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Acrossthe western Baltic

Edited by: Keld Mller Hansen & Kristoffer Buck Pedersen

Sydsjllands Museum


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Across the Western Baltic

Proceedings of the archaeological conference

The Prehistory and Early Medieval Period

in the Western Baltic in Vordingborg, South

Zealand, Denmark, March 27th 29th 2003.

Copyrights: The individual authors 2006

ISBN 87-983097-5-7

Sydsjllands Museums Publikationer Vol. 1

Editors: Keld Mller Hansen

& Kristoffer Buck Pedersen

Assistant editor: Jens Fog Jensen

Graphic design & layout: Sren Berg

Cover foto: Bjarne Kleist

Printed in Denmark by one2one a/s, Odense

Distributed by:

Sydsjllands MuseumSlotsruinen 1

DK-4760 Vordingborg

www.sydmus.dk

Published with financial support from:

EU Intereg IIIA: Bridge of Culture Fehmern Belt

The National Cultural Heritage Agency


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AbstractDuring the Late Iron Age and earlyMedieval Period (c. 375-1200 AD)

the Western Baltic went through

difficult times of state formation,

religious change, wars of conquest

and crusades. Though influenced

by the Romans, the region had ne-

ver been part of their Empire, and

as Western Europe became Chri-

stian, the North witnessed the first

signs of petty pagan kingdoms du-

ring the early centuries of the Late

Iron Age. The arrival of Slavic tri-

bes in north-eastern Germany and

Poland in the late 7th and 8th cen-

tury, and the northbound advance

of the Carolingians during the 8th

century changed the history of the

area. Political and diplomatic con-

tacts between the Danes and the

Carolingians, as well as the Slavsand the Carolingians, are attested

to in written sources from the 8th

century, and interaction across the

boundaries of ethnic groups, tribes

and kingdoms is also detectable

through the archaeological record.

A major issue of discussion has

been who were where, when?

For example, did remnants of

the Germanic population exist in

Mecklenburg from the 6th to the

8th century, or was the area de-

populated throughout this period

until the arrival of the Slavs? Also,

when did the Slavic tribes reach

the coastal plain of the Baltic -

was it during the 7th century, or

not before the 8th? Did the Da-

nes control the Baltic coast from

the Schlei to the Oder estuary

during the Viking Age? And so on.

Taking place-name evidence and

material culture into considera-

tion, the Slavic influence on boththe Danish and Saxon areas is

evident, but did the Slavs actually

emigrate to the North and West?

JENS ULRIKSEN

Across the western Baltic. Jens Ulriksen 227

Location of research area.

The Late Iron Age and EarlyMedieval Period in the WesternBaltic


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Archaeological researchThe Western Baltic region is characterised by natural bordersalong coastlines consequently tied together by waterways. Thistopographical setting offers good opportunities to detect diffe-rences in material culture on each side of a boundary as well asto perceive the evidence of interaction across the same bounda-

ries. This goes for the past as well as for modern archaeologicaltradition, methods and perspectives.

In many ways the archaeological research in the Western Bal-tic region has followed the same main roads. The archaeologi-cal, historical and political approaches have not been identicalthough, and as a result the interpretations and conclusions differin certain areas of research even though the material appearsthe same.

Before, during and shortly after World War II archaeologicalmaterial was dominated by graves and hoards, while settlementarchaeology focused on towns, trading places or fortified sites.It is characteristic that the first Viking Age long houses revealedin Denmark were found within the ring fortress of Trelleborg in1934 (Nrlund 1948). As late as the 1960s, farmhouses datingfrom the 6th to the 11th century were almost unknown, and itseemed obscure whether the rather few and scattered finds of

jewellery from this period represented settlement sites or de-stroyed cemeteries.

This situation has indeed changed. During the last three orfour decades the archaeology of rural settlements has gaineda prominent position due to technological improvements. Theintroduction of the motorised excavator was a revolution inthe 1950s and 1960s, making it possible to remove large areasof overburden and clearing large-scale archaeological featuressuch as farm units or even villages. Another technical impro-vement has been the metal detector. In particular, Danish IronAge archaeology has gained on behalf of this valuable instrument(fig. 1). Up until the 1970s the Vendel Period in Denmark wasvery poor in archaeological artefacts - grave finds were rare, and

hoards and settlements almost non-existent. This picture hasaltered dramatically thanks to the metal detector. The amountof archaeologically located metal artefacts has increased enor-mously since 1980, and the metal detector remains the primarytool for surveying settlement sites of the Late Iron Age and EarlyMedieval Period.

