Politics and society in Northern Ireland, 1949-1993:Exploring the case studies

Contents

Using your knowledge of the case studies wisely Page 2

What is the significance of the Apprentice Boys of Derry in the history of Northern Ireland, 1949-1993? Page 3

Why was the Coleraine University decision “the final straw” for nationalists? Page 5

What caused the radicalisation of nationalist discontent in Northern Ireland in the 1960s? Page 7

What was the contribution of Terence O’Neill to Ulster Unionism and to the history of Northern Ireland between 1963 and 1969 ? Page 9

Page

Why was the Stormont parliament prorogued in 1972 after fifty years of Unionist rule in Northern Ireland? Page 11

Why did the Sunningdale Agreement and Power-sharing Executive collapse and what was its significance in the history of Northern Ireland, 1949-1993? Page 12

Historians’ comments Page 14

Answering the examination question: ideas for paragraphsExample: Assessing the significance/impact/importance of the Coleraine university controversy Page 15

Using your knowledge of the case studies wisely1. When you are revising your history course, you should make sure that you know the issues, events and

personalities involved in the three case studies in each of your topics. Often, a question comes up that allows you to draw on this knowledge alone. Examples of such questions in relation to the NI case studies include:

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2009: To what extent were the activities of the Apprentice Boys of Derry and /or the choice of Coleraine as the site of Northern Ireland’s second university divisive?

2009: What was the importance of one or more of the following: the Sunningdale Agreement, 1973; the Anglo-Irish Agreement, 1985; the Downing Street Declaration, 1993?

2008: Why was the choice of Coleraine as the site for Northern Ireland’s second university controversial? 2007: Account for the fall of Stormont and for the collapse of the power-sharing executive, 1973-1974. 2006: What was the contribution of the Apprentice Boys of Derry to the celebration of religious and

cultural identity among that city’s unionist minority? 2006: Why was Direct Rule (from London) introduced, 1972, and why did it last so long?

2. Even when the actual name of the case study is not mentioned, there is a good chance that you will get a question or questions that will still allow you to draw largely on your knowledge of the case studies. It is important that you recognise such questions in the exam. For example:

2009: Who was the more effective leader of Northern Ireland, Brookeborough or O’Neill? Argue your case, referring to both.

2008: Why did the Civil Rights movement emerge in Northern Ireland and was it successful? 2008: What moves were made towards finding a peaceful resolution of the Troubles, 1973-1993? 2007: What impact had the introduction of the welfare state to Northern Ireland on one or more of the

following: education; health; housing? 2006: What was the contribution of Terence O’Neill to the affairs of Northern Ireland during the period,

1949-1969?NB: Therefore, it is important to examine in particular those elements that relate most closely to the case studies. It is also advisable that you have a good knowledge of the background to the issue and events in each case study, and the aftermath of these issues and events in the period following the case study. In the case of the Coleraine University controversy, for example, it is important to know why Catholics felt alienated in the Northern state and neglected by the Unionist government before the controversy occurred. Equally, you should also have a thorough understanding of how Catholic grievances dramatically escalated in the late 1960s after the controversy, through the Civil Rights campaign, O’Neill’s fall from power and the series of events that gave rise to the Troubles. Similarly, when studying Sunningdale, make sure you examine the Anglo-Irish Agreement 1985 and the Downing Street Declaration 1993 so that you have an overview of British and Irish government attempts to find a peaceful settlement.

3. You should be prepared to spend approximately 35-40 minutes writing an essay structured in the form of a brief introduction, a number of well-made points (each dealt with in a separate paragraph and supported with evidence) and a conclusion where you answer the question asked. It is important not to simply retell the story/ narrative of what happened. This is too simplistic at Higher level. You will be examined on your ability to assess the significance of events, to evaluate the contribution or role of individuals or groups and to address the question asked. You should make use of the narrative to help you support your judgements or arguments, not just to show that you know what happened.

4. Always finish by addressing the question asked. For example, if you are asked about the role of John Hume or Terence O’Neill, finish with an overall assessment or evaluation of that role. This may include positive and critical judgements, but should be rooted in evidence. Similarly, if addressing the significance of the events in a case study, give your view as to how significant you think they were or were not. A number of historians’ opinions are included later in this booklet. You may wish to cite one or more of these in addressing this question.

NB: Practise writing out sample answers or detailed paragraph plans for the sample questions mentioned above. The material that follows in this booklet, as well as in your textbook, will help you.

What is the significance of the Apprentice Boys in the history of Northern Ireland, 1949-1993?1.Historical background:1690: Protestant King William of Orange defeated Catholic King James II in the Battle of the Boyne, thus ensuring that the throne of England was secured for Protestants-this also safeguarded the Protestant position in Ireland-a crucial stage in this victory was the Siege of Derry, where Protestants held

