, German political attitudes during the Weimar years provide an insight into the establishment of Nazi totalitarianism, the root causes of World War II, and the role of the German public in the Holocaust. Fi-nally, the creativity and decadence of Weimar culture set the tone for the interwar period in much of the Western world.

Sociology and Psychology: The rise of Hitler has long presented proponents of democracy with a moral dilemma. Should anti-democratic forces be allowed to partici-pate in the democratic process? When should responsible citizens break the laws of the state in the name of higher principles? Weimar Germany and the Rise of Hitler invites stu-dents to tackle these difficult questions. The

early lessons of the unit explore the goals and philosophies of the Weimar Republic’s found-ers and their efforts to overcome opposition to democracy. The unit’s final lesson presents the stories of two patriotic Germans who defied the Nazi regime. Going beyond Nazi Germany, there are many avenues to explore. Martin Luther King’s leadership of the civil rights struggle, Gandhi’s campaign of civil disobedi-ence against British imperialism, and Nelson Mandela’s triumph over apartheid are among the most familiar examples of individual com-mitment for high school students.

Political Science: The legacy of the Wei-mar Republic remains troubling precisely because Germany during the interwar period met virtually all of the criteria that political scientists typically identify as prerequisites for the development of democracy. Weimar Ger-many and the Rise of Hitler lends itself both to an in-depth examination of the Weimar system and a broad study of democracy. Like political scientists, students should be encouraged to probe the economic and cultural factors that led to the Weimar Republic’s demise. Study of Weimar Germany also opens the door to the consideration of a range of democratic models. With the emergence of democracies in many developing countries over the last half century, cross-cultural comparisons may be particularly engaging.

Integrating This Unit into Your Curriculum



Day One �TRB

Objectives:Students will: Examine the events and

decisions that served as the backdrop for the creation of the Weimar Republic.

Analyze German expectations and percep-tions at the end of World War I.

Share expertise with classmates in a col-laborative setting.

Required Reading:Before beginning the unit, students should

have read the Introduction and Part I of the background reading (pages 1-6) and completed “Study Guide—Part I” (TRB 4-5) or “Advanced Study Guide—Part I” (TRB-6). In addition, each student should have read one of the four documents (see “Handouts” below). Students will answer the “Questions for Discussion” at the end of the documents during class on Day One.

Handouts:“Document One—Defeat, Revolution, and

Armistice” (TRB 7-8) for one-fourth of the class.

“Document Two—The Versailles Treaty” (TRB 9-10) for one-fourth of the class.

“Document Three—German Territorial Losses” (TRB 11-12) for one-fourth of the class.

“Document Four—The Weimar Constitu-tion” (TRB 13-14) for one-fourth of the class.

“Formation of the Weimar Republic” (TRB-15).

In the Classroom:1. Review of Study Guide and Docu-

ments—Briefly review student responses to the study guide questions. Form four groups

based on the documents that students have been assigned. (Students who were assigned Document One should form a group; students who were assigned Document Two should form another group, etc.) Instruct the groups to answer the “Questions for Discussion” at the end of the documents. Explain that each group member will be responsible later in the class period for analyzing the information presented in his or her document.

2. Sharing Expertise—After each group has answered “Questions for Discussion,” divide the class again into groups of four. The new groups should contain students with expertise on each of the four documents. Distribute “Formation of the Weimar Repub-lic” and instruct the groups to complete the worksheet. Emphasize that each group mem-ber should draw on his or her expertise from the earlier group assignment.

3. Evaluating Postwar Germany—Call on the groups to share their answers to “Forma-tion of the Weimar Republic.” Explain that World War I sparked political upheaval in much of Europe and the Middle East, especial-ly in countries that suffered military defeat. How did Germany’s experience after World War I compare with that of Russia? Did the es-tablishment of the Weimar Republic constitute a political revolution in Germany? How did the challenges facing the leaders of the Weimar Republic compare to those of their counter-parts in France and Britain?

Homework:Students should read Part II of the back-

ground reading in the student text (pages 7-13) and complete “Study Guide—Part II” (TRB 17-18) or “Advanced Study Guide—Part II” (TRB-19).

The Birth of the Weimar Republic


Weimar Germany and the Rise of HitlerDay One�

TRBName:______________________________________________

Study Guide–Part I

1. List three accomplishments of Otto von Bismarck.

a.

b.

c.

2. Germany was not very democratic at the beginning of the twentieth century. True or False? Explain your answer.

3. Give three reasons why the Triple Entente feared Germany.

a.

b.

c.

4. How did Germany deal with the fear of being encircled?

5. What event in 1914 set the forces in motion that resulted in war?



Day One �TRB

Name:______________________________________________

6. What strategy did Germany use to try to prevent having to fight a two-front war?

7. What events in 1916 and 1917 affected Germany’s ability to fight strongly? List three.

a.

b.

c.

8. Who were Paul von Hindenburg and Erich von Ludendorff?

9. Why did the Germans like President Wilson’s Fourteen Points?

10. Why did the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk bring further hope to the Germans?

11. Why were Germans surprised to learn that their country had signed an armistice?



TRB

Advanced Study Guide–Part I

1. Why was Germany viewed as one of the world’s most advanced and developed nations at the turn of the century?

2. Which features of German society worked against the development of democracy?

3. Why did Germany’s growing power lead to the formation of the Triple Entente?

4. Why was World War I considered an example of “total war”? How did “total war” affect the lives of ordinary Germans?

5. What events in 1917 added to the pressure on Germany’s military leaders?

6. How did Russian communists help create an opportunity for German military victory in 1918?

Name:______________________________________________



Day One �TRB

Document One—Defeat, Revolution, and Armistice

Below are a series of brief news reports on Germany from March 1918 to February 1919.

March 21—German Offensive Breaks through British Lines: Aided by dense fog, German troops overran British positions along the strategic Somme River. The German advance threatens to drive a wedge between British and French forces on the western front.

May 27—German Offensive Makes Fresh Gains: After stalling in April, the German army resumed its offensive on the western front. German forces advanced ten miles in a single day, the biggest gain along the front since August 1914.

July 18—Allied Counterattack Stops Ger-man Advance: With German forces only 56 miles from Paris, the Allies have mounted an effective counterattack. Spearheaded by the war’s first large-scale tank assault, the French army drove the Germans back four miles. Reports indicate that the Allies are planning a major offensive that will include substantial numbers of newly arrived American troops.

September 26—Allied Offensive Forces Germany to Retreat: After more than a month of sharp attacks against German positions, the Allies have launched a coordinated offensive along the entire western front. Reports indicate that morale among German troops has dropped since their spring offensive was repulsed. Nonetheless, the Allies have failed to achieve major breakthroughs against German defenses.

October 3—German Kaiser Appoints New Chancellor: Prince Max of Baden has been un-expectedly appointed by Kaiser Wilhelm II to head a new war cabinet. Generals Hindenburg and Ludendorff of the Army High Command reportedly have urged the new government to request an immediate armistice. German military leaders have grown increasingly concerned about the sinking morale of their troops. In addition, the surrender of Bulgaria on September 29 has left Germany and Aus-tria-Hungary vulnerable to an Allied attack

from the Balkans.

October 23—Armistice Reported Near: Sources close to President Wilson indicate that the president will draft an armistice in response to a request by the new German chancellor, Prince Max. Soon after taking office, Prince Max appealed to Wilson for an armistice based on the Fourteen Points, which the president proposed earlier this year. In a further concession to Wilson, Prince Max later overruled Germany’s generals to end unre-stricted submarine warfare.

