wh movement
TRANSCRIPT
WH-Movement
Chapter 11 Carnie’s Syntax
Norberto Moreno QuibénEnglish Syntax (UNED)
http://www.quiben.org/
1 Movement in Wh-questions
The wh-phrases are not in their theta positions, but they aren’t in their Case positions either.
(1) a. WhomACC did Matt kiss?
b. WhomACC did Stacey say (that) Matt kiss?
c. [CP [DP whomACC] [C′ [C did ] [TP [DP MattNOM] [T′ [T didNOM] [VP [DP Matt] [V′ [V kiss] [DP whomACC] ]]]]]]
The movement to the specifier of CP accounts for another fact about the word order of wh-questions: they also involve T→C movement (in main clauses):
(2) a. Who(m) are you meeting?
b. *Who(m) you are meeting?
c. [CP [DP whomACC] [C′ [C are ] [TP [DP youNOM] [T′ [T are] [VP [V′ [V be ing ] [VP [DP you] [V′ [V meeting] [DP whomACC]]]]]]]]]
We triggered T→C movement with a [+Q] feature that was part of the complementizer. A feature that triggers wh-movement:[+WH]. It resides in the C of a wh-sentence.
(3) In some languages (such as Irish), there are special forms of complementizers that represent these features:
a. [–Q,–WH] go
b. [+Q,–WH] an
c. [+Q,+WH] aL
(4) Wh-movementMove a wh-phrase to the specifier of CP to check a [+WH] feature in C.
(5) a. Whom did Matt kiss?
b. [CP [DP whom[✓WH,✓ACC]] [C′ [C did[✓Q,✓WH]] [TP [DP Matt✓NOM] [T′ [T did] [VP [DP Matt] [V′ kiss [DP whom[+WH,✓ACC]]
]]]]]]]
c. kiss assigns ACC: [DP whom[+WH,✓ACC]]
d. DP-Movement: [DP Matt✓NOM]
e. T→C: [C did[✓Q,+WH]]
f. WH-Movement: [DP whom[✓WH,✓ACC]]
g. WH-Movement: [C did[✓Q,✓WH]]
1
1 MOVEMENT IN WH-QUESTIONS
(6) a. Who was kissed?
b. Affix Lowering: [V kiss+en[θ,ACC]] (⇒ kissed)
c. DP-Movement: [DP who[+WH,✓NOM]]
d. V→T
e. T→C: [C was[✓Q,+WH]]
f. WH-Movement: [DP who[✓WH,✓NOM]]
g. WH-Movement: [C was[✓Q,✓WH]]
(7) a. Who(m) do you think Jim kissed?
b. CP
DP[✓WH,✓ACC]
who
C’
C[✓Q,✓WH]
do
TP
DP[✓NOM]
you
T’
T[NOM]
PRESdo
VP
DP[+NOM]
you
V’
V
think
CP
DP[+WH,✓ACC]
who
C’
C[−Q,−WH] TP
DP[✓NOM]
Jim
T’
T[NOM]
-ed
VP
DP[+NOM]
Jim
V’
V[+ACC]
kiss+ed
DP[+WH,✓ACC]
who
Affi
xLow
ering
DP-m
ovement
WH-movement
WH
-movem
ent
T→
C
DP-m
ovement
(8) a. I wonder who(m) Jim kissed?
2 ISLANDS: CONSTRAINTS ON WH-MOVEMENT
b. CP
C’
C[−Q,−WH] TP
DP[✓NOM]
I
T’
T[NOM]
PRES
VP
DP[+NOM]
I
V’
V
wonder+PRES
CP
DP[✓WH,✓ACC]
who
C’
C[−Q,✓WH] TP
DP[✓NOM]
Jim
T’
T[NOM]
-ed
VP
DP[+NOM]
Jim
V’
V[+ACC]
kiss+ed
DP[+WH,✓ACC]
who
Affi
xLow
ering
DP-m
ovement
WH-movement
Afi
ixL
owerin
g
DP-m
ovement
When a wh-question is embedded the subject does not invert with the auxiliary (i.e., no T→C movement). In embeddedclauses in English there is no C[+Q,+WH]. So we find C[−Q,−WH] (embedded declaratives) or C[−Q,+WH] (indirect questions orexclamatives).
(9) a. I wonder what he has done?
b. *I wonder what has he done?
2 Islands: Constraints on Wh-movement
Wh-movement is not entirely free. There are constraints on what categories you can move out of (the categories that containthe wh-phrase).
(10) The Complex DP Constraint* whi [. . . [DP . . . ti . . . ]. . . ]
(11) a. Bill make [DP the claim [CP that he read something in the syntax book]]
b. *Whati did Bill make [DP the claim [CP that he read ti in the syntax book]] ?
c. *[Which cake]i did you see [DP the man [CP who baked ti]] ?
3 THE MINIMAL LINK CONDITION
(12) The Wh-island Constraint* whk [. . . [CP whi [. . . tk . . . ]. . . ]. . . ]
(13) *[CP Howk do [TP you wonder [CP whati [TP John bought ti tk]] ]]?
(14) The Sentential Subject Condition* whi . . . [TP [CP . . . ti . . . ]T . . . ]
(15) a. [TP [CP That the police would arrest someone] was a certainity]
b. *Whoi was [TP [CP that the police would arrest ti] twas a certainity] ?
(16) Coordinate Structure Constraint:*whi . . . [XP [XP . . . ti . . . ] conj [XP . . . ]]or *whi . . . [XP [XP . . . ] conj [XP . . . ti . . . ]]or *whi . . . [XP ti conj [XP . . . ]]or *whi . . . [XP [XP . . . ] conj ti]
(17) a. I liked Mary and John.
b. *Whoi did you like Mary and ti ?
c. *Whoi did you like ti and John ?
(18) a. I [VP ate some popcorn] and [VP drank some soda].
b. *Whati did you [VP eat ti] and [VP drink some soda] ?
c. *Whati did you [VP eat some popcorn] and [VP drink ti] ?
d. Whati did you [VP eat ti] and [VP drink ti] ?
Across the Board Extraction (ATB)
3 The Minimal Link Condition
(19) Minimal Link Condition (MLC): Move to the closest potential landing site.
(20) The Minimal Link Condition (formal): Movement of some item β can target some position α of type δ if and only if
a. α c-commands β
b. there is no γ, also of type δ, such that α c-commands γ, and γ c-commands β.
c. δ is defined as:
i). a head if β = a head.
ii). The specifier of TP if β = a DP with an unchecked [NOM].
iii). The complement of the V if β = a DP with an unchecked [ACC].
iv). The specifier of CP if β = a wh-phrase with an unchecked [+WH] feature.
3 THE MINIMAL LINK CONDITION
(21) Wh-island explained
a. *[CP Howk do [TP you wonder [CP whati [TP John bought ti tk]] ]]?
Potential landing site
b. [CP Whati do [TP you think [CP ti [TP John bought ti]] ]]?
Potential landing site
(22) Hyperraising: MLC in DP-movement
a. *[TP Marki seems that [TP it is likely [TP ti to have left]] ]?
Potential nominative position
b. [TP Marki seems [TP ti to be likely [TP ti to have left]] ]?
Potential nominative position
(23) Head Movement Constraint (HMC): MLC in head movement
a. *[CP mangéi [TP vous avez [VP ti des pommes ]]]?
Potential head position
b. [CP avezi [TP vous ti [VP mangé des pommes ]]]?