The motorised excavator made way for new initiatives. TheWest German settlement excavations in the coastal landscapeof the North Sea have been inspiring to a whole generation ofDanish archaeologists (Haarnagel 1951 and 1979; Kossack, Behre

& Schmidt 1984; Zimmermann 1992). Pioneering projects have

Across the western Baltic. Jens Ulriksen228


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been followed by larger or smaller efforts concerning the studyof Prehistoric and Early Medieval settlement structure. Amongthese initiatives is the important inter-disciplinary study of He-

deby/Haithabu and its hinterland (Jankuhn, Schietzel & Reichstein1984; Drffler 1990; Mller-Wille 1994/95; Willroth 1990).

In the former German Democratic Republic, Late Iron Age andEarly Medieval archaeology focused on the Slavic tribes, and the-re has been a long tradition for excavating their fortified sites(Donat 1984 and 1995; Herrmann 1985; Schmidt 1989; Schuldt1967). Since 1990 the scientific approach has changed, illustratedby the research programme Germania-Slavica, which offers amore pluralistic entry focusing on the process of interaction ra-ther than defining borders (Lbke 1998).

In Sweden the so-called Ystad Project, initiated in 1982, was anambitious attempt to describe the development of the culturallandscape from the Stone Age to the end of the Viking Age in alimited area around the town of Ystad in Skne. Many sites weresurveyed and trial excavations carried out, with the results pub-lished in 1992 (Larsson, Callmer & Stjernquist 1992).

In Denmark, the State-funded Settlement Research Committeewas established in 1968 and during the 1970s initiated a series ofexcavations of settlement sites and cemeteries from the Bronze

and Iron Ages in Jylland (Becker 1980). During the 1990s Danish


Fig. 1. The influence of the metal

detector illustrated by the distribu-tion of metal objects dating from the

Vendel Period and Viking Age found

in the area south of Roskilde. Dots

indicate artefacts found with the

use of metal detector and crosses

artefacts found by chance.


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archaeology was also enriched by two major State-funded initiati-ves: the Maritime Research Centre, concentrating on Viking Ageand Medieval ships and shipping (Crumlin-Pedersen 1994) andthe Settlement and the Cultural Landscape project, focusing onagrarian society throughout Prehistory (Fabech et al.1999). Inaddition to this is the inter-disciplinary research project Land-

Use History and Plant Diversity focusing archaeologically onIron Age settlement patterns on Sjlland (Rindel 2002), and - inparticular - an important new publication concerning the nume-rous excavations of Iron Age and Medieval settlements carriedout in southern Jylland and Schleswig-Holstein (Ethelberg et al.2003).

Of the Danish projects mentioned, the one initiated by the Sett-lement Research Committee in 1968 has had the most compre-hensive impact on Danish archaeology, and some of the resultsof this initiative are still dominating settlement archaeology inDenmark. The excavations of an Iron Age settlement complexat Vorbasse in central Jylland has had an extraordinarily stronginfluence in regard to the chronology of house types and theperception of farm and village development during the first mil-lennium AD (Hvass 1980). However, generalisation on the basisof results deduced from a single site is not without its problems.When more and more settlements were excavated during the1980s and 1990s it became clear that the development of housetypes and settlement structure were not necessarily identicalfrom west to east in southern Scandinavia. Vorbasse, a settle-

ment situated on rather poor soil on the fringes of a heath, hasother preconditions than settlements on the heavier and morefertile soils on Fyn, Sjlland and in Skne (Porsmose 1994). Inother words, settlement structure is likely to vary due to variati-ons in basic economic strategies. Comparison of the excavationresults in Denmark and Skne certainly indicates discrepanciesbetween west and east regarding the dating of certain housetypes, the layout of farms and most significantly the village typeof the Late Iron Age (Srensen 1994; Tornbjerg 1985 and 1991;Tesch 1992, 310-344). Clearly there is still much work to bedone in this field of research.

Development in the Western Baltic areaUsing Scandinavian terminology, the Late Iron Age is the periodfrom the end of the 4th to the second part of the 11th century,while the Early Medieval Period covers the late 11th and 12thcenturies. In the context of Prehistory, this is indeed a limitedperiod. Yet it was an era when at least some parts of the We-stern Baltic developed from tribal societies into states (in themedieval sense of the word) and witnessed religious change lea-ding to clashes as well as more peaceful contacts between the

different parties involved



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It was also a period when the literate and classically educatedWestern Europe re-discovered the barbarians of the North. Ascontacts were increasing between the Christian world and thepagan peoples of the North and East, firstly Saxon and Danish,then in due course the Slavic leaders of these areas appeared inthe letters and chronicles of Western Europe. However, their

images were painted with the brush of prejudice, misunderstan-ding, a lack of knowledge and deliberate political motives. Thewritten sources provide us with names of some of the tribes,chieftains, petty kings and members of the nobility, while infor-mation on their lands, estates and their societies is scarce if itexists at all. Archaeological investigation, however, is just the op-posite, providing the opportunity to look into the rubbish pits,postholes and graves of both rich, poor and those in between.