November 3—German Imperial Fleet Mu-tinies: Defying orders from their commanding officers, German sailors have seized control of the fleet anchored at Kiel. Replacing the impe-rial battle flag with the red flag of communism, the sailors have refused to sail the Imperial High Seas Fleet out to engage in battle against the much stronger British navy. Roving bands of mutinous sailors have entered nearby cities demanding an end to the war.

November 9—Kaiser Abdicates; Ger-man Republic Proclaimed: Kaiser Wilhelm II has abdicated his throne and fled to neutral Holland. A representative of the Social Demo-cratic Party of Germany (SPD) appeared today on the balcony of the parliament building announcing the abolition of the monarchy and the establishment of a German republic. The SPD, which has not been part of the wartime coalition governments despite its support of the war effort, appears to be the driving force in the new republic. The party’s leader, Friedrich Ebert, has been named Germany’s chancellor.

November 11—The Great War is Over!: An armistice has been signed between Al-lied and German representatives, ending the fighting at 11 a.m. today. The terms of the peace settlement have not yet been discussed. A peace conference is planned for the spring. Three civilian representatives signed on behalf of the new German republic. No German mili-tary commanders were present.

Name:______________________________________________



TRB

Questions for Discussion1. Although Germany’s spring 1918 offensive failed to achieve a decisive breakthrough, German

defenses remained intact during the Allied counteroffensive in the summer and fall of 1918. Even at the time of the armistice, Allied troops had not penetrated into German territory, except for a sliver of the Alsace region. Given the military situation, what do you think the German people might have expected from the armistice that ended the war?

2. Very few Germans were aware that their military leaders had pressed Germany’s new civilian government to end the war in October 1918. In your opinion, why did German military leaders conceal their role in urging peace? Why did they not participate in the signing of the armistice? Should the new civilian government have been concerned about the position of the Ger-man High Command?

3. Within weeks of its birth, Germany’s new civil-ian government called out the army to put down a workers’ rebellion led by the Sparta-cists. Why was the episode seen as a setback for the supporters of democracy? What point of view about the uprising is expressed by George Grosz in his sketch (right), A Toast to Minister Noske?

January 10—German Leftist Uprising Crushed: After several days of fierce street fighting, a rebellion by the Spartacists—a group of revolutionary communists—has been defeated by army troops called in by the new SPD-led government. The Spartacists, waving the red flag of communism, controlled Berlin, the German capital, for several days and de-manded that the Ebert government be replaced with a revolutionary committee and workers’ councils. Army units have reportedly executed several of the Spartacist leaders.

February 1—Elected Officials Choose President, Organize Republic: SPD leader Friedrich Ebert has been elected by members of Germany’s new parliament to serve as provi-sional president of the German republic. The legislators, elected three weeks ago in national elections, are meeting in the city of Weimar, nearly 150 miles from riot-torn Berlin, to orga-nize a new political system. Three major tasks confront them: to write a new constitution, to prepare for the upcoming negotiations with the Allies over the peace treaty, and to restore public order in Germany.

Name:______________________________________________

From

The

Cul

ture

of

the

Wei

mar



Day One �TRB

Document Two—The Versailles Treaty

Below are excerpts (in quotation marks) from the draft of the Versailles Treaty present-ed to officials of the Weimar Republic by the Allies on May 7, 1919. The treaty was signed on June 28, 1919.

Articles 27-41: The western boundaries of Germany are redefined.

Article 42: “Germany is forbidden to main-tain or construct any fortifications on the left bank of the Rhine or on the right bank to the west of a line drawn fifty kilometers to the East of the Rhine.”

Article 45: “As compensation for the destruction of the coal mines in the north of France and as partial payment towards the total reparation [war damages] due from Germany....Germany cedes to France...the coal mines situated in the Saar Basin.” After fifteen years, the inhabitants of this region may vote to return to German control.

Article 51: “The territories [Alsace and Lorraine] which were ceded to Germany [at the end of the Franco-Prussian War of 1870]...are restored to French sovereignty.”

Article 80: “Germany acknowledges and will respect strictly the independence of Aus-tria....This independence shall be inalienable.”

Article 81: “Germany...recognizes the complete independence of the Czecho-Slovak State.”

Article 87: “Germany...recognizes the complete independence of Poland.” Poland’s boundaries are to include large sections of what was eastern Germany.

Article 116: “Germany acknowledges and agrees to respect as permanent and inalienable the independence of all the territories which were part of the former Russian Empire....Germany accepts definitely the abrogation [cancellation] of the Brest-Litovsk Treaties.”

Article 119: “Germany renounces in favour of the Principal Allied and Associated Powers all her rights and titles over her over-seas possessions.”

Article 160: “The German Army [by March 31, 1920]...must not exceed 100,000 men, including officers...[and] shall be devoted exclusively to the maintenance of order within the territory and to the control of the fron-tiers.”

Article 181: “The German naval forces in commission must not exceed: six battleships, six light cruisers, twelve destroyers, twelve torpedo boats....No submarines are to be included.” All other warships are to be surren-dered to the Allies.

Article 198: “The armed forces of Germany must not include any military or naval air forces.”

Article 231: “Germany accepts the respon-sibility of Germany and her allies for causing all the loss and damage to which the Allied and Associated Governments and their nation-als have been subjected as a consequence of the war imposed upon them by the aggression of Germany and her allies.”

Article 232: “[Germany] will make com-pensation for all damage done to the civilian population of the Allied and Associated Pow-ers and to their property.” A commission will be established to determine the amount of reparations [war damages] Germany must pay.

Article 428: “As a guarantee for the execu-tion of the present Treaty by Germany, the German territory situated to the west of the Rhine, together with the bridgeheads, will be occupied by Allied and Associated troops for a period of fifteen years.”

Name:______________________________________________


Weimar Germany and the Rise of HitlerDay One�0

TRB

Questions for Discussion1. Do the provisions of the treaty fit President Wilson’s call for “peace without victory”? Explain your

response.

2. Which articles of the treaty pose the greatest obstacles to the economic development and financial stability of postwar Germany?

3. According to the treaty, how do the Allies plan to ensure that Germany meets the terms of the agreement?

Name:______________________________________________



Day One ��TRB

Document Three—German Territorial Losses

GERMANY IN DEFEAT

Eupen

Malmedy

Metz

Strassburg

Mulhouse

Cologne

Wiesbaden

MainzFrankfurt

Darmstadt

Mannheim

Karisruhe

Freiburg

Stuttgart

Munich

Weimar

Stettin

Berlin

Dresden

Glogau

Breslau

Schneidemuhl

Stolp

Bydgoszcz

Poznan

Ostrow

Beuten

Gleiwitz Katowice

Memel

Konigsberg

Danzig

Principal German Losses

of her pre-war coloniesof her per-war fleetof all iron productionof all coal productionof 1914 territoryof her population

100%80%48%16%13%12%

0 80

Miles

EUPEN, MALMEDYTransferred to Belgium

SAARControlled by the Leagueof Nations until 1935,when it voted to remainpart of Germany

ALSACE-LORRAINEReturned to Franceafter 47 years ofGerman rule

RHINELANDAdministered by Germany, but nofortifications allowed, and no militaryforces to be garnished within the area

Territory lost by Germany after her defeat

Territory retained by Germany followingvoting by the local population

Territory retained by Germany, but withinwhich no fortifications could be builtor soldiers stationed

MEMELSeized byLithuaniain 1920

ALLENSTEINVoted to remain German

MARIENWERDERVoted to remain German

POLISH CORRIDOR &POZNANIATransferred to Poland

WESTERN UPPERSILESIAVoted to remain German

EASTERN UPPERSILESIAVoted to become Polish

POLISH

CORRIDO

R

DANZIGMade a free city under

League of Nations controlNORTHERN SCHLESWIGVoted to join Denmark

SOUTHERN SCHLESWIGVoted to remain German

Rhine

Rhi

ne

Map #1

Name:______________________________________________

1. Which countries gained territory from Germany after World War I?

2. Why did the Rhineland become a focus of German national concerns after the war?


Weimar Germany and the Rise of HitlerDay One��

TRB

German territory transferred to the Allies after1919. All German property overseas, whetherGovernment or private, was confiscated bythe Allies.