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out against James’s army from Dec 1688 to Aug 1689-James appeared in person in April 1689 to be met with cries of ‘No Surrender’-when Governor Lundy wanted to surrender, 13 apprentice boys disobeyed and closed the gates of the city against the Catholic enemy-Protestants endured hunger, disease and attack but were finally saved when William’s army broke through on the River Foyle and lifted the siege, leading on to William’s eventual defeat of James II2.Historical significance: Commemorating these events is an integral part of the Protestant tradition-the loyal orders celebrate these historical events each year-Orange Order, established in 1795, is most powerful: it commemorates William’s victory in the Battle of the Boyne, with its main parade taking place on 12 July each year-179: Royal Black Institution founded-members had to be Orangemen as well-consisted of better-off members of community.1813: Apprentice Boys founded-main function was to commemorate events in Derry-from 1824, ABOD took charge of annual commemoration events in Derry, which had been taking place since early eighteenth century—General Committee of the Apprentice Boys formed in 1856 to supervise celebrations-celebrating these events became an important part of Unionist psyche in later years-conscious of history of enmity with Catholics in Ireland and of the need to maintain the spirit of the siege.The Association originally comprised a number of clubs which are now referred to as ‘parent’ clubs: the Apprentice Boys of Derry Club, the Walker Club, the Murray Club, the Mitchelburne Club, the No Surrender Club, the Browning Club, the Baker Club and the Campsie Club. With the exception of the No Surrender Club, the clubs are named after men involved in the defence of Derry in 1688-1689.3. How the Apprentice Boys commemorate the pastMid to late December: commemoration of the shutting of the gates-parades, historical re-enactments-burning of effigy of Lundy. 12 August: bigger celebration commemorating lifting of siege-religious service at St. Columb’s Cathedral followed by march around the historic walls of Derry-marchers wear traditional loyal order bowler hats, suits, sashes-crimson sashes and collarettes signify crimson flag which flew from cathedral during siege-ABOD sees itself as historical organisation-holds pageants, lectures, fetes, re-enactments, exhibitions of historical artefacts etc. Members can only be initiated within the city walls. “Membership of the Association is open to anyone who professes Christ through the reformed Protestant faith.” [http://www.apprenticeboys.co.uk/aboutus]4. Political significance of the Apprentice BoysBrookeborough, Terence O’Neill, Brian Faulkner and Ian Paisley were members. In April 1966, Faulkner criticised Easter Week commemoration ceremonies in the North, accusing those involved of “merely celebrating an act of sedition – they are resurrecting an insurrection”. He encouraged his listeners, as in 1688, to lock the gates against sedition and bigotry. On April 28 1969, The Irish Times reported that the Apprentice Boys’ General Committee passed a motion of no confidence in Captain O’Neill, the Prime Minister, and condemned the action of his parliamentary party “in its decision in favour of one man, one vote at the present time.” In March 1972, the General Committee of the Apprentice Boys called on members to support the efforts of the Vanguard movement which was organising resistance to the Westminster government’s decision to suspend the parliament of Northern Ireland. In April 1986, the Apprentice Boys called off a march planned for Portadown on May 5th. The Irish Times quoted a spokesman as saying “that politicians needed a breathing space and the Apprentice Boys wanted to give them the opportunity to continue with their political campaign against the Anglo-Irish Agreement”. In 1990, the DUP leader, the Rev. Ian Paisley, was dismissed from the Apprentice Boys of Derry, for participating in a rally protesting against the organisation’s proposal to seek grant-aid from the International Fund for Ireland. At the rally in August, Mr. Paisley had spoken of the need to “close the gates on the blood money of the Anglo-Irish Agreement, just as 301 years ago, 13 Apprentice Boys closed the gates of the city against the army of King James”. These details indicate that the ABOD was firmly unionist in its policies and opposed numerous political initiatives. Note also the use of the metaphor of “shutting the gates” against the Anglo-Irish Agreement, Dublin interference etc.5. Role of the Apprentice Boys in the Troubles

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The city of Derry captured the tensions that divided Catholic and Protestant in NI- even the name was contested(Derry/Londonderry)-the Catholic community was in the majority and many people wanted it to be included in the southern state when partition was introduced-yet for Protestants it was an iconic city that symbolised Protestant resistance to Catholic attempts to dominate them in 1688-90-to the Protestant mentality, standing firm during the siege saved Protestant civil liberties from Catholic oppression-issues such as perceived discrimination in housing and jobs allocation in Derry were crucial in leading to the formation of the Civil Rights movement in the late 1960s and early 1970s-perceived discrimination by Protestants against Catholics in Derry and a desire to keep Derry down and develop Unionist areas lay at the heart of the Coleraine University controversy as well-the gerrymandering of electoral wards so as to ensure a Unionist majority in local elections added to the tensions in Derry.These tensions explained why ABOD parades in Derry were so contentious-statue of Governor Walker, a hero of the siege, overlooked the Catholic Bogside area from a large plinth on the city’s walls-Catholics complained of marchers throwing coins to them in a provocative manner and of insulting them when marching-but marches led to actual violence-Sat 5 Oct 1968: Civil Rights march due to take place in Derry at same time as an ABOD march. Both were banned, but the Civil Rights march went ahead, leading to violence (Black Saturday). Further violence took place at the annual Twelfth of July Orange celebrations in Derry in 1969. The Stormont government did not call off the ABOD march set for that August and the ABOD themselves refused to call off the march. Extensive rioting took place with tear gas used against Catholics in the Battle of the Bogside, where the rioting spread to Belfast. Many people see these events as the beginning of the Troubles. ABOD parades were subjected to bans in 1970 and 1971 and in the following two years, they were restricted to the Protestant Waterside area of Derry. In 1973, the IRA blew up the statue of Walker from where the effigy of Lundy was traditionally burned.6. Significance of the Apprentice BoysIn 1989, the ABOD celebrated their tercentenary (300th anniversary)-the slow move towards greater understanding between the communities was reflected in the fact that the nationalist Derry city council funded and supported ABOD celebrations- a thaw in relations between the communities also became evident in the understanding reached by the ABOD with local residents in Catholic areas of NI, where ABOD members took part in local feeder parades before joining the main celebrations in Derry-although the British government appointed a Parades Commission to make judgements on such parades in 1990, the ABOD held direct talks with local residents in the late 1990s and reached agreements, which the Orange Order did not do.

The ABOD sees itself as celebrating Protestant heritage and preserving the memory of important parts of Protestant and Unionist culture. Its participation in religious services and restriction of membership to Protestants only also indicates that it is a religious organisation. However, it did play a role in the Troubles, especially in the way in which its marches proved contentious and were flashpoints for violence, such as the Battle of the Bogside. It also played a part in Unionist politics, making judgements on various political issues. It provided many Protestants with a sense of cultural identity as a response to the Troubles.The last word: “In no other spot in the North did I feel the surge of pride which an Ulsterman must feel as he thinks back over his own local history. Had I met an Orangeman as I stood on Walker’s Bastion I would have wished to take his hand and shake it. If I were an Ulsterman … I could never forget Derry … Its siege was a magnificent example of heroic endurance, from the 18th of December 1688 when the gates were closed … to 12th August when the relief ships that had for seven weeks been blocked on the Foyle by a boom, having burst through at the end of July, relieved the city and ended its torments”.Seán Ó Faoláin, An Irish Journey (London, 1940), cited in Patricia Craig, The Oxford Book of Ireland, (Oxford, 1998) p. 163

Why was the Coleraine University decision “the final straw” for nationalists?1. Catholic alienation from the Northern state