C. 375-700 ADThe beginning of the Migration Period (c. 375 AD) is the tradi-tional Scandinavian division between the Early and Late Iron Age.The dawn of development that characterises the Late Iron Agein Denmark had already begun in the 2nd and 3rd century AD

this was a period when new house types and a new farm layoutappeared. The pit-house was also introduced as well as the haystore and each farm had its own fenced plot of land surroundingthe buildings (Hvass 1988). Arable areas became more intensi-vely exploited by means of manuring, and some new technologi-cal improvements came into use amongst others the rotation

quern and the slag-pit furnace for iron production. It was du-ring this phase that the Gudme settlement area in south-easternFyn developed into a centre-like site with extraordinarily richfinds, workshops, gold and silver deposits as well as longhousesof special construction, apparently introducing the concept ofthe hall (Srensen 1994, Thrane 1992). Gudme had in its time- an as-yet unparalleled specialised landing-place with workshopactivities on the coast at Lundeborg, some 5 km away (Thomsen1994). The nature of trading and shipping in this period is stilldebated, but there is evidence of close contacts across the BalticSea, most significantly in grave furnishings and burial rites.

Booty sacrifices had their hey-day during the Late Roman IronAge, primarily in the eastern part of Jylland and on Fyn, whilethere are less excessive examples on Sjlland and in Skne, aswell as on the islands of Lolland and Bornholm. With regard tograve rituals, the custom of cremating the dead was graduallysuperseded by inhumation graves during the Roman Iron Age.We must bear in mind, though, that the change in rituals wasmore significant in some areas than in others, both north andsouth of the Baltic Sea. All in all, developments during the LateRoman Iron Age are of such importance, it is argued that the

earliest central powers - in the sense of kingdoms - were estab-



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lished during the 2nd and 3rd centuries AD (Hedeager 1990,204; Ethelberg 2003, 272ff). Kings or no kings this is just amatter of definition. But if we are to believe the ancient histori-ans, entering the Migration Period these kings could very soonbe lords with no followers.

According to various written sources, the 5th century AD wasa period of migration in Europe. The Angles, Saxons and Juteswent west, whereas other tribes went south and roamed largeparts of Europe for several centuries making an irretrievable im-pact on the areas they passed or settled in.

The landscapes of northern Germany do seem to providearchaeological and pollen data supporting records of depopula-tion to some extent (Bantelmann e.a. 1984, 51ff, Drfler 1990,41), and evidence of Germanic culture in Mecklenburg-Vorpom-mern is scarce during the Late Roman Iron Age and the Migra-tion Period. As substantial excavations of settlement sites fromthis period are still anticipated in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, itis the grave finds that dominate the archaeological evidence. Eastof the River Warnow, Germanic burial sites appear to be few innumber and small in size as early as the 3rd and 4th centuries,while the burial site of Pritzier in West Mecklenburg comprisedc. 2000 cremation graves dating from the 3rd to the 5th century(Keiling 1984, 11ff). However, scattered finds of Byzantine goldsolidi dating from the 6th century and a few gold bracteates fromScandinavia are difficult to explain if the area is supposed to be

depopulated (Jns 2002, 234). Pollen data from Rgen seems tosubstantiate the presence of settlements in this particular areaduring the 6th and 7th centuries (Herrmann 1998, 151f) and la-tely it has been argued that a general settlement gap has to beconsidered improbable (Brather 2001, 61).

With regard to Denmark, pollen data from both Jylland and Sjl-land suggest the continual use of arable land, and even thoughthe forested areas on Sjlland seem to have increased around500 AD, the evidence of agriculture is pronounced (Aaby 1992).This observation is supported by archaeological results (Ethel-

berg 2003; Tornbjerg 1985), as settlements continue with noalarming breakaway. Nevertheless, the archaeological records ofsouthern Scandinavia demonstrate changes in material cultureand religious behaviour during the 5th century. New types ofbrooches and the introduction of the ornamental animal andentrelac styles on mounts, spear stakes and jewellery marked achange not only in fashion but probably in religion as well. Depo-sits of gold rings, precious jewellery and gold bracteates replacedthe lavishly furnished graves of the Late Roman Iron Age, and thepars pro toto ritual depositing of swords, scabbard mounts andother insignia of slain leaders succeeded the abundant booty sa-

crifices. The gold bracteates, for example, represent per se the



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change in religious expression, depicting elements of Germanicmythology (Andrn 1991; Hauck 1992).

By the mid 6th century the age of gold deposits had ended andthe shape and style of adornments changed radically in Scandina-via. During the following centuries brooches of cast bronze were

produced in larger numbers in a variety of types. Among these,the zoomorphic brooches are significant, probably symbolizingmythological beings.