German commercial concessions, freely andopenly negotiated before 1914, but declarednull and void under the Versailles Treaty. Inmost of these areas both individual and officialGerman property was also confiscated.

MOROCCO

LIBERIA

TOGOLAND

CAMEROON

GERMAN EAST AFRICA(TANGANYIKA)

GERMANSOUTH-WESTAFRICA

SIAM

C H I N A

KIAOCHOW

Hangkow

Tientsin

MARIANAS

CAROLINES

MARSHALLS

GERMANNEW GUINEA

BISMARCKARCHIPELAGO

NAURU

GERMANSAMOA

Became an Australian Mandate

Became aNew ZealandMandate

Became a Mandate of theBritish Empire

Became aJapanese Mandate

Transferred to Japan

Mandate dividedbetween Britainand France

Mandate dividedbetween Britainand France

Became a BritishMandate

Became aSouth African

Mandate

GERMAN LOSSES OVERSEAS1919

EGYPT

miles

0 1000

Map #2

1. Which countries benefited most from the break-up of Germany’s colonial empire?

2. How did the redistribution of Germany’s colonies change the balance of power in the Pacific?

Name:______________________________________________



Day One ��TRB

Document Four—The Weimar Constitution

Below are excerpts from the constitution drafted by German officials meeting in the town of Weimar from February to July 1919. The constitution was formally approved in August 1919.

Article 1: The German Reich [national government] is a republic. The state power is derived from the people.

Article 13: Reich [national] law takes pre-cedence over Lands [comparable to individual states in the United States] law.

Article 17: Each Land must have a republi-can government.

Article 20: The Reichstag [national leg-islature] is composed of the delegates of the German people.

Article 22: The delegates are elected by universal, equal, direct and secret ballot by men and women over twenty years of age, according to the principles of proportional representation.

Article 25: The President of the Reich may dissolve the Reichstag.... The new election takes place not later than the sixtieth day after dissolution.

Article 41: The Reich President is elected by the whole German people.

Article 43: The Reich President’s term of office shall last seven years.

Article 48: The Reich President may, if the public safety and order in the German Reich are considerably disturbed or endangered, take such measures as are necessary to restore public safety and order. If necessary he may intervene with the help of the armed forces. For this purpose he may suspend, either partially or wholly, the Fundamental Rights [personal freedom from arrest, sanctity of the home, secrecy of telephone and postal commu-nications, free speech and free press, freedom of assembly and association, and protection of private property].... On demand of the Reich-stag these measures shall be repealed.

Article 52: The government of the Reich shall consist of the Chancellor and the Reich Ministers.

Article 53: The Reich Chancellor and at his proposal the Reich Ministers shall be ap-pointed and dismissed by the Reich President.

Article 109: All Germans are equal before the law. In principle men and women have the same civil rights and duties.

Article 135: All inhabitants of the Reich enjoy full religious freedom.

Name:______________________________________________


Weimar Germany and the Rise of HitlerDay One��

TRB

Questions for Discussion1. Under Article 22, political parties in the Weimar Republic gained seats in the Reichstag in pro-

portion to the percentage of votes they received in national elections. Do you believe that this approach is fairer than the American system, in which congressional representatives are elected in winner-take-all contests? Should a political party that wins 10 percent of the vote in congres-sional elections be entitled to 10 percent of the seats in Congress? Explain your answers. What problems might arise if there were five or more parties in Congress, each supported by fewer than 20 percent of American voters?

2. Under the Weimar Constitution, the president served as head of state in Germany’s dealings with other countries, while the chancellor, who was appointed by the president, ran the government on a day-to-day basis. How was the Weimar Republic different in this respect from the American system?

3. Why do you think Article 48 has been called the “fatal virus” of the Weimar system?

Name:______________________________________________



Day One ��TRB

Formation of the Weimar Republic

Instructions: Your group should work together to answer the questions below.

1. Why did many Germans feel that the Versailles Treaty was extremely unfair? (Your group’s answer should take into account the concluding events of World War I and specific provisions of the peace settlement.)

2. Why did many Germans mistrust the authors of the Weimar Constitution? (Your group’s answer should reflect opinions from a wide range of political viewpoints.)

3. If you were living in Germany in the early days of the Weimar Republic, how would you have as-sessed the prospects for your country’s future? (Your group’s response should present a balanced picture of Weimar Germany’s potential strengths and weaknesses.)

Name:______________________________________________


Weimar Germany and the Rise of HitlerDay Two��

TRB

Hyperinflation, Prosperity, and Depression

Objectives:Students will: Define economic concepts

related to hyperinflation and analyze their ramifications for Weimar society.

Evaluate the impact of the depression on Weimar politics.

Draw conclusions from information pre-sented in graphic form.

Required Reading:Students should have read Part II of the

background reading in the student text (pages 7-13) and completed “Study Guide—Part II” (TRB 17-18) or “Advanced Study Guide—Part II” (TRB-19).

Handouts:“From Hyperinflation to Economic Depres-

sion” (TRB 20-23)

“German Voter Profiles” (TRB-24)

In the Classroom:1. Key Concepts—Call on students to

explain the connection between the occupa-tion of the Ruhr and Germany’s hyperinflation. How did war reparations contribute to infla-tion? Why did the government’s support for striking workers in the Ruhr lead to the col-lapse of the German mark’s value?

2. Charting Hyperinflation—Distribute “From Hyperinflation to Economic Depres-sion.” Call on students to study charts 1 and 2, particularly the figures from the fall of 1923. Explain that at the height of Germany’s hyper-inflation, much of the German economy was based on barter. According to charts 3 and 4, how did hyperinflation affect German living standards? For example, ask students to ana-lyze the changing spending patterns reflected in chart 3. Why did food costs rise proportion-ally much faster than rent? What does chart 4 tell us about the impact of hyperinflation on the German diet? What items were considered luxuries? Note that not all Germans were af-

fected equally by hyperinflation. For example, why were pensioners especially devastated? Why did many industrialists actually benefit from inflation? Call on students to assess the impact of hyperinflation on specific occu-pational groups, such as farmers, landlords, factory workers, sales clerks, etc. You may wish to project the charts on an overhead to facilitate discussion.

3. Hyperinflation and Weimar Culture—Ask students to review the two songs. Note that they express a lighthearted tone. What do the lyrics tell us about German attitudes toward hyperinflation? How does the collage by Moholy-Nagy convey Germany’s economic crisis? Emphasize that while hyperinflation lasted for less than a year in Germany, the episode left a deep impression on Germans. How did the repercussions of hyperinflation spill over into the culture and politics of the Weimar Republic?

4. Assessing the Depression’s Impact—Ask students to study charts 5-8. Note that Germa-ny’s economic depression marked a significant turning point in German politics. Distribute “German Voter Profiles.” Form groups of two or three students and assign each group a voter role. Ask the groups to explain how the politi-cal attitudes of the voters they represent would have been affected by the economic depres-sion. Which fears were most likely to influence their views? How would the depression have changed their assessment of the Weimar sys-tem? Encourage dialogue among voter groups.

Homework:Students should read “The July 1932

Reichstag Elections” (page 26) and “Platforms in Brief” (pages 27-28).