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From the birth of the Northern state, Catholics felt alienated: the Fermanagh Times reported that Basil Brooke, later to become PM of NI 1945-63, told a rally at Newtownbutler on 12 July 1933 that “there were a great number of Protestants and Orangemen who employed Roman Catholics. He felt he could speak freely on this subject as he had not a Roman Catholic about his place…He would point out that the Roman Catholics were endeavouring to get in everywhere…He would appeal to Loyalists, therefore wherever possible, to employ Protestant lads and lassies…” When asked to rebuke Brooke by a prominent landlord, the PM, Craigavon, told Stormont “I would not ask him to withdraw one word…I have always said I am an Orangeman first and a politician and a member of this Parliament afterwards…All I boast is that we are a Protestant Parliament and a Protestant state”.1920s– parliamentary arrangements represented miniature model of Westminster and ensured perpetual Unionist majority-WWII strengthened Unionism’s bonds with the UK; Southern neutrality seemed to emphasise gulf-election of Labour govt in London determined to implement Beveridge Report-contrast with Basil Brooke’s conservative Unionist regime in NI -IRA campaign 1956-62 maintained entrenched positions-Catholics deeply resented Special Powers Act and the B Specials-Loyalty Survey: majority of Catholics, even those in receipt of welfare or in public employment, opposed constitutional settlement

2. Impact of the welfare stateEducation Act 1947: Post WWII baby boom-introduction of universal secondary schooling-rise in affluence-introduction of financial support for students-post war students received grants enabling them to study outside home areas-impact on Catholic population: significant rise in number of Catholic students in Queen’s University- emergence of new generation of articulate, educated Catholics- but tensions over Act between government and churches-growth in general student numbers meant appropriate buildings and facilities now an issue-Robbins Commission in GB recognised this- central also to Lockwood decision-impact of NHS after 1948: free healthcare and medicine; TB rate dramatically reduced. Social welfare reform: workers paid towards social insurance, received state payments on retirement or unemployment. Sick, elderly and widowed also benefited.

3. Catholic indignation at local authority government“(There) is a feeling of resentment that most, and let me emphasise the word most, that most Roman Catholics are anti-British and anti-Northern Ireland. This is nothing to do with religion at all. But there is this feeling of resentment that here is a man who is out to destroy Northern Ireland if he can possibly do it. That, I think, is it. They say why aren't we given more higher positions? But how can you give somebody who is your enemy a higher position in order to allow him to come and destroy you?” Lord Brookeborough, Prime Minister of Northern Ireland 1945-1963 (quoted in an interview with Dennis Kennedy), Irish Times, 30th October 1968, p. 14. Catholics felt especially aggrieved at the nature of local authority government, especially in western part of state-practice of gerrymandering related to designation of electoral wards in local authority areas so as to ensure Unionist majority-occurred also in Omagh, Fermanagh and Armagh-in 1966, nearly 20,102 Catholics and 10,274 Protestants in Derry were aged over 21 years, yet the arrangement of the wards ensured a Unionist corporation- over 25% of the parliamentary electorate in NI had no vote in local elections as they were not ratepayers, while a number of property owners had more than one vote-this restriction did not apply in local elections anywhere else in the UK-nationalist anger at this situation was made worse by the fact that local authorities had significant control over housing and job allocation-in Derry, there was a strong suspicion among Catholics that a significant number of Unionists did not want to see the city developed or a new university as the impact of such development might be to increase employment opportunities for Catholics who may then become ratepayers and have a vote in local elections, thereby threatening the Unionists’ control of the local authority. Note Nixon’s allegations re “nameless, faceless men” who canvassed O’Neill about not granting university to Derry.

4. Local authority jobs/ the civil service“[Catholic] consciousness of allegedly differential treatment became more acute as the rhetoric and to some extent the reality of material improvement became more emphatic. Complaints of discrimination in

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general were particularly rife west of the Bann…Precisely because improvement now began to seem a possibility for the first time, Catholics became more conscious of levels of occupational discrimination in general, and particularly of discrimination in the civil service” JJ Lee, Ireland 1912-1985: Politics and Society (Cambridge UP, 1989), p.417. The evidence? –in 1969, the Campaign for Social Justice study found that only 7.2% of officers in civil service were Catholic, while 92.8% were Protestant- in 1969, Catholics held only 6 out of 68 senior judicial positions-also under-represented in higher ranks of statutory bodies: in 1969, 22 public bodies contained 322 members, of whom only 49 were Catholics-only 15.4% of the 8, 122 people employed in publicly-owned water, gas and electricity bodies were Catholic-1971 census showed that 31.4% of population described themselves as Catholic, yet only 7% of senior ranks of government and local authorities were Catholic. These details are significant as it was alleged that the civil service persuaded Lockwood to site the university in Coleraine. Note also: not one Catholic on Lockwood Committee.

5. Private employmentSirocco Engineering Works and Mackie’s Foundry were large employers in Catholic districts, but employed small numbers of Catholics-Catholic Bishop of Down and Connor, Dr William Philbin, said Sirocco had been regarded by generations of Catholics as a “symbol and concrete evidence of the economic and social injustice they have had to suffer for many generations in this city”

6. Local authority housing 1945: large scale public housing allocation began as part of post-WWII recovery- 1961: 21% of housing in the province was rented; this increased to 35% by 1971-much of housing allocation was done by the NI Housing Trust-but also local authorities- the Cameron Commission found that in Fermanagh, the principal criterion in housing allocation was the need to maintain the political dominance of unionism, e.g. in Dungannon Urban District, many Catholics who received new homes were slum dwellers who were relocated, while Protestant homes tended to go to new families- in Derry, homes allocated to Catholics tended to be in areas where Catholics were already in majority, e.g. the South Ward in Derry, so as not to disturb the existing balance in favour of Unionism-similar situation in Omagh and Dungannon.December 1963: Unionist Chairman of Enniskillen Housing Committee stated that council houses would be let “on party lines”. Alderman George Elliott said Council would build houses for letting to “right people” and make no apologies for it. William Morgan, Minister of Health and Local Government, publicly attacked Elliott- but defended principle of local authorities having right to distribute housing and ruled out interference by government. Yet veteran Nationalist Cahir Healy praised local authorities in Belfast, Antrim and Down for fair play towards needful. However, Catholics were allocated houses in those wards where they were already a majority so as not to disturb electoral balance. “In effect, then, the entire Unionist state lay damned by the actions of a minority of councils west of the Bann” (Thomas Hennessy).