Cemeteries are well known in Skne, Halland, Blekinge andBornholm (Isendahl 1997; Jrgensen 1990; Jrgensen & Nrgrd

Jrgensen 1997; Nagmr 1982; Strmberg 1968), while only fewhave survived the intense ploughing in other parts of Denmark(Jnsson 1992; Madsen 1994; Ramskou 1976). The variation ofburial rituals is both interesting and puzzling. Cremation and in-humation were practised, and the dead could be buried beneatha mound or within a stone setting formed as a circle, an oval, atriangle, a square or ship shaped. Secondary use of Bronze Agemounds is also known (rsnes 1966).

The records from excavated settlements show that while somesites disappeared during the 5th century in Jylland, others grewlarger (Ethelberg 2003, 254f). In eastern Denmark, a number offarms appear to have been established or moved during the 6thand 7th centuries. Indeed the former reflects a special class ofsettlement site often described as central places in archaeolo-

gical literature. They are characterised by buildings of large pro-portions, often with distinguished construction details. Thesemain buildings were surrounded by other houses of varyingsizes, some of which had special functions.

Additionally, an extraordinary collection of artefacts, both in qu-antity and quality has been retrieved from most of these sitesduring excavation - in particular through intensive metal detec-ting, stressing the fact that the settlements held an extraordinaryfunction in society. Lejre (T. Christensen 1993), Tiss (Jrgensen1998), Strby-Toftegrd on Sjlland (Tornbjerg 1998) and Jr-

restad in Skne (Sderberg 2002) were established in the late6th or during the 7th century. Uppkra in Skne appears to beslightly different. Its thick occupation layer is unusual, containinghouses and finds from the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age to the endof the Viking Age (Larsson 2002). In this respect Uppkra has aclose parallel in Gudme. Nevertheless, the artefacts emphasisethat Uppkra climaxed during the Vendel Period and the VikingAge, just like its sister sites on Sjlland.

New features in the Vendel Period were specialised landing pla-ces emerging along the seashores of sheltered, inner-Danish wa-

ters, as well as appearing on the more exposed shoreline on the



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south coast of Skne (Callmer 1994; Ulriksen 1998). While thevast majority of agrarian settlements are situated at least 1-2 kmfrom the coast, the landing places were established very close tothe shoreline on well-drained areas, such as beach ridges or are-as of sand or gravel. They are generally characterised by the ab-sence of farm units, and if there were buildings, then pit-houses

dominated, sometimes supplemented by minor three-aisled buil-dings. There were also workshops, where iron working, bronzecasting, production of textiles and comb making were common.As a comparison, rural settlements contain refuse from a limitedrange of handicrafts clearly dominated by textile production, fol-lowed by iron working (Ulriksen 2002).

700-1200 ADDuring the 7th and 8th centuries, a new ethnic group was aboutto put its marker on the region south of the Baltic Sea. Theirinfluence remained for the next 500 years.

The migration of Slavic tribes had begun in present day Ukraineand Byelorussia around 400 AD. Reaching the Carpathian, theyadvanced northwards, forming the Prager group in Slovakia, Bo-hemia and Moravia, and from here they scattered further on intoPoland and south-eastern Germany (Struve 1991; Brather 2001,51ff).

The precise time of arrival of the Slavic groups as far north

as Mecklenburg-Vorpommern is still debated among Germanarchaeologists. For some years it has been suggested that theysettled as early as the end of the 6th century, or during the 7thcentury (Mangelsdorf 1992, 89). This assumption has partly beenbased on stratigraphic evidence from excavations in forts andthe discovery of a Vendel Period brooch together with Sukow-type pottery in a rubbish pit at the settlement of Benzin (Gralow& Parschau 1984; Wietrzichowski 1990, 78). A few finds of Scan-dinavian brooches in Menzlin and Rostock-Dierkow dating fromthe 7th 8th century have been put forward to substantiate thisassumption (Kempke 2001, 12; Warnke 1987). Dendro-dating

carried out in recent years, though, emphasise that the Slavs ar-rived in the 8th century (Biermann et al. 1999; Herrman & Heus-sner 1991, 261ff). There is, however, no substantial evidence ofany direct contact between the newcomers and what could besecluded residual Germanic groups in the region. Random findsof Late Roman or Migration Period Germanic and Early Slavicmaterial at the same location is more likely to be the result ofthe same preference in settlement location (Stange 1994). Thedistribution of Sukow ware, the earliest Slavic pottery type in theMecklenburg area, indicates that the first wave of settlers pre-ferred the light soils near streams, rivers or lakes of the interior.

Settlements closer than 20-40 km to the coast are concentrated


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along the major rivers flowing into the Baltic (Wietrzichowski1990, Brather 1996).