Note: Optional Lesson 1 on art and songs of the

Weimar period helps students to get a more complete picture of the time period. It is rec-ommended that the teacher assign that reading if possible.



Day Two ��TRB

Study Guide—Part II

1. Give two reasons why the Germans resented the Treaty of Versailles.

a.

b.

2. Name the three Germany’s political parties that were instrumental in setting up the Weimar Republic.

3. Describe the results of the election of 1920.

4. On whom did some Germans start to lay the blame for losing the war and being threatened by com-munism?

5. What was the Freikorps?

6. What are some of the things that Hitler and the NSDAP (the Nazi Party) stood for? List three.

a.

b.

c.

Name:______________________________________________



TRB

7. “Hyperinflation produced winners and losers in Germany.” Who were the winners and who were the losers?

winners: losers:

8. Why did some Germans dislike the cultural changes that occurred in the 1920s?

9. Who were the major supporters of the Center Party? Of the SPD (Social Democratic Party of Ger-many)?

Center: SPD:

10. How did the American stock market crash affect Germany?

11. Why do you think many Germans resorted to violence as the economic situation worsened?

Name:______________________________________________



Day Two ��TRB

Advanced Study Guide—Part II

1. Explain why several segments of German society never accepted the legitimacy of the Weimar system.

2. How did Hitler use anti-Semitism to further his political aspirations?

3. How was the French occupation of the Ruhr tied to Germany’s hyperinflation?

4. Describe “Weimar culture” and explain why many Germans rejected its values.

5. How did the conflict between the Catholic Center Party and the SPD contribute to the political crisis of the Weimar Republic?

6. How did the economic depression that began in 1929 create an opportunity for extremist political parties in Weimar Germany?

Name:______________________________________________


Weimar Germany and the Rise of HitlerDay Two�0

TRB

From Hyperinflation to Economic Depression

In 1923, hyperinflation turned Germany upside down. Hyperinflation is a relentless rise in prices caused by the circulation of too much money in the economy. By the second half of the year, virtually everyone in Germany was caught up in the chaos of hyperinflation:

•Most workers were paid daily and given time to shop before the value of their wages fell further.

•Housewives used small bills to fuel their ovens because they were worth less than wood kindling.

•The German central bank printed larger denominations of bills almost every month.

•Depositors received letters from their banks informing them that their life savings

were worth less than the administrative costs of maintaining their accounts.

•A retired minister might spend his entire annuity payment from his life insurance policy on a loaf of bread and a jar of jam.

•Young women who had been setting aside money for their dowries saw their savings evaporate, thus making a traditional German marriage impossible.

•A concert pianist would be paid with a suitcase of bills for his performance and ex-change half of the bills for several sausages.

In the following charts and graphs, you will gain a fuller understanding of the signifi-cance of Germany’s hyperinflation.

January 1914 4:1 July 1921 73:1

January 1918 5:1 January 1922 182:1

January 1919 8:1 July 1922 470: 1

July 1919 14:1 January 1923 17,000:1

January 1920 26:1 July 1923 375,000:1

July 1920 37:1 December 1923 4,000,000,000,000:1

January 1921 62:1

Chart 1: International Exchange Rate— German Marks to U.S. Dollars

Food Housing Clothing

1914 (prewar) 10 5.5 6

January 1920 86 8 70

January 1921 139 9 70

January 1922 257 11 128

July 1922 700 14 518

January 1923 13,098 300 11,725

July 1923 391,458 2,400 260,750

November 1923 9,354,000,000,000 38,000,000,000 5,016,000,000,000

Chart 2: Weekly Cost of Living in German Marks for a Low-Income Family of Four

Data on next three pages are from Modern Germany: Society, Economy, and Politics in the 20th

Name:______________________________________________



Day Two ��TRB

Chart 3: Household Spending for a Middle-Income Family of Three

Chart 4: Daily Per Capita Food Consumption for a Middle-Income Household

0

50

100

150

200

250

300 Rye Bread

Meat

Wheat Bread

Sugar

Butter

Sausage

192319211914

gra

ms

prewar Oct.-Dec.

Name:______________________________________________

0%

25%

50%

75%

100%Other

Heating

Food

Rent

192319231922192219211914Jan.-March July-Sept. Jan.-March July-Sept.



TRB

The worldwide economic depression that began in 1929 had a much deeper impact on Germany than the hyperinflation crisis. Next are four graphs that illustrate Germany’s economic downturn.

Chart 5: Index of German Industrial Production (1928 = 100)

40

60

80

100

1932193019281926

In the fall of 1923, German children were singing a counting song much like our Eenie, Meenie, Minie, Mo:

One, two, three, four, and five million.

Mummy’s gone to buy some beans.

A pound of beans costs ten billion

Without bacon!

And out you go!

The previous year, a popular song writer, Weiss Ferdl, had written the following:

It can’t go on like this,

Say the masons up on their scaffolds

If you’re drinking beer at lunch,

The pleasure costs you four hundred marks.

And if you want a slice of sausage,

You don’t get enough for a thousand marks.

That’s just what you pay for a small lunch,

That’s where having lunch has to stop

Bankruptcy Vulture, by Lazlo Maholy-Nagy

Name:______________________________________________



Day Two ��TRB

Chart 6: German Industrial Production by Industry (1913 = 100)

0

50

100

150

200

Chemicals

Textiles

Iron/Steel

Coal

19321931193019291928

Chart 7: German Unemployment (percentage of labor force)

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

Union Members

Total Labor Force

1932193019281926

Chart 8: German Employment in Key Economic Sectors (millions of workers)

3

6

9

12

15

Trade andTransportation

Industry andMining

1932193019281926

Name:______________________________________________



TRB

German Voter Profiles

Hans—You are a 45-year-old postal work-er. As a government employee, you have seen your wages fall since the onset of the eco-nomic depression. You and your family live in Berlin and are concerned about the increasing political street violence.

Anna—You are a 60-year-old home-maker. Your husband is a prosperous lawyer. Although your husband was raised as a Chris-tian, his father was born a Jew in Russia and immigrated to Germany. You are concerned with women’s rights issues.

Dietrich—You are a 21-year-old unmarried factory worker. You recently lost your job be-cause of the economic crisis. For the past few months, you have occasionally been able to find low-paying, part-time work. Some nights, you have been forced to go without food and to sleep in the park.

Gretel—You are a 45-year-old farmer’s wife. You have worked hard with your hus-band on your small farm in Bavaria for over twenty years and have raised eight children. You are a devout Catholic and dislike “Weimar culture.”

Martin—You are a 32-year-old shoemaker. For the past fifteen years, you have worked in a small shop with five other craftsmen. Com-petition from large factories, however, has forced your boss to make plans to close his shop at the end of the month. You have never voted before.

Frieda—You are a 22-year-old shop clerk in a large town. You live with your parents and are trying to save money for your dowry. You want to get married soon and begin rais-

ing a family, but your fiancé fears that he may lose his job.

Hermann—You are a 43-year-old World War I veteran. You were wounded twice during the war. You had hoped to make the military your career, but limits on the size of Germany’s army imposed by the Versailles Treaty forced the government to discharge you.

Gertrude—You are the 52-year-old wife of a business manager. Your husband maintains that high labor costs and taxes have prevented his business from expanding and compet-ing abroad. He blames expensive government social programs for many of Germany’s prob-lems.

Kurt—You are a 29-year-old worker in a steel factory. You have always followed the recommendations of your union leaders and voted for the SPD. In recent months, however, the SPD has seemed powerless to solve Ger-many’s increasing problems. Meanwhile, S.A. gangs are growing larger in your part of town.