7. Neglect west of the Bann Derry came to symbolise the nationalist suspicion that Unionists wanted to defend its stronghold in the NE of Ulster at all costs-1963: Benson Report on railways led to the closure of the west’s only railway line-1964: Matthew Report recommended that a new city for Northern Ireland be developed in the east of the province-city’s name (Craigavon) seen as provocative1965: Wilson Plan designated areas for industrial development in Northern Ireland, concentrating them heavily in the east-1966: the historic naval base in Derry was closed down. This suspicion and distrust festered as tension grew towards 1969. John Hume: “When Prime Minister [Terence] O'Neill embarked on a modernisation campaign in 1963, he focused on the area to the east of the River Bann, overlooking Derry and its environs. The final straw was the recommendation, in 1965, that a new university be constructed in the small neighbouring town of Coleraine, rather than in the city of Derry, which already had the historic buildings of Magee College, the obvious site for a new seat of learning. All of these grievances produced an inevitable momentum, which led to the dynamic and widely supported campaign”. Source: Britain and Ireland: Lives Entwined III (The British Council, 2008). © The British Council.

What caused the radicalisation of nationalist discontent in Northern Ireland in the 1960s? 1. The decision and aftermath

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Following the eleventh meeting of the Lockwood Committee on 5th and 6th June 1964, it became evident that Derry was not to be chosen as the location for the new university. On 30th December 1964, Basil McFarland, a former mayor of Londonderry, remarked in a speech that he doubted if the forthcoming report would “do Derry much good”. In January 1965, the University for Derry Committee was founded, with John Hume, a Catholic schoolteacher at St. Columb’s in Derry, as its chairman. On 8th February, a huge crowd attended a protest meeting at the Guildhall. On 10th February 1965, the Lockwood Committee published its report to a storm of protest. Two minutes of silence were observed in Derry on 18th February, with many shops and businesses closing, while two thousand vehicles travelled in a motorcade from Derry to Stormont in protest. 2. The emergence of John Hume“Great strides in community relations have already been made. There has been a growth in liberal feeling but unfortunately it is my fear that by the time this upsurge in tolerance and right thinking reaches the corridors of power in Northern Ireland it will be too late for places like Londonderry and irreparable damage will already have been done…The Unionist administration there must be taught that they cannot run away from Londonderry and West Ulster, that if they want seriously to create a modern community they must treat all citizens with dignity and equality”. Speech by John Hume, Chairman, University for Derry Committee, at a public meeting in Fulham Town Hall, London, 30th July 1965. Studied in Maynooth and obtained MA-founding member of the Credit Union movement in Derry- President of Irish League of Credit Unions 1964-68-led University for Derry campaign- went on to be a prominent figure in the Derry Citizens’ Action Committee, set up in the wake of the 5th of October march through Derry which had caused so much attention to be drawn towards the situation in Northern Ireland- purpose of DCAC was to make use of the publicity surrounding recent events to bring to light grievances in Derry that had been suppressed by the Unionist Government for years- DCAC unlike Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA), however, was aimed specifically at a local campaign, improving the situation in Derry for all, and maintaining a peaceful stance. The committee even had a Stewards Association that was there to prevent any violence at marches or sit-downs-led Derry Housing Association-Contested Foyle seat as independent in 1969 Westminster election and defeated Nationalist Party leader Eddie McAteer-went on to become founder member of Social Democratic and Labour Party in 1971 and succeeded Fitt as leader-became main spokesman for moderate nationalism up to and beyond 1993 Downing St. Declaration.3. The radicalisation of nationalist politicsPost-war socio-economic changes, increasing urbanisation, benefits of welfare state and changing political and religious climate led to emergence of larger and more aware Catholic middle class- first Catholic US president, spirit of ecumenism in Vatican II also impacted on Catholic consciousness- Nationalist Party led by Eddie McAteer perceived as conservative and tired-direct action and squatting in council houses advocated by Homeless Citizens League, founded by Conn and Patricia McCluskey in Dungannon-they went on to set up Campaign for Social Justice in January 1964: pressure group designed to highlight injustices inherent in NI political system, especially in local government, housing and employment – some working class Catholics looked to Northern Ireland Labour Party (Paddy Devlin)- others looked to more radical Republican Labour Party- developed under Gerry Fitt in Belfast-Fitt was successful in drawing attention of Labour MPs in Westminster to problems in NI and encouraged them to set up Campaign for Democracy group-new, more radical and socialist group also became dominant in Sinn Fein to the displeasure of traditional physical force separatists (later leading to split between provisionals and officials) -influenced by these developments and by Civil Rights movement in US and by television, Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association emerged in February 1967-NICRA demanded six key reforms:

1. One man, one vote in local elections’ 2. No gerrymandering of constituency boundaries; 3. Fair distribution of local council houses; 4. Repeal of the Special Powers Act; 5. The disbanding of the B Specials; 6. A formal complaints procedure against local authorities.