Forts are a characteristic feature of this Slavic society, and havebeen the focus of archaeological research for many years. Over700 are known between the Elbe and Oder-Neisse rivers (Ml-

ler-Wille 1991), and research on these forts has provided the ba-sis for a pottery chronology for the Slavic Period. This is dividedinto three main phases: the Early Slavic Period (c. 600-800), theMiddle Slavic Period (c. 800-1000) and the Late Slavic Period (c.1000-1200). The forts appeared during the 8th century, but werenot necessarily established during the phase of Slavic consolida-tion (Brather 2001, 122). Non-fortified agrarian settlements arecharacterised by rubbish pits and so-called settlement pits (Si-edlungsgruben) (Matthey 1991; Segschneider 2001), the latteroften interpreted as being the remnants of log houses (Donat1980, 46; Salkovsky 1998, 209).

Slavic cemeteries were generally small and few in number com-pared to c. 4000 settlement sites, and during the early phasescremation was the dominating practice - the bones being buriedin an urn or pit, either within a small mound or beneath thegrave-field surface (Warnke 1975). Inhumation was introducedlater, generally in shallow graves, sometimes in the same ceme-tery as cremation graves (Schmidt 1992 and 1996).

Reaching the coastal region, the Slavs came into contact with Sa-

xons and Danes. The relations between the Saxons in Holsteinand the Slavs are obscure, but the building of forts in the areaduring the 8th century is seen as a consequence of strong disag-reement (Mller-Wille 1991). The distribution of Slavic forts andplace-name evidence show a quite distinct western borderlinefrom Kiel in the north to Boizenburg at the River Elb in thesouth, some 50 km east of Hamburg. This is known as a part ofthe Limes Saxoniae - the eastern border of the Carolingian Em-pire from the late 8th century (Kempke 1998). The lack of Slavicobjects in the Saxon area (and vice versa) has been interpretedas a sign of a lack of contact across the uninhabited border zone,

the reason being never-ending skirmishes and language differen-ces (Mller-Wille 1991).

Contact across the Baltic Sea, however, seems to be of a dif-ferent character. Reaching the coast, the Slavs must have con-sidered the sea as unfamiliar territory, while the Swedes andDanes may have seen the Baltic as their Mare Nostrum theirback yard, so to speak. The focal points of contact were portsof trade on the coast or along rivers. Sites like Ralswiek (Her-rmann 1997), Menzlin (Schoknecht 1977), Gross Strmkendorf(Jns 1998a & 1998b; Wietrzichowski 1993) and Rostock-Di-

erkow (Warnke 1992) emerged during the first half of the 8th


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century, and in some cases Scandinavian presence is evident, inothers interaction can at least be established, as finds of jewelle-ry and utensils of typical Scandinavian character are well known.In Ralswiek, a cemetery with hundreds of small burial moundscontained persons of Scandinavian origin (Herrman 1998), andthe ship-shaped stone settings of Menzlin point in the same di-

rection (Schoknecht 1977). Gross Strmkendorf, with its pit-houses, c. 350 urn graves and six Scandinavian boat graves ismost likely to be the famous Reric of the Frankish Chronicle.This assumption is backed by dendro-datings of the settlement,providing dates between c. 720 and 811 (Jns 1998b). Anotherimportant site, Hedeby, was established during the 8th century,and during this early phase the pit-houses of its so-called Sd-siedlung are comparable with other coastal landing places inthe Western Baltic. These sites formed stepping-stones on theBaltic trading route, along with hus in Skne (Callmer 1984).Revealing a trace of this trading network are the so-called wasp-glass beads, produced in Ribe in the second half of the 8th cen-tury (Feveile & Jensen 2000, 22f). It is a bead type found at mostof these trading sites, but rarely in the hinterland.

While the coastal landing sites and trading places in Mecklen-burg-Vorpommern might have been controlled or inhabited byScandinavians, there is no evidence of their presence in the hin-terland during the Vendel Period or the Viking Age. Objects ofScandinavian origin found in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern are fewin number and concentrated in a c.50 km wide coastal zone, and

there are no place-names suggesting settlers from the North(fig. 2). The incident in 804 mentioned in the Frankish Chronicle,when the Danish king had the merchants of Reric moved to He-deby by force, underlines the presumption of a lack of controlover the area at this point in time.

Turning our attention northwards, excavations in Jylland suggestin the early 8th century that houses, farms and villages were

Fig. 2. The distribution of Scandi-

navian artefacts and graves from

the Vendel Period and Viking Age

in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern. Dot:

jewellery, triangle: arrow head, cross:

graves.


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changed and re-organized (Hvass 1988). Zoomorphic broochesdisappeared, being replaced by jewellery types that are typicalfor the Viking Age.