Wolfgang—You are a 21-year-old univer-sity student from a wealthy family. You expect to eventually run your family’s business. Too young to remember the war, you identify with the stories of past German greatness and resent the Jewish students who compete with you for honors at the university.

Karl—You are a 70-year-old retired railway worker living on a government pension. You have been a member of the railway workers’ union since you were sixteen. You and your friends, who are also retired union members, are grateful for the SPD’s efforts in the Reich-stag to stand up for workers’ rights.

Name:______________________________________________



Optional Lesson � ��TRB

Culture, Values, and Politics

Objectives:Students will: Explore the relationship

between art and politics.

Discern political meaning within visual images.

Identify political values expressed through visual art and music.

Required Reading:Each student should have read “Optional

Reading 1” in the student text (pages 14-21) and studied one visual image and one song in detail and completed “Study Guide—Optional Reading 1” (TRB-26).

In the Classroom:1. Art and Politics—Ask students to reflect

on the connection between art and politics. Are the two inextricably linked? For example, what was the message conveyed by the nine-teenth century European impressionists or the Mexican muralists of the twentieth century? Invite students to discuss recent examples of visual art that have political significance.

2. Discerning Values—Explain that Wei-mar-era culture was both highly politicized and remarkably innovative. Review each of the examples from “Culture, Values, and Poli-tics,” calling on students to offer their views. Students should draw from their responses to “Study Guide—Part III.” List the values associ-ated with each example of art. Which values are featured most prominently? How are values expressed through artistic techniques? What do these values tell us about the political culture of the Weimar period?

3. Messages in Music —Call on students to review the song lyrics from “Culture, Values, and Politics.” Note that the Horst Wessel Song and The International evoke many of the same images and themes. What is the intended audience of these anthems? What emotions are they meant to stir? Note that Bertholt Brecht, the author of the final three songs, was a com-munist opponent of the Weimar system. How does Brecht use satire to ridicule the values of Germany’s leaders? How does the message of The Threepenny Opera differ from that of the Horst Wessel Song and The International?


Weimar Germany and the Rise of HitlerOptional Lesson ��

TRB

Study Guide—Optional Reading 1

Instructions: After studying the two examples of Weimar-era culture that you have been assigned, answer the following questions for each example.

Example #1—Visual Image1. What is the overall tone of the artwork?

2. Which values are most clearly expressed by the artist?

3. Which artistic techniques most effectively convey the message of the artist?

Example #2—Song Lyrics1. What is the overall tone of the song?

2. Which values are most clearly expressed by the songwriter?

3. Which lines most effectively convey the message of the songwriter?

Name:______________________________________________




Objectives:Students will: Analyze the political and

social significance of children’s literature in Weimar Germany.

Articulate the values and attitudes of fic-tional characters.

Perform in a role-play setting before the class.

Required Reading:Students should have read “Optional

Reading 2: Children’s Literature in Weimar Germany” in the student text (pages 22-25), studied one of the three stories in more depth, and completed “Study Guide—Optional Read-ing 2” (TRB-28).

In the Classroom:1. Cultural Comparisons—Call on stu-

dents to share their impressions of the stories they studied. Invite them to compare the stories from the Weimar period with American children’s literature. What differences stand out? What do the three stories in the unit say about Weimar society? How does American children’s literature reflect the values of our own society?

2. Exploring Characters—Form groups of three students each. The three students in

each group should have focused on different stories. Explain that students will role play the lead character (Emil, Heini, or Ede) of the story they have studied. Each group should develop a dialogue among the three characters that brings out the differences in their view-points. Students should base their dialogues on one of the scenarios below, or create their own setting.

•A World War I veteran invites the boys to take part in an anti-government march led by veterans.

•The boys learn from a newspaper head-line that President Hindenburg has fallen ill.

•A striking factory worker begs the boys for food.

•A teacher is fired at the boys’ school be-cause he is a communist.

•The boys witness a street battle between Nazi and communist gangs.

3. Student Skits—Call on groups to pres-ent their dialogues to the class. Remind students to explain the settings they have chosen for their skits. After the presentations, invite students to critique the performances of their classmates. Were students faithful to the roles they were assigned? Would friendship have been possible among the boys?

Children’s Literature in Weimar Germany



TRB


1. What is the main message of the story that you studied?

2. Which character stands out as the hero of the story? Explain your answer.

3. What values does the hero of the story embody?

4. How are traditional authority figures, such as parents, teachers, and police officers, portrayed in the story?

5. Which political party do you think the author supports? Explain your answer.

Name:______________________________________________



Day Three ��TRB

Platform Presentations: Organization and Preparation

Objectives:Students will: Analyze the issues and

forces shaping public opinion in Germany in July 1932.

Identify core values underlying each of the party platforms.

Work cooperatively within groups to orga-nize effective presentations.

Required Reading:Students should have read “The July 1932

Reichstag Elections” in the student text (page 26) and “Platforms in Brief” (pages 27-28).

Handouts:“Presenting Your Party’s Platform” (TRB-

30) for Platform groups

“German Voters” (TRB-31) for the German Voters

In the Classroom:1. Planning for Group Work—In order

to save time in the classroom, form student groups before beginning Day Three. During the class period, students will be preparing for the Day Four election rally. Remind them to incorporate the background reading into their presentations and questions.

2a. Platform Groups—Form four groups of three to four students each. Assign a party to each group. Inform students that each group will be called upon on Day Four to present the case for its assigned party to the undecided voters. Explain that the parties should follow the instructions in “Presenting Your Party’s Platform.” Note that the parties should begin by assigning each member a role (students may double up).

2b. Undecided Voters—Distribute “Ger-man Voters” to the remaining students. While the parties are preparing their presentations, these students should prepare questions for Day Four. Remind these students that they are expected to turn in their questions at the end of the simulation.

Suggestion: Ask the parties to design campaign posters

illustrating the best case for their platforms. Ask the voters to design political cartoons or to write journal entries from the perspective of their characters.

Homework:Students should complete preparations for

the election rally.


Weimar Germany and the Rise of HitlerDay Three�0

TRB

Presenting Your Party’s Platform

The Setting: It is the summer of 1932. Germany is at a crossroads. The economic depression is now nearly three years old and there is no end in sight. Unemployment is approaching 30 percent. Political violence has escalated to dangerous levels. Political divi-sion has paralyzed the Reichstag, leading the government to rely increasingly on emergency powers. With the future of the Weimar system hanging in the balance, a Reichstag election has been scheduled for late July.

Your Assignment: Your goal is to persuade German voters that your political party’s plat-form represents the best course for Germany. After reading your platform, answer the ques-tions below from the viewpoint of your party. On Day Four, your group will be called upon to present a persuasive five-minute summary of your party’s position to a group of German voters. This worksheet will help you prepare

Name:______________________________________________

Questions to Consider:1. What are the reasons for Germany’s present crisis?

2. How will your party deal with Germany’s crisis and lead the country to a better future?

3. What is wrong with the positions of the other major parties?

4. What are the two most important values underlying your platform?

a.

b.

5. In summary, why should voters support your party?

your presentation. After all of the parties have presented their platforms, the voters will have an opportunity to ask you questions. Be pre-pared to respond to the voters and to challenge the positions of the other parties.

Organizing Your Group: Each member of your group is a specialist. Below is a brief explanation of the responsibility of each role. The group director is responsible for organiz-ing the presentation of your group’s option to the voters. The historian is responsible for ex-plaining why your party is most in tune with the effects of the World War and the Versailles Treaty on Germany. The economy specialist is responsible for explaining why your party offers the best route for Germany’s economic situation. The society specialist is responsible for explaining why your platform is best for Germany’s cultural and moral growth.