4. Tension grows

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The concept of street protest continued through the Derry Unemployed Action Committee and Derry Housing Action Committee-in 1968, in frustration at decisions of Dungannon District Council, Austin Currie, Nationalist MP for East Tyrone, led Catholic families to squat in two houses in village of Caledon-Currie evicted from house in June 1968 when it was allocated to a single Protestant girl-CSJ now organised protest march from Coalisland to Dungannon Market Square (a Protestant area)-also persuaded NICRA to get involved-march held in August-counter demonstration organised by Ulster Protestant Volunteers-NICRA sang “We shall overcome”-success of march in attracting publicity encouraged Derry Housing Action Committee to request NICRA to sponsor a march in the city in October-also involved some republican elements- Eamonn McCann and other Derry activists were main organisers-under pressure from Unionist elements opposed to the march, Home Affairs Minister Craig banned it-however, organisers went ahead-2000 marched, led by Fitt, Currie and McAteer-Westminster Labour MPs and TV cameras also present-confrontation with police led to rioting that continued into next day-broadcast in GB and Ireland- wider context: US civil rights, USSR invaded Czechoslovakia in August, Paris student protests in May-in Belfast, student anger at Unionism led to formation of People’s Democracy-Paisley and supporters reacted in kind-street politics had arrived as impatience at moderate leadership spilled over on both sides.5. Political pressure growsNationalist Party now withdrew as official opposition-British PM Harold Wilson held talks with O’Neill in Downing St. in November 1968-O’Neill announced 5 reforms to be realised by 1971, which he later described as “a small timid reform package”, yet many Unionists rejected them, including Craig, who was fired:1. Houses to be allocated on points system2. Grievances to be investigated systematically and an ombudsman appointed3. Londonderry Corporation to be replaced with development commission4. Local government and franchise to be reformed5. Part of Special Powers Act to be withdrawnYet hopes at settlement dashed by dramatic developments in 19696.1969: the Troubles beginPeople’s Democracy dominated by radical young socialists-organised march from Belfast to Derry from 1-4 January-marchers encountered harassment and violence from Protestant extremists before vicious attack from loyalists in Burntollet (became known as the Burntollet Ambush) -further rioting in Derry that night and again- at march in Newry following week covered widely on TV- O’Neill launched commission of enquiry, which was too much for Faulkner who then resigned- O’Neill called election in February but his position was weakened as he came close to losing his own seat to Paisley-Nationalist Party lost three seats to young nationalist independents, including Hume and fellow civil rights campaigner, Ivan Cooper-NICRA became more militant and continued marches-in April, Bernadette Devlin won nationalist seat in mid-Ulster –O’Neill replaced with Chichester Clarke.7. The Troubles worsenThe marching season overtook the pace of Unionist Party reforms-12 July celebrations in Derry led to three days of rioting-Protestant militants calling themselves the Shankill Defence Association attacked Catholic flats in Belfast-12 August Apprentice Boys parade in Derry led to ferocious rioting as Catholics erected barricades and stoned the parade, following violence of July marches-petrol bombs used, police used CS gas for first time-Battle of the Bogside-other marches and riots followed throughout NI as Jack Lynch called for end to partition and moved Irish army to the border-Lynch said the Irish government “could no longer stand by and see innocent people injured and perhaps worse”-use of hated B Specials to assist RUC further angered Catholics as fighting extended to Belfast-British Army entered province-by 16th, military presence established in Belfast-but six dead in rioting and over 2000 Catholics fled from homes- nationalists’ anger at inability to defend themselves led to re-establishment of Belfast brigade of IRA as northern republicans rejected Sinn Fein’s political path and moved towards military action-split between provisionals and officials-into 1970, British army became focus of IRA aggression as it was seen as defending Orangeism. Northern Ireland was now on the path to thirty years of violence.

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What was the contribution of Terence O’Neill to Ulster Unionism and to the history of Northern Ireland between 1963 and 1969?

1. O’Neill the bridge builder?Captain Terence O’Neill succeeded Brookeborough as PM in March 1963 at age 48 years-“Our task will be literally to transform Ulster. To achieve it will demand bold and imaginative measures” (address to Ulster Unionist Council, March 1963) - stated in 1964 Stormont speech that principal aim was “to make NI economically stronger and prosperous…and to build bridges between the two traditions in our community” met Cardinal Conway of Armagh, visited Catholic schools and hospitals, sympathised with Church leaders on death of Pope John XXIII in 1963-Nationalist party agreed to become official opposition at Stormont in 1965-welcomed Lemass to Stormont on 14 January 1965, returned visit on 9 February (day before Lockwood Report is published)-justified meetings with Lemass by observing that “north and south share the same rivers, the same mountains, and some of the same problems”-Ian Paisley fiercely criticised the meetings.2. Protestant unrest growsO’Neill was not unanimous choice of Unionist Party to replace Brookeborough (Faulkner was favoured by others) and many were unhappy at his modernising and conciliatory policies- he was from an aristocratic English background and seen as aloof by some-a series of backbench revolts would materialise against him and dog his premiership-unemployment and housing problems among working class Protestants also led to tension in that community-Ian Paisley capitalised on Protestant fears of Unionist moderation and a stronger Catholic voice by condemning “O’Neillism”- Paisley was an evangelical preacher who formed his own Free Presbyterian Church-strongly opposed to ecumenism, concessions to Catholics, and improved relations with Republic of Ireland –opposed flying of Union Jack at half mast at Belfast City Hall when Pope John XXIII died- formed Protestant Unionist Party and was associated with shadowy paramilitary grouping Protestant Volunteer Corps-a constant thorn in O’Neill’s side-in 1966, famously attacked O’Neill when new bridge in Belfast was named after Queen Elizabeth II rather than Carson-also attacked 1966 50th anniversary of Easter Rising celebrations in NI.3. Economic planningMathew report (1964) set out recommendations for economic progress, including creation of a new city around Lurgan/ Portadown area and creation of new government ministry of planning and development-O’Neill was impressed by the Whitaker Report in the South-Prof Tom Wilson appointed economic advisor to government and published Economic development in Northern Ireland in 1965-identified six regional growth points, all in east of province, with Derry only location identified west of Bann- like Whitaker, Wilson recommended attracting foreign investment with various incentives, such as tax allowances and grants- multi-national firms attracted to NI included Michelin, ICI, Grundig, Goodyear-Economic Council set up and Northern Ireland Committee of Irish Congress of Trade Unions recognised- led to growth in economy between 1965 and 1973, although unemployment remained at 6 to 8%4. “Nameless faceless men”: the ambivalent attitude of some Derry unionists to the Lockwood Report“In municipal administration [the local authorities in Derry] are reasonably efficient. In town and country planning their arrangements are practically non-existent and they give us no openings whatsoever…the internal stresses are so great and the attitude of the City to modern planning so obstructive that one cannot conscientiously advise [the drawing up of a development plan for Derry] at present – nor until there is a change of attitude on the part of the City Council”. John Oliver, official in Department of Health, to C.J. Bateman, Secretary to the N.I. Cabinet, 17th February 1965, PRONI, CAB/9D/31/2.Dr. Robert Nixon, a Unionist MP from Derry, claimed in May 1965 that “nameless, faceless men from Londonderry” had met O’Neill and Falk, the Minister for Education on Friday 19th February 1965 and advised against the setting up of a university in the city or any further industrial or social development in Derry-Patrick Gormley, a Nationalist MP, backed up these claims and named the men, suggesting that they believed such development in Derry might affect Unionist control of the City Council-Nixon was expelled from the Unionist Parliamentary Party and a petition signed by 15,000 people failed to convince the Prime Minister to order a public enquiry into these allegations-notes from the