In the 8th century, western Denmark also witnessed major con-struction works during 726-750, such as the tree-lined canal

through the island of Sams (K. Christensen 1995), the reinfor-cement of the defence-works at Danevirke (Andersen, Madsen& Voss 1976; Andersen 1998) and the erection of a substantialtree-built bridge across the Varde River in western Jylland, da-ting from the second part of the 8th century (Frandsen 1999).The port of trade at Ribe was also established around 710 withdefined workshop lots and the minting of sceattas, obviouslyconnected with the North Sea trading system (Feveile 1994; Fe-veile & Jensen 2000; Frandsen & Jensen 1988). It is evident that anew order had been established, at least in western Denmark.

To the south, the Saxons faced hard times of crusade andconquest initiated by Charlemagne in the 770s. They were finallydefeated and to some extent deported into Frankia in 804.From then on the Carolingians and their later successors, theGerman Ottonians, were the leading power in the area.

This leading position of power was disputed by the Danish kingsof the 8th and 9th centuries, who apparently claimed supremacyover Saxony, Frisia and also the West Slavic tribes.

The 9th century was also a period of several incidents betweenDanes and Carolingians as the main protagonists, both using dif-ferent Slavic tribes - as well as Saxons - as their allies. The Slavictribes themselves rebelled against their Carolingian overlords ona number of occasions.

During the later 9th and the 10th century, the division of the Ca-rolingian Realm gave birth to the German Empire with a numberof strong kings and emperors. Neither Danes nor Slavs couldquite match the challenge this brought, and in hindsight the sco-re was soon settled.

In the 10th century the political, religious and military ambitionsof the Germans in the Baltic region increased the pressure onthe pagan Danes and Slavs. This might be the reason why con-tacts across the Baltic Sea seem to get closer. Marriage alliancesbetween the nobility are witnessed in written sources, and ineveryday life the Slavic influence on pottery north of the Balticis evident. Middle Slavic pottery of Fresendorf and Menkendorftypes are found in settlements on the Danish islands as well as inSkne, and before the end of the first millennium Slavic pottery

especially Late Slavic types like Vipperow and Teterow - were

produced north of the Baltic in large numbers.


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During his reign in the mid 10th century, Harald Bluetooth lefta significant mark on his lands. In his own words on the Jellingmonument, he christened and united Denmark. He had ringfortresses constructed at strategically important locations in Jyl-land, on Fyn, on Sjlland and in Skne. Paradoxically, these fortsseem to be more famous today than in the Viking Age. In spite of

their alien and monumental nature they did not make their wayinto the written history of the time, and they seem to have losttheir importance almost as soon as they were built. Of morelong-term significance were Haralds efforts regarding religiousand political matters.

Harald Bluetooth claimed to be the unifier of Denmark; a state-ment leading to the obvious question: How large an area didthe so-called Danish kings rule in the 8th and 9th centuries?In the edited issue of Orosius World History, compiled at thecourt of Alfred the Great of Wessex around 890, it is writtenthat Denmark consisted of at least the coast of Bohuslen,Halland and Skne as well as numerous islands to the east ofthe Jylland peninsula. Jylland and Sillende the southern partof the peninsula are not specifically related to Denmark, whileHedeby belongs to the Danes. Additionally, Bornholm is said tobe an independent kingdom.

It might be the case that the Danish lands had already been uni-ted and separated several times during the 8th, 9th and 10thcenturies, as had happened in the 12th century. As late as the

12th and 13th century Denmark had different coin weights inJylland and on Sjlland, and during the Medieval Period the king-dom had three different law codes - one for Skne, one for Sjl-land and one for Jylland/Fyn. Unity had its limits after all.

There is no evidence, however, neither in the written sourcesnor in archaeology, that Christianisation split the Danes. TheChristianisation of Denmark seems to have happened more orless peacefully, but it might have taken a considerable amountof time before the majority of the population considered them-selves Christian. Harald Bluetooth took the credit, but con-

tacts between Danes and the Christian world had been closefor more than 100 years at that time. Danes settling in Englandand Normandy were assimilated into Christian societies throughmarriage and baptism, but they maintained contact with their kinin their pagan homeland. Christianity was not something com-pletely new for the Danes in the mid 10th century, and it is clearthat the number of indisputable pagan graves decrease rapidly inthe second half of the 10th century.

There exists, however, some written sources mentioning a pa-gan reaction from the gruesome King Sven Forkbeard during

his reign (c. 985-1014), but this information compares badly with



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cases on Fyn. In Skne, though, there are examples of pit-housesthat have been dated to the Pre-Roman Iron Age (Tesch 1992,186 and 204). This is very early compared to Sjlland or otherparts of Denmark, and how they are to be placed into the over-all picture of settlement development in southern Scandinavia isunclear. On Sjlland, pit-houses do not appear until the 6th cen-

tury with the exception of one or two examples, and generallythe pit-house is a phenomenon of the Vendel Period and VikingAge.