Day Three ��TRB

German Voters

The Setting: It is the summer of 1932. Germany is at a crossroads. The economic depression is now nearly three years old and there is no end in sight. Unemployment is approaching 30 percent. Political violence has escalated to dangerous levels. Political divi-sion has paralyzed the Reichstag, leading the government to rely increasingly on emergency powers. With the future of the Weimar system hanging in the balance, a Reichstag election has been scheduled for late July.

Your Role: You have been assigned the role of a German voter. On Day Four, you will listen as representatives from Germany’s four leading political parties present their plat-forms. You should weigh each presentation from the perspective of your assigned role.

Your Assignment: After all of the par-ties have presented their platforms, you and your fellow voters will have an opportunity to

question the party representatives. You should prepare two questions regarding each of the platforms from the perspective of your as-signed role. Keep in mind that your questions should reflect only information that was avail-able in the summer of 1932.

Your questions should be challenging and critical. For example, a good question for the KPD might be:

How would a KPD government deal with protests from Germans who would be hurt by your revolutionary program?

You will receive a “Voter Evaluation Form” on Day Four. The “Voter Evaluation Form” is designed for you to record your impressions of the political parties. After this activity is concluded, you may be called upon to explain your evaluation of the political par-ties.

Name:______________________________________________


Weimar Germany and the Rise of HitlerDay Four��

TRB

Platform Presentations: Debate and Discussion

Objectives:Students will: Identify the core underlying

values of Weimar Germany’s leading political parties.

Integrate the political platforms and the background reading into a persuasive, coher-ent presentation.

Sharpen rhetorical skills through debate and discussion.

Cooperate with classmates in staging a persuasive presentation.

Handouts: “Voter Evaluation Form” (TRB-33) for the

voters.

In the Classroom:1. Setting the Stage—Organize the room so

that members of the four parties sit with each other, and so that the undecided voters sit together. Distribute “Voter Evaluation Form” to the voters and instruct them to fill out the form during the course of the period.

2. Managing the Simulation—Explain that the simulation will begin with three-to-five minute presentations by each party. Encourage all to speak clearly and convincingly.

2. Guiding Discussion—Following the pre-sentations, invite voters to question the party representatives. Make sure that each voter has

an opportunity to ask at least one question. The questions should be evenly distributed among all four party groups. During the ques-tion-and-answer period, allow any party group member to respond. If time permits, encourage members of the party groups to challenge the positions of rival parties. (As an alternative approach, permit questions following the pre-sentation of each platform.)

3. Historical Context—In light of the ex-treme racism and anti-Semitism of the NSDAP, many students may be offended by the Nazi party’s platform. Encourage students to voice their opinions. The NSDAP presentation may also serve as a springboard for a wider discus-sion of the role of racism and anti-Semitism in Weimar politics. Explain that the party platforms are intended to evoke strong emo-tions. Remind students that the 1932 Reichstag elections sparked political violence that led to hundreds of deaths and serious injuries. Para-military groups often disrupted the meetings of their opponents. How did the rise of politi-cal violence contribute to the demise of the Weimar Republic?

Homework:Students should read the Epilogue in the

student text (pages 37-38), the Supplementary Documents (pages 42-44) and complete “Study Guide—Epilogue” (TRB-35).



Day Five ��TRB

Voter Evaluation Form

Instructions: Evaluate the four party platforms from the perspective of your assigned role.

KPD (Communist Party of Germany)1. What positions do you support?

2. What positions do you oppose?

3. How will the party’s program affect you and your family?

SPD (Social Democratic Party of Germany)1. What positions do you support?



Center Party1. What positions do you support?



NSDAP (National Socialist German Workers’ Party)1. What positions do you support?



Name:______________________________________________


Weimar Germany and the Rise of HitlerDay Five��

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Lessons from the Weimar Experience

Objectives:Students will: Analyze the factors that ac-

counted for the NSDAP’s electoral success.

Evaluate the political options facing Ger-man voters in the early 1930s.

Apply the lessons of the Weimar Republic to the challenges of democracy today.

Required Reading:Students should have read “Epilogue: The

NSDAP and Totalitarian Rule” in the student text (pages 37-38) and the Supplementary Doc-uments (pages 42-44) and completed “Study Guide—Epilogue” (TRB-35).

Handouts:”Lessons from the Weimar Experience”

(TRB-36).

In the Classroom:1. Voters’ Evaluations—Call on the voters

to share their evaluations of the political par-ties. Based on the concerns of their assigned characters, how would they have voted in the Reichstag elections? How would political al-legiances have shifted from the late 1920s to July 1932?

2. Analyzing Nazi Success—Ask students to reflect on the underlying reasons for the NSDAP’s electoral success in July 1932. Which

Nazi values appealed to German voters? Why did many supporters of the Center Party switch their allegiance to the Nazis in 1932? What accounted for Hitler’s success among new voters? Why was the KPD able to increase its strength in the early 1930s? Why did the Center, SPD, and other moderate parties fail to create an effective coalition to prevent extrem-ists from gaining power?

3. Individual Choices—Distribute “Les-sons from the Weimar Experience” and review the questions with the class. Focus in par-ticular on the second question. Explain that Germans today remain deeply troubled by the role of their people in bringing Hitler to power. What led many ordinary Germans to support Hitler? Can their decisions be justified? What should opponents of Hitler have done to block his rise to power? Ask students to consider how they would react if an extremist emerged today as a leading figure in American politics.

Extra Challenge:Ask students to write an essay in response

to the final question of “Lessons from the Weimar Experience.” Students should draw on their answers to the first three questions of the worksheet to support their theses.

Students should send their essays to the local paper as letters to the editor, or to their Congressional representatives.



Day Five ��TRB

Study Guide—Epilogue

1. Why did Hindenburg’s advisers agree to the appointment of Hitler as chancellor in January 1933?

2. Why is the term “totalitarianism“ used to describe Nazi Germany?

3. Why did the Enabling Law allow Hitler to overcome the constitutional restraints of the Weimar system?

4. What was the goal of Goebbels’ Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda?

5. How did Hitler destroy potential sources of opposition?

6. Which laws served as the first steps in Hitler’s plan to eliminate Germany’s Jewish community?

Name:______________________________________________


Weimar Germany and the Rise of HitlerDay Five��

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Lessons from the Weimar Experience

Introduction: Germany in 1920 was a modern, industrialized nation with a well-educated and skilled population. The country had few sharp ethnic or religious divisions. The Weimar Constitution had been carefully crafted to uphold democratic principles. Yet, by 1933, democracy in Germany had col-lapsed. Why?

1. Based on what you have learned in this unit, briefly explain the main external causes of the Wei-mar Republic’s death. (“External” applies to events and decisions outside of Germany, such as the Versailles Treaty.)

a.

b.

c.

d.

2. Briefly explain the main internal causes of the Weimar Republic’s death. (“Internal” applies to events and decisions within Germany, such as the July 1932 Reichstag election.)

a.

b.

c.

d.

3. Promoting democracy internationally has been a cornerstone of U.S. foreign policy, especially since World War II. Based on your study of the Weimar Republic, identify the factors that you think are most critical for democracy to take root.

a.

b.

c.

d.

4. Finally, what lessons from the Weimar experience can be applied to maintaining the health of our own democracy today in the United States?

a.

b.

c.

d.

Name:______________________________________________




Conscience and the Patriot

Objectives:Students will: Debate the meaning of pa-

triotism in a totalitarian society.

Evaluate the rights and responsibilities of citizenship when personal values clash with those of the state.

Assess the political implications of per-sonal values.

Discuss the role of values in the American political arena.