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meeting suggest that O’Neill wondered how an increase in the number of Catholics (“RC papes”) could be prevented in the event of industrialisation, with his fears also hinted at in the comments of another unnamed Unionist who warned that Unionist control of Londonderry Corporation was already at risk because of the large number of Catholics. Only ratepayers could vote, so an increase in jobs might lead to more Catholic votes, which were unlikely to go to the Unionist Party. This episode showed the tension that existed within Unionism in relation to development west of the Bann-March 1965, after a stormy parliamentary debate, and despite the fact that two Unionist MPs joined the Nationalist opposition in voting against their own party, O’Neill’s government won the vote to accept the Lockwood Committee recommendation by 27 votes to 19. 5. O’Neill responds to nationalist agitationNICRA march in Derry and violence that followed led Wilson’s government in London to intervene-summoned O’Neill to Downing St.-O’Neill announced package of moderate reforms-but increased tension in province led to further violence in Armagh on 30 November when Ian Paisley and his followers occupied city centre to block 4000 civil rights marchers-O’Neill addressed people on television in “Ulster at the crossroads” speech: “What kind of Ulster do you want? A happy respected province…or a place continually torn apart by riots and demonstrations, and regarded by the rest of Britain as a social outcast?”- however, events surrounding Burntollet Ambush in January 1969 increased sense of crisis again-to make matters worse, Faulkner resigned in protest when O’Neill set up a commission to enquire into disturbances (Cameron Commission)- Faulkner saw this as a concession too far to nationalists-12 Unionist MPs called for O’Neill’s resignation.6. O’Neill’s downfallFebruary 1969 Westminster general election: O’Neill sought support for his policies – but results were not good-came close to losing his seat to Paisley and there was no evidence of substantial Catholic support for his policies-militant elements seemed to be taking over NICRA with emphasis on confrontation with authorities-between March and April, a series of bombs and explosions damaged water pipelines and electrical installations-it was later discovered that these acts were committed by loyalists (UVF) trying to provoke a reaction from the government against republicans-the plot worked: Unionist MPs who believed the bombs were the work of terrorists on the republican side turned against O’Neill-victory of Bernadette Devlin over Unionist candidate in Westminster by-election in Mid Ulster in mid April was another blow- O’Neill resigned on 28 April- later said he was “quite literally blown out of office.” James Chichester Clarke succeeded O’Neill as security situation worsened-ironically, Paisley won O’Neill’s seat in by-election following his resignation7. O’Neill: a historical judgement Upon resigning, O’Neill said “I have tried to break the chains of ancient hatreds”-he saw himself as a modernising, reforming leader who tried to steer his party and the state along a middle ground between extreme unionism and extreme nationalism-he even succeeded in persuading his party, by a narrow margin, to accept “one man one vote” in local elections before leaving office. However, he was also accused of not being genuinely committed to change but only to superficial gestures. He was determined to follow through on Lockwood recommendation even though he knew the reaction that would follow. John Hume said: “O’Neill lost all credibility in Derry as a crusading premier, and reinforced among the Catholic community all over the North the conviction that the unionist leopard would have to change its spots, and that change would have to be wrested from them”. The historian David Harkness concludes that:“O’Neill was the wrong man with the right ideas. It took courage even to state reforming aims, and he began well enough, but, with a narrow political base and little capacity to communicate effectively with his fellow citizens, O’Neill was quickly out of his depth. Forced to concentrate on persuading his own supporters to move forward, and handicapped in this task by suspicious and ambitious rivals, he failed to convince his political opponents of his sincerity or capacity to deliver, ands within six years he was to fall between the two. By then it would be beyond the wit of anyone present to devise a way forward”. David Harkness, Northern Ireland since 1920 (Dublin, 1983), pp 139, 140.

The University of Ulster, Coleraine, officially opened its doors to students in October 1968. By then, the tensions between nationalism and unionism had dramatically escalated, leading to the outbreak of the Troubles.

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Why did the Stormont parliament collapse in 1972 after fifty years of Unionist rule in Northern Ireland? 1. The deterioration in the security situation, late 1969/ early 1970 The introduction of the British Army to Northern Ireland in August 1969 meant that the British government was now

more deeply involved in the security affairs of the province-Prime Minister Harold Wilson publicly declared his commitment to the equal treatment of all the citizens of the province, but also declared his support for the NI government and the continuing union with Britain-Home Secretary (and future PM) James Callaghan visited the province to show Britain’s commitment to restoring law and order-but two reports in late 1969 contained findings which angered the unionist community-in September, the Cameron Report highlighted the discrimination experienced by Catholics in the state-in October, the Hunt Report recommended that the RUC be disarmed and the B Specials be replaced by a new part-time police force(to be known as the Ulster Defence Regiment)-violence followed-riots on Shankill Road-policeman killed, two rioters killed by British army-Chichester-Clark appealed for calm on TV. December 1969; tensions in the IRA lead to a split-traditional physical force separatists reject the political path towards socialism and form the Provisional IRA-early 1970: Provisional Sinn Fein also broke from Sinn Fein (now known as Official Sinn Fein) –Provisional IRA (Provos) gain support in working class estates- confront loyalists during marching season in 1970.