Thus there is no constructional evidence of Slavic settlementsnorth of the Baltic Sea. As a contrast, the Slavic pottery styleis present in settlement sites and towns in many parts of Den-mark in the 10th to 12th century, suggesting a massive presenceof Slavs (fig. 3). However, it is generally accepted that Balticware was adapted and produced by the Danes rather than beingthe result of large scale migration. Rim shapes and - in particular- decoration north of the Baltic are not as varied as in Mecklen-burg and Pommern, indicating that potters in Denmark copieda style rather than being an integral part of the original ma-nufacturing tradition. Characteristic Slavic metal objects datingfrom this period such as Schlfenringe and Grtelhaken arerare in the otherwise plentiful material found with metal detec-tors in Danish settlement sites. However, knife-sheath mounts(thin sheets of copper alloy) are frequently found (M. Andersen1988), and hacksilver deposits from the turn of the millenniumcontain bits and pieces of both Scandinavian and Slavic origin

(Hrdh 1998).


Fig. 3. Viking Age and Early Medieval

Period sites on Fyn, Sjlland and

neighbouring islands which have

produced Baltic Ware. Large dots

indicate towns.


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Excavations in the harbour area of Roskilde (which in the 13thcentury was called Vindeboder - the booths of the Wends)revealed a silver earring and a bone awl that can be identified astypically Slavic, but are extremely rare in Danish settlements.The bone awl is most unlikely to be considered as an importin its own right, which indicates the presence of Slavic traders,

craftsmen or the like in 11th century Roskilde (Ulriksen 2000).

On Bornholm, an interesting 11th century cemetery near Grd-by was excavated during the 1990s. It has been interpreted as aChristian graveyard due to the presence of childrens graves andthe separation of male and female graves (Wagnkilde 1999 and2001). However, neither church nor chapel were found, and it israther peculiar that many of the graves were more elaboratelyfurnished with goods than the 10th century pagan graves (amongother things Baltic Ware, wet stones, knives, coins and typicalSlavic jewellery such as Schlfenringe and Grtelhaken). Chri-stian or not, this might be a population of Slavic people.

This could also apply to the 11th century settlement site of Ml-leholmen near Ystad in Skne, located on a tiny islet in a lake,which revealed Baltic Ware (Kelm & Larsson 1995; Kelm 2000).The sites topographical situation is very much akin to the lo-cation of many Slavic settlements in Mecklenburg; for instanceDmmer near Schwerin (Wietrzichowski 1991).

Thus, there is evidence of Slavic presence north of the Baltic

Sea during the 11th century, but how substantial this presencewas is unclear. From what period the Slavic place-names origi-nate is also unknown. Are they from the 11th century, perhapsconnected with the relations between the Danish kings Knudthe Great and Sven Estridsen on the one side, and the Abrodritleaders Gottschalk and his son Heinrich on the other - the latterliving at the Danish court for a period of time? Saxo Gramma-ticus, the Danish chronicler of the late 12th century, mentionsthat Skjalm Hvide (the earl of Sjlland around 1100) also hadRgen under his command. Saxo also describes a Slavic domi-nance in the Danish islands of Lolland and Falster during the mid

12th century, and some of the personal names mentioned clearlycontain both Danish and Slavic elements. This name evidence inparticular suggests Slavic settlers in Danish territory. After theinclusion of Rgen in the diocese of Roskilde in the late 12th cen-tury, the contacts across the Baltic were institutionalised.

Archaeology may illuminate parts of the answers to these que-stions, and it is clear that the next step ought to be excavationsat sites in Denmark with place names like Vindeby, Gorke orKramnitze.

By the beginning of the 12th century a phase of reorganisation



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swept through Denmark. In the rural settlements generally, smal-ler houses with straight walls succeeded the traditional VikingAge longhouses with their curved walls. The last of the VikingAge ornamental styles, the Urnes style, was replaced by Roma-nesque decoration both in buildings and jewellery. The migratingfarms and villages of the Iron Age were now fixed, the country

was divided into parishes and stone churches were erected inlarge numbers. The royal mint, which began in the early 11thcentury, had grown into a genuine coin economy, and new townswere established all over the land based on local trading. The11th century flirtation with the English church had ended, andthe archbishopric of Scandinavia was founded in Lund in 1104.During the 12th century the Danish kingdom went from civil warand disintegration to reunion under a victorious king, Valdemar Ithe Great, who successfully fulfilled the vow of crusading againsthis neighbours in Mecklenburg.