Required Reading:Students should have read “Optional

Reading 3: Conscience and the Patriot” in the student text (pages 39-41) and completed “Study Guide—Optional Reading 3” (TRB-38).

Handouts:”Thinking about Values” (TRB-39).

In the Classroom:1. Defining Patriotism—Ask students to

reflect on the meaning of patriotism. What qualities define patriotism? Were Martin Niemoeller and Dietrich Bonhoeffer German

patriots? What values are in conflict with the values of patriotism? Call on students to iden-tify figures from American history whom they consider patriots.

2. Weighing Values—Distribute “Thinking about Values” and ask students to complete the worksheet quickly. Explain that they should rank the statements according to their personal values, with “1” marking the state-ment they value most highly. After students have ranked the statements, call on them to share their responses with the class. Which tradeoffs were most difficult? What are the po-litical implications of each of the statements? For example, what does the first statement mean for our country’s defense policy? In which policy direction does the tenth state-ment point?

3. Values and Politics—Call on students to rank the statements according to the per-spectives of well-known political figures. What is the role of values in the political arena? Should we expect our leaders to adhere strictly to specific values?



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Introduction: What should a patriot do when his or her government adopts policies that conflict with personal values? This was the question facing many Germans in the 1930s. Even some Germans who had supported the NSDAP and cheered Hitler’s rise to power in 1933 were disturbed by mea-sures to eliminate opposition parties, put education and the press under Nazi control, burn books by respected intellectuals, and strip loyal Germans of their rights because they were considered “non-Aryan.” At the same time, Hitler’s policies reduced unemployment, spurred economic growth, and helped to restore German self-respect.

Patriotic Germans were left with painful choices. They could continue to support their nation’s government and keep quiet about their personal views. They could, if they had the financial means, emigrate abroad and criticize the actions of their government from a foreign country. Finally, they could remain in Germany and publicly oppose the Nazi government, thus putting themselves and their families in grave danger.

Martin Niemoeller and Dietrich Bonhoeffer were two patriotic Germans who wrestled with these difficult choices. After you have read about their lives, answer the questions below.

1. What values were most important to Niemoeller and Bonhoeffer?

2. How did these values conflict with those of the Nazi regime?

3. Did Niemoeller and Bonhoeffer remain faithful to their personal values?

4. Do you admire either of the two men? If so, which one, and why?

5. Do you believe that individuals in a democracy should place personal values above government policy? Does such a belief carry risks?

Name:______________________________________________




Thinking about Values

Introduction: The values we hold shape our individual characters. Likewise, a nation can be said to have a national character reflecting the shared values of its people. A national crisis results when values come into conflict—as was the case when Americans clashed over the importance of “civil rights” and “states’ rights” in the 1950s and 1960s. Today, values have again become a central theme of American politics. Every generation must rediscover and redefine our country’s values, and take its turn at reshaping the American character. Participating in this process is both the challenge and the privilege of being a citizen in a democracy.

Like most people, you probably do not talk much about values. Yet values will play a central role in the critical decisions that you will make during your lifetime. The stories of Martin Neimoeller and Dietrich Bonhoeffer illustrate the significance of decisions based on personal values.

The most difficult decisions in life often come when circumstances require that one value be sacrificed for another. For example, when Martin Niemoeller publicly challenged Hitler’s policies to-ward the church, he knew that his family would suffer. With that in mind, rate each of the following statements according to your personal values. Imagine situations in which you are forced to choose between two conflicting values.

1 = Strongly Support 3 = Oppose 5 = Undecided

2 = Support 4 = Strongly Oppose

____ No government should be allowed to endanger the life and safety of its citizens without their consent.

____ The government should ensure that a person who is willing to work hard is able to acquire a secure job, a nice home, and a comfortable lifestyle.

____ A citizen has the responsibility to obey and to support the legitimate leaders of his or her nation.

____ Being happy is the most important thing in life, and the government should not interfere with individual happiness.

____ An individual should place the safety and well-being of his or her family above all else.

____ God’s laws are more important than man’s laws.

____ “I regret that I have but one life to give for my country.”

____ Being successful is the most important thing in life.

____ Individuals should be permitted by the government to express what they believe, regardless of who disagrees with them.

____ All people have an obligation to care for their fellow human beings.

____ Individual citizens should accept that the interests of the nation take priority over their personal interests.

Name:______________________________________________



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Key Terms

Introduction and Part Ihomogeneous

anti-Semitism

class structure

maritime supremacy

tariffs

trench warfare

total war

merchant ship

covenants

sovereignty

autonomous

self-determination

Part IIabdication

armistice

coalition

political spectrum

republican system

reparations

German marks

coup d’état

ultra-nationalist

right-wing

left-wing

conservative

putsch

sedition

hyperinflation

stalemate

inflationary pressures

budget deficit

paramilitary

Optional Reading 1shared political values

equal opportunity

individual expression

popular culture

propagandists

exploitation

economic depression

Epiloguepresidential decree

totalitarian dictatorship

annexation



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Toolbox: Understanding “Political Spectrum”

The political spectrum is a term used to show how different political perspectives relate to one another. Political scientists frequently illustrate that relationship by locating the various labels for these perspectives on a line extending from left to right. The center segment of the line is made up of individuals and groups who are strong supporters of democratic principles. As one moves outward toward the ends of the spectrum, one encounters individuals and groups who believe democracy is not an effective form of government and, in practice even if not in theory, they see powerful individu-als as the most effective controls in a society. Traditionally, the spectrum is outlined in the following way:

The origins of the two most basic terms, left and right, can be traced back to the French Assembly in the period right after the French Revolution, where the more liberal thinkers gathered on the left side of the chamber and the more conservative ones sat on the right. There is no simple explanation for what is a liberal or a conservative. The explanation here will focus on the extremes of the left and right, as the extremes weigh heavily in the demise of the Weimar Republic and the rise of Hitler.

The Nazis are found on the extreme right. Hitler patterned his Nazi Party on Mussolini’s Fascist Party in Italy. As a result, the extreme right is usually labeled fascist. In general, fascists are extremely nationalistic; believe the individuals should serve the state, not the reverse; believe in racism and inequality, and want to maintain a social class system; support a capitalist economy with close government supervision; and believe in total government control over virtually all aspects of life, in-cluding family life, religion, and the arts. They are violently anti-communist and their sup-port comes mainly from the middle and upper classes.

The communists are found on the extreme left. They promote an international revolution where national governments no longer mat-ter; advocate a classless society; and support a socialist economy in which the government owns all large enterprises and lays out a mas-

Communists

RadicalsLiberals

Moderates

Conservatives

ReactionariesFascists

Non-democratic Democratic Non-democratic

ter plan for the whole economy. The slogan by which all are to live is: “From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs.” Support for communism comes primarily from the working class and the underprivileged. However, in their attempts to carry out their programs, they too resort to a dictatorship that exercises total control over all aspects of life. Communists are violently anti-fascist. Unfortu-nately for the student studying the spectrum, communism in practice is often in sharp con-trast to its ideology.

Because communism and fascism both end up with totalitarian rule (a twentieth century phenomenon), some political scientists think the spectrum is clearer if drawn as a circle.

Communists

Radicals

Liberals

Moderates

Conservatives

Reactionaries

Fascists

Democratic

Non-democratic

Totalitarian



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This section of the Teacher Resource Book offers suggestions for teachers as they adapt Choices curricula on historical turning point to their classrooms. They are drawn from the experiences of teachers who have used Choic-es curricula successfully in their classrooms and from educational research on student-cen-tered instruction.