2. New movements emerge: growth of the Provos–Paisley electoral success- founding of Alliance and SDLP Falls Road Curfew 3 July 1970: British Army seal off the Catholic street for 35 hours and conduct searches for arms-four locals killed by army-massive increase in recruitment to IRA followed outrage among Catholics-Arms Trial in Republic shows tensions at the highest levels over support for IRA-Unionist unease at the worsening situation and the inability of Chichester-Clark to handle the situation evident in election of Ian Paisley to Stormont parliament in April and to Westminster in May-Alliance Party is founded in April 1970-as name suggests, it tries to reach out to both sides of community-supports union with Britain, but wants full nationalist participation in government-August 1970: Nationalist Party, which represented most Catholics for decades, is replaced by new, younger Social, Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP)-led by Belfast working-class Catholic left-wing politicians such as Gerry Fitt and Paddy Devlin and Derry nationalists from civil rights movement such as Hume and Currie-SDLP aimed for united Ireland but also wanted fairer society and accepted need to participate in government to achieve aims

3. Republican resistance hardens-Faulkner takes power-Internment without Trial-Bloody Sunday IRA begins bombing campaign in Northern Ireland from early 1971- first British soldier killed in February- Chichester

Clark replaced by Faulkner, who had been a critic of O’Neill in the 1960s believing him to be too moderate-the Orange Order marching season sees tension increase further-SDLP walks out of Stormont in protest when Faulkner refuses to allow enquiry into shooting of two men in Derry-IRA campaign continues-Faulkner persuades Heath’s Conservative government, which replaced Labour in 1970, to allow him to introduce internment without trial-9 August: British army rounds up 342 men and locks them up without trial-all except one are Catholics-13 people killed in anti-internment rioting the same day-nationalist people unite in opposition-no UVF paramilitaries interned despite the fact that 100 Catholics had been killed by them-violence worsens: 180 would die in 1971 alone-unionist hardliners now emerge in response to IRA activities: Paisley forms Democratic Unionist Party, which totally opposes concession to Catholics-loyalist paramilitary group Ulster Defence Association (UDA) also formed-Faulkner seems to be losing grip on situation-Sunday January 30 1972: massive Civil Rights protest rally against internment takes place in Derry despite being banned-Parachute Regiment of British army open fire, killing thirteen men-outrage among nationalists and in Republic, where Taoiseach Jack Lynch recalls Irish ambassador from London in protest and where British embassy is burned down by angry protestors-IRA intensify bombing campaign-Heath tells Faulkner that London is to take control of security-Faulkner’s government resigns in protest-Stormont prorogued-end of Unionist rule in N. Ireland after seventy years

4. The collapse of Stormont and the introduction of Direct Rule William Whitelaw becomes first Secretary of State for NI-faced huge challenges: massive unionist opposition to

suspension of Stormont, increased loyalist and IRA violence-held unsuccessful talks with IRA during brief ceasefire-Bloody Friday 21 July 1972 saw IRA unleash 20 bombs in Belfast, many casualties- Fine Gael and Labour coalition replaces Fianna Fail as government in Republic in 1973-seek closer co-operation with British in seeking agreement with main parties on new model of government for Northern Ireland-leads to White Paper proposing power-sharing.

Mr Fitzgerald 11

Why did the Sunningdale Agreement collapse and what was its significancein the history of Northern Ireland, 1949-1993?

1. Introduction: 28 May 1974: Power-sharing executive collapses following resignation of Chief Minister Brian Faulkner and his fellow unionist ministers. Protestants celebrated on streets-moderate nationalists outraged, republicans point to failure of northern state as an entity-yet 6 months earlier, hopes wee high for historic settlement as Ulster Unionists, SDLP and Alliance reached agreement at Sunningdale, backed by united front from British and Irish governments, and even Fianna Fail opposition in south-what went wrong?2. Deep divisions within Unionist PartyWhitelaw’s proposals involved the election of an assembly at Stormont based on proportional representation where an executive would then be formed based on the parties’ strength, with ministerial positions divided out accordingly-this was a huge difference from how NI had been governed in the past, with the Unionist Party assured of a majority of seats in the old Stormont parliament and governing on their own with no nationalist support-many traditional unionists resented having to share power-however, Faulkner was prepared to support the idea-elections were held on 28 June-Ulster Unionist Party was divided: anti-power-sharing unionists won 26 seats, pro-Faulkner unionists won 24 seats. 52 of the 78 seats favoured power-sharing. This showed how uneasy the Unionist Party was, with Harry West leading those who disagreed with the leader’s position. However, in November, pro-power-sharing parties agreed a deal, with Faulkner becoming Chief Minister with six ministers and Gerry Fitt his deputy, with 4 SDLP ministers-Oliver Napier of Alliance Party also became a minister3. Extreme unionism gathers strengthIan Paisley and the DUP were totally opposed to power-sharing-William Craig, former Home Affairs minister under Terence O’Neill, had broken away to form Vanguard Party-also rejected agreement-Orange Order and loyalist paramilitary groups , such as newly formed UDA, also opposed-as the IRA continued its campaign of bombing, believing power-sharing to be a different model of British rule, support for these extreme groups grew-they severely criticised Faulkner-however, Ulster Unionist Council did narrowly back Faulkner by 374 votes to 362 in November- in December, Faulkner led his supporters to historic agreement at Sunningdale-a Council of Ministers to be set up, with a secretariat and consultative assembly; Republic to recognise that NI status can only change if majority there so wish; UK government to recognise right of people of NI to join with Republic if majority there so wish-but Council of Ireland was to prove a difficult obstacle4. Differing views of Council of Ireland The Council of Ireland was part of Whitelaw’s original proposals-he wanted a forum where representatives from NI and the Republic would meet to discuss issues that affected them both-it was intended to encourage nationalists to support power-sharing as nationalists wanted a greater role for the south in how NI was governed-this was known as ‘the Irish Dimension’-the SDLP pushed this Council hard at the Sunningdale talks, wanting executive powers for it as they hoped to achieve a united Ireland one day-however, Faulkner considered the Council as useful only in ensuring co-operation on security and economic issues between both states-he regarded other aspects of the Council as small concession to keep Dublin and nationalists happy-he preferred to see Sunningdale as a leap forward for Unionism as it saw Dublin accept partition by treating Northern politician as equals-however, anti Sunningdale unionists began to use the Council of Ireland as a weapon to attack Faulkner, accusing him of allowing a united Ireland 5. Unionism turns against Faulkner and SunningdaleOn 1 January 1974 the Executive began to operate-three days later the Ulster Unionist Council, the governing body of the Ulster Unionist Party, which had already voted by a small majority to back Faulkner and power-sharing, rejected the Council of Ireland by 8 votes-Faulkner and his supporters resigned from the party – Harry West replaced him-it now seemed that the executive was governing without the support of the Unionist population-in February 1974, Heath called a general election for the UK, where economic issues and strikes were dominating the news-it could not have come at a worse time for Faulkner-anti-agreement Unionists such as Paisley, Craig and West formed an umbrella group called the United Ulster Unionist Council (UUUC) to fight the election under the slogan ‘Dublin is just a Sunningdale away’-they won 11 of NI’s 12 Westminster seats-despite these results, executive keep going with support of Wilson, back as PM after election-anti-Sunningdale unionists now came up with new strategy