Though under pressure from both Germans and Danes, the ri-valry between the Abodrits and the Wagrians continued duringthe 12th century. The abridged version of the story is that theGermans once again subdued the Slavic tribes and urged Saxons,Frisians and Dutch to settle in the area. The Slavs kept the coa-stal zone, and it was during this period that they engaged inplundering the Danish shores, in their own words to be able topay tribute to their German overlords. The independence ofthe Slavic tribes had ended, and during the 1150s and 1160s theChristian missionaries got the upper hand through Danish and

German military campaigns.In contrast to the German politics in the Slavic areas, the Da-nes did not use migration as a conquering tool. The Danish kingsuppressed the Slavic leaders, then had them reinstalled, forcingthem to pay tribute. The Danish Church established clerical in-stitutions as well, but there was no substantial presence of nativeDanes in the subdued areas. During the reign of Valdemar II theVictorious (1202-1241), Danish influence extended in the Balticregion to its maximum, but the king also witnessed the collapseof his supremacy after the battle of Bornhved in 1227.

Even though the political landscape could change, the Germanexpansion east into Mecklenburg and Pommern during the 12thand 13th centuries was almost undisturbed and highly significant.Through the founding of towns along the coast of the Baltic Seaand navigable rivers, German merchants came to play an impor-tant economic and cultural part in the regions they settled. Inthe rural areas monasteries introduced new agricultural met-hods and technology, and during this period larger villages withhouses and stables of German building tradition replaced thetraditional Slavic settlements. Gradually, the Slavic people were

assimilated into German culture. Even though Slavic pottery can


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be traced as late as the 13th century (Dworaczyk 2003; Man-gelsdorf 1998) and persons with Slavic names were present inthe town of Rostock in the 14th century, the ethnicity of theSlavs nevertheless faded away in the Western Baltic area duringthe Medieval Period.

ConclusionThere is a large and intriguing potential in the history andarchaeology of the Western Baltic region. It is both interestingand puzzling that the traces of the migrations of the 5th and6th century seem to differ on either side of the modern borderbetween Germany and Denmark in Schleswig. A similar diffe-rence of opinion following a present-day state-line is the datingof three-aisled long houses with slightly curved walls of the EarlyIron Age, and the date of the introduction of the pit-house inDenmark and Sweden.

Regarding the assumed evacuation of the Germanic tribes fromnorth-eastern Germany after the Roman Iron Age, many scho-lars have brought into focus single finds of Germanic origin, foundin the area in question and dating from the 5th and 6th centuries.Along with the on-going debate of the time of the Slavic arrivalin the coastal zone of Germany, we could renew the discussionof Germanic presence in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern during the5th to the 8th century.

Taking the period from 700 to 1200 AD into consideration, it isinteresting that the Slavic tribes of north-eastern Germany didnot form a state, as did their neighbours in Denmark and Poland.It is also worth noting that neither the Frankish and GermanEmpires, nor the Danish kings invested much effort in conque-ring the territory in question during the Viking Age. As for theDanish Vikings there is not much evidence of attacks on the sho-res of Slavic north-eastern Germany. This does not mean thatthey did not ransack the Slavic settlements, but they might havepreferred Western Europe with easy-to-find banks of riches inmonasteries and towns.

During the 10th to 12th centuries the contact between the Sla-vic tribes and Denmark got closer for better or worse. Thedynastic relations are important as a marker of the political si-tuation of the period, but whether or not there was substantialmigration of Slavic people to the southern Danish islands is stilldebatable. Indeed, this question has some of the same characte-ristics as the discussion concerning the magnitude of presenceof Scandinavian Vikings in England during the 9th and 10th cen-turies.

Archaeology is a science that cannot and must not consider mo-



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dern state formations, where borders often separate areas ofcultural uniformity. Unfortunate circumstances of the past havemeant that Skne and Schleswig-Holstein are no longer part ofthe kingdom of Denmark. However, this cannot change the factthat during the Late Iron Age and Medieval Period these areaswere part of the same cultural and socio-political habitat. Ne-

vertheless, it is typical that archaeologists confine themselvesand their research within the borders of these modern states.

This is not the path towards greater understanding of the inter-action and development in the region. Yet, it must be the con-cern of the individual archaeologist to change this behaviour, bymaking research accessible to foreigners.

Coming this far, there is clearly a language problem to overcome- not across the resund of course, but across the Baltic Sea.Some German colleagues have most impressively learnt a Scan-dinavian language, thus are they able to read the publications andstudy the original excavation data. While the latter will be keptin their local lingo, the publications are another matter.

Archaeology in Denmark is decentralised. This goes for bothexcavations and for research. The problem is that many resultsare primarily printed only in Danish in yearbooks of local mu-seums and never become fully published. If monographs are re-leased, their lack of promotion prevents important informationbecoming widely distributed. Only one major Danish periodical

is actually released on an annual basis, while the two periodicalsin English drag on in a languishing existence.

It is imperative that Scandinavian archaeologists publish impor-tant results of excavations and research in English or German,making the material accessible. However, the heavy cost oftranslating a text means it is difficult to raise the money. Perhapsthere is an account in the EU to help strange and peripheral dia-lects of the Indo-European language.



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