Managing the Choices SimulationA central activity of every Choices unit

is the role play simulation in which students advocate different options and question each other. Just as thoughtful preparation is nec-essary to set the stage for cooperative group learning, careful planning for the presentations can increase the effectiveness of the simula-tion. Time is the essential ingredient to keep in mind. A minimum of 45 to 50 minutes is necessary for the presentations. Teachers who have been able to schedule a double period or extend the length of class to one hour report that the extra time is beneficial. When neces-sary, the role play simulation can be run over two days, but this disrupts momentum. The best strategy for managing the role play is to establish and enforce strict time limits, such as five minutes for each option presentation, ten minutes for questions and challenges, and the final five minutes of class for wrapping up. It is crucial to make students aware of strict time limits as they prepare their presentations.

Adjusting for Students of Differing Abilities

Teachers of students at all levels—from middle school to AP—have used Choices materials successfully. Many teachers make adjustments to the materials for their students. Here are some suggestions:

•Go over vocabulary and concepts with visual tools such as concept maps and word pictures.

•Require students to answer guiding ques-tions in the text as checks for understanding.

•Shorten reading assignments; cut and paste sections.

•Combine reading with political cartoon analysis, map analysis, or movie-watching.

•Read some sections of the readings out loud.

•Ask students to create graphic organizers for sections of the reading, or fill in ones you have partially completed.

•Supplement with different types of read-ings, such as from trade books or text books.

•Ask student groups to create a bumper sticker, PowerPoint presentation, or collage representing their option.

•Do only some activities and readings from the unit rather than all of them.

Adjusting for Large and Small ClassesChoices units are designed for an average

class of twenty-five students. In larger classes, additional roles, such as those of newspaper reporter or member of a special interest group, can be assigned to increase student partici-pation in the simulation. With larger option groups, additional tasks might be to create a poster, political cartoon, or public service an-nouncement that represents the viewpoint of an option. In smaller classes, the teacher can serve as the moderator of the debate, and ad-ministrators, parents, or faculty can be invited to play the roles of congressional leaders. An-other option is to combine two small classes.

Assessing Student AchievementGrading Group Assignments: Students

and teachers both know that group grades can be motivating for students, while at the same time they can create controversy. Telling students in advance that the group will receive one grade often motivates group members to hold each other accountable. This can fos-ter group cohesion and lead to better group results. It is also important to give individual grades for groupwork assignments in order to

Making Choices Work in Your Classroom



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recognize an individual’s contribution to the group. The “Assessment Guide for Oral Presentations” on the following page is designed to help teachers evaluate group pre-sentations.

Requiring Self-Evaluation: Having stu-dents complete self-evaluations is an effective way to encourage them to think about their own learning. Self-evaluations can take many forms and are useful in a variety of circum-stances. They are particularly helpful in getting students to think constructively about group collaboration. In developing a self-eval-uation tool for students, teachers need to pose clear and direct questions to students. Two key benefits of student self-evaluation are that it involves students in the assessment process, and that it provides teachers with valuable insights into the contributions of individual students and the dynamics of different groups. These insights can help teachers to organize groups for future cooperative assignments.

Testing: Research demonstrates that stu-dents using the Choices approach learn the factual information presented as well as or better than from lecture-discussion format. Students using Choices curricula demonstrate a greater ability to think critically, analyze multiple perspectives, and articulate original viewpoints. Teachers should hold students accountable for learning historical informa-tion and concepts presented in Choices units. A variety of types of testing questions and assessment devices can require students to demonstrate critical thinking and historical understanding.

For Further ReadingDaniels, Harvey, and Marilyn Bizar.

Teaching the Best Practice Way: Methods That Matter, K-12. Portland, Maine: Stenhouse Pub-lishers, 2005.

Holt, Tom. Thinking Historically: Narra-tive, Imagination, and Understanding. The College Board, 1990.



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Assessment Guide for Oral Presentations

Group assignment:

Group members:

Group Assessment1. The group made good use of its

preparation time

2. The presentation reflected analysis of the issues under consideration

3. The presentation was coherent and persuasive

4. The group incorporated relevant sections of the background read-ing into its presentation

5. The group’s presenters spoke clearly, maintained eye contact, and made an effort to hold the attention of their audience

6. The presentation incorporated contributions from all the mem-bers of the group

Individual Assessment1. The student cooperated with

other group members

2. The student was well-prepared to meet his or her responsibilities

3. The student made a significant contribution to the group’s pre-sentation

5 4 3 2 1

5 4 3 2 1

5 4 3 2 1

5 4 3 2 1

5 4 3 2 1

5 4 3 2 1

5 4 3 2 1

5 4 3 2 1

5 4 3 2 1

Excellent Good Average Needs Unsatisfactory Improvement



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Alternative Three Day Lesson Plan

Day 1:See Day One of the Suggested Five-Day

Lesson Plan.

Homework: Students should read Part II of the background reading and complete “Study Guide—Part II.”

Day 2:Assign each student one of the four politi-

cal party platforms, and allow a few minutes for students to familiarize themselves with the mindsets of the platforms. Call on students to evaluate the values and goals of their assigned platforms. How do the parties differ in their assessment of the causes of Germany’s crisis in 1932? Ask students to critique the positions of rival parties from the perspective of their assigned parties. Distribute “German Voter Profiles” and call on students to consider the political views of the characters presented. What fears and concerns shaped their political outlooks? How would they have voted in the July 1932 election?

Homework: Students should read “Epi-logue: The NSDAP and Totalitarian Rule” and complete “Study Guide—Epilogue.”

Day 3:See Day Five of the Suggested Five-Day

Lesson Plan.

Our units arealways up to date.

Are yours?Our world is constantly changing.

So CHOICES continually reviews and updates our classroom units to keep pace with the changes in our world; and as new challenges and questions arise, we’re developing new units to address them.

And while history may never change, our knowledge and understanding of it are constantly changing. So even our units addressing “moments” in history undergo a continual process of revision and reinterpretation.

If you’ve been using the same CHOICES units for two or more years, now is the time to visit our website - learn whether your units have been updated and see what new units have been added to our catalog.

Teacher sets (consisting of a student text and a teacher resource book) are available for $18 each. Permission is granted to duplicate and distribute the student text and handouts for classroom use with appropriate credit given. Duplicates may not be resold. Classroom sets (15 or more student texts) may be ordered at $9 per copy. A teacher resource book is included free with each classroom set. Orders should be addressed to:

Choices Education ProgramWatson Institute for International StudiesBox 1948, Brown University, Providence, RI 02912

Please visit our website at <www.choices.edu>.

CHOICES currently has units addressing the following:

U.S. Role in a Changing World ■ Immigration ■ TerrorismGenocide ■ Foreign Aid ■ Trade ■ Environment

United Nations ■ Middle East ■ Russia ■ South AfricaIndia & Pakistan ■ Brazil’s Transition ■ Mexico

Colonialism in Africa ■ Weimar Germany ■ China U.S. Constitutional Convention ■ New England Slavery

War of 1812 ■ Spanish American War ■ HiroshimaLeague of Nations ■ Cuban Missile CrisisOrigins of the Cold War ■ Vietnam War

And watch for new units coming soon:

FDR and Isolationism ■ Nuclear Weapons

Weimar Germany and the rise of hitlerWeimar Germany and the Rise of Hitler confronts students

with the troubling legacy of the triumph of Nazism in a

carefully crafted democratic system. Students are challenged

to draw lessons from the failure of Weimar Germany in as-

sessing the future of democracy at home and abroad.

Weimar Germany and the Rise of Hitler is part of a continu-

ing series on current and historical international issues pub-

lished by the Choices for the 21st Century Education Pro-

gram at Brown University. Choices materials place special

emphasis on the importance of educating students in their

participatory role as citizens.