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6. The Ulster Workers’ Council Strike, May 1974Anti-Sunningdale unionists joined loyalist paramilitaries for talks-a group of loyalist workers formed Ulster Workers’ Council-began strike on 14 May 1974-used intimidation and roadblocks to control movement of goods and to force workers to support strike-economy and daily life badly affected-it became evident that the UWC was now looking at targeting electricity and power supplies-civil disobedience and widespread opposition to the Sunningdale Agreement was now bringing NI to a standstill7. British Government responseResponse of British highlighted tensions in relationship with Ulster unionist people-Harold Wilson was furious at strikers-accused Protestant supporters of strike of engaging in anti-democratic acts, of defying parliament, of sponging on the British taxpayer-famously asked “who do these people think they are?”-seemed to suggest that the unionists were not considered British at all-comments caused outrage among Protestants-many ironically wore sponges in their lapels or on car windscreens- British Secretary of State Merlyn Rees also came in for criticism-accused of being too soft on strikers by not using the army to deal with the actions of the UWC-this was following criticism of the Conservative government under Heath who called a general election in 1974 despite the impact it would have on NI-Heath had also been criticised for moving Whitelaw from NI post before that election to a different ministry in London-process in NI sorely missed his skills and expertise-Irish government was critical of Wilson government’s inaction in dealing with the strike-however, the notion of a bi-partisan approach by both governments to the problems in NI was now becoming more established.8. The collapse of the ExecutiveDirect Rule was reintroduced following the Executive’s collapse-politicians on different sides had different views about who was to blame for the collapse: Brain Faulkner: “Certainly I was convinced all along that the outcry against the Council of Ireland was a red herring…the real opposition was to the Council of Ireland”John Hume: “What was wrong was the weakness of the then government”.Basil McIvor (Unionist Education Minister): Hume’s insistence on the promise of a Council of Ireland wrecked the prospects for an otherwise excellent and hopeful power-sharing arrangement”Merlyn Rees: “This wasn’t just an industrial dispute. This was the Protestant people of Northern Ireland rising up against Sunningdale and it could not be shot down”.Gerry Adams (President Sinn Fein): “The majority of unionists … mobilised with the loyalist paramilitaries to bring down the power-sharing executive”.

9. The significance of the collapse of the Executive and of the Sunningdale Agreement Led to direct rule returning for another generation Failed to stop paramilitary campaigns that would continue for another twenty years at least Revealed tensions and divisions within Unionism Highlighted growing strength of extreme unionist and loyalist groups Highlighted distinction between pro-Sunningdale moderate nationalists in SDLP and anti-Sunningdale extreme

republicans in Sinn Fein and the Provisional IRA Exposed hostility and mistrust of Unionists towards Conservative and Labour governments in London-loyalty to

Crown rather than governments Introduced the bipartisan approach from Dublin and London to resolving the problems of Northern Ireland that

would endure through all future attempts to resolve issues Suggested that the British Government had no selfish interest in maintaining rule in NI-accepted Irish dimension and

possible unity if majority so desired Led to Irish Government accepting that change could not happen without majority consentPostscript: “The Long War”- Republican and loyalist terrorism-Hunger strikes 1981-New Ireland Forum 1984-Unionist fury: Anglo-Irish Agreement 1985-Towards agreement: Downing St. Declaration 1993, IRA ceasefire 1994-Good Friday Agreement 1997: “Sunningdale for slow learnersNB: Be sure you can write two paragraphs each about the Anglo-Irish Agreement and Downing St Declaration.

Mr Fitzgerald 13

Historians’ comments

Consider the views of a number of historians:

The Coleraine University ControversyA. Derry, which had hoped to be the beneficiary of any extension of university facilities, was outraged…The resultant protest movement was unprecedented. The same sort of liberal unionist sentiment which had prompted the suggestion that Catholics be admitted to the party surfaced and made common cause with the Catholics of Derry and the opposition parties at Stormont… However, although defeated on the university issue, for John Hume and many other educated young Catholics, the seeds of a civil rights street protest movement had been planted by the Magee controversy. They would shortly sprout. Tim Pat Coogan, The Troubles: Ireland’s Ordeal 1966-1996 and the Search for Peace (London, 1996), pp 50, 51.

B. It had obviously been decided to treat the inevitably hostile reaction of local unionists in the west of Ulster (to the Lockwood recommendation) as a necessary price for the political benefits to be gained from concentrating resources in the Protestant ‘heartland’ of the east. The existence within the Derry Unionist leadership of a significant group that saw ‘modernisation’ as disruptive of the local power structure may have encouraged the O’Neill entourage to hope that resistance to Lockwood would be seriously weakened. Paul Bew, Peter Gibbon and Henry Patterson, Northern Ireland 1921/2001: Political Forces and Social Classes (London, 2002), p. 129.

The Apprentice Boys of Derry C.The Apprentice Boys held their usual march in Derry on 12 August, under RUC protection, and were at last

themselves seriously attacked. The police reacted to a pelting with stones from the Bogside, responding to the usual Apprentice Boys taunts, by attacking the locals.

J.J. Lee, Ireland 1912-1985: politics and society (Cambridge, 1989), p. 428

D. In a sense the Relief of Derry parade of 1969 was an unexceptional affair: such celebrations had been taking place since at least the late eighteenth century, their nature changing and adapting over time, but with the same essential purpose, namely the preservation of the memory of the siege of 1688-89, when the Protestants of Ulster had defended themselves against the forces of James II. But in the circumstances of 1969, the parade brought to the surface all the simmering tensions of Ulster society.T.G. Fraser, “The Apprentice Boys and the Relief of Derry parades”, in T.G. Fraser (ed.) The Irish Parading Tradition. (London, 2000