Until recently, people thoughtof China as an economicpower – a huge market, thefactory of the world, a vora-cious consumer of com-

modities, and a source of vast foreignreserves. Now people are starting to thinkabout China as a political power, whichholds the key to solving global problemssuch as Darfur, Burma, the Iran nuclear cri-sis and climate change. In the future, we willneed to get used to understanding China asa powerhouse of ideas that is developing anideological alternative to European andAmerican world views.

Much western thinking about China hasbeen underpinned by a belief that as thecountry becomes richer it will becomemore ‘like us’. But as China grows in confi-dence, many intellectuals are calling for a‘second liberation of thought’, to free theircountry from what they see as a blindadherence to western ideas about econom-

ics, politics and foreign policy. This story ofChina’s intellectual awakening is much lesswell documented than the familiar tale ofthe country’s economic revival, and yet it isthis intellectual revolution that powered theeconomic one.

A�Chinesemodel�of�capitalism?The starting point for China’s intellectualemancipation is the debate about whatmodel of capitalism the country shouldembrace. In one corner are economists likeZhang Weiying, who form the core of apro-market ‘New Right’. They pioneeredthe gradualist economic reforms of the1980s and 1990s, and now want the state tofinish the job and privatise the rest of theeconomy. They think that most of China’sproblems stem from the fact that the coun-try has not fully embraced the market.

Their thinking is being increasingly chal-lenged by a loose grouping of ‘New Left’thinkers like Wang Hui. His grouping is‘new’ because, unlike the ‘old left’, itembraces market reforms. But it is ‘left’because it wants a gentler form of capitalism,with a social safety net that could reduceinequality and protect the environment.

Although the details are still beingworked through, the 11th Five Year Plan,published in 2005, could be seen as a

Why�China�is�thenew�intellectualcentre�of�the�worldAs�it�grows�in�intellectual�strength�and�influence,�weneed�to�change�the�way�that�we�think�about�China,argues�Mark�Leonard,�who�looks�here�at�three�aspectsof�China’s�ideas�revolution.

Much�western�thinking�aboutChina�has�been�underpinnedby�a�belief�that�as�the�countrybecomes�richer�it�will�becomemore�‘like�us’

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template for a ‘Chinese model of capitalis-m’. From Zhang Weiying and the earlyreformers, it preserves the idea of perma-nent experimentation – a gradualist reformprocess rather than shock therapy. From theNew Left, it affirms the state’s obligation todivide the proceeds of growth and deliversocial services. This promise of deliveringrapid economic growth while maintainingstate control could turn the Chinese modelinto a beacon for developing governmentsaround the world.

The lure of the Chinese model does notjust stem from Beijing’s economic successstory. In the future, we could find that manystates are as attracted to China’s model ofadaptive authoritarianism as to its industrialplanning. The outside world tends to talkabout how China’s economic reforms havegone hand in hand with political stagna-tion. In reality, the political system has beentransformed almost as much as its economy– but many in the west have failed to spotthis trend, because the direction of travelhas not been towards liberal democracy.The Chinese debate on political reform ofthe 1980s – which focused on multi-partyelections, liberalisation and the separationof power – is giving way to a new one,which is much more modest.

In the past, intellectuals were dividedabout the sequencing of reform – shouldeconomic follow political reform, or shouldit be the other way around? But today, theyargue about what the ultimate destinationshould be.

There are still prominent thinkers push-ing for ‘incremental democracy’. The politi-

cal scientist Yu Keping points to experi-ments with elections at a local level andwithin party structures – and hopes that theparty can be renewed from the bottom up.But his voice is overpowered by that of anew generation of intellectuals, such as PanWei, who argues that China would be bet-ter to avoid elections altogether, and insteadfocus on introducing the rule of law; whileusing opinion polls, focus groups and publicconsultations to put the one party state intouch with public opinion.

A�new�Chinese�philosophyof�globalisationChina has already changed the terms of thedebate about globalisation by proving thatauthoritarian regimes can deliver economicgrowth. In the future, its model of ‘delibera-tive dictatorship’ could prove that one partystates can deliver stability as well.

And, in the foreign policy realm, China’sthinkers are turning some of the most cut-ting-edge western ideas about globalisation– such as soft power, multilateralism, andasymmetric warfare – into tools for strength-ening China’s comprehensive nationalpower.

For example, the idea of ‘soft power’,which is associated in the west with theattractiveness of Hollywood and companiessuch Levi’s, has been transformed inChinese hands into a quest by the Chinesestate to recapture the moral high-ground ofinternational relations. Zheng Bijan wantsBeijing to counter America’s appeal with a‘China Dream’ that associates the People’sRepublic with three powerful ideas: eco-nomic development, political sovereigntyand international law.

Another idea adapted by Chinesethinkers is ‘asymmetric warfare’. In China, ithas been rethought on an industrial scale.Chinese strategists have explored ways ofusing military weapons, financial assets andinternational law to neutralise US power,rather than seeking to match its might inconventional terms. But the most interestingaspects of China’s attempt to become an‘Asymmetric Superpower’ are possibly in

The�outside�world�tends�to�talkabout�how�China’s�economicreforms�have�gone�hand�inhand�with�political�stagnation.In�reality,�the�political�systemhas�been transformed�almostas�much�as�its�economy

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the realm of international law, where Chinais trying to use bodies like the UnitedNations and new types of multilateral insti-tutions to pin down western powers.

The idea of ‘multilateralism’ is associatedin the west with the dilution of national sov-ereignty as member states agree to bebound by the rules of supranational institu-tions like the European Union or WorldTrade Organisation. In China, it has beenrecast as a tool of power projection thatreinforces national sovereignty and allowsChina to develop links with other Asiancountries that exclude the USA.

The Chinese government is now sup-porting the building of an ‘East AsianCommunity’ modelled on the EuropeanUnion, in part because it will put China’srivals in Asia – the USA and Japan – on theback foot. But, although they agree on thegoal of strengthening China, there is anargument between China’s liberal interna-tionalists, who want to join the existinginternational system, and the neocons – Icall them Neo-Comms – who want to builda new one in China’s image.

The golden thread that links China’semerging ideas about globalisation is aquest for control. Chinese thinkers want tocreate a world in which national govern-

ments can be masters of their own destiny,rather than subject to the whims of globalcapital and American foreign policy. TheChinese model of capitalism, deliberativedictatorship, and Comprehensive NationalPower are the basic building blocks of anew Chinese philosophy of globalisation.

It is possible that in the long run,Beijing’s formula of state capitalism, openmarkets and a closed political system willnot last the course. However, it is worth not-ing that it took three generations for aSoviet economic model that did not work intheory to actually fail in practice. And, untilthe very moment that it collapsed, theSoviet Union embodied an alternativemodel that challenged western liberaldemocracy.

Beijing’s ascent has already changed thebalance of economic and military power,and it is now changing the world’s ideasabout politics, economics and order. For thefirst time since the end of the Cold War,Europe and America face a formidablealternative: the Chinese model.

Mark Leonard is Executive Director of theEuropean Council on Foreign Relations,and author of What Does China Think?(London: 4th Estate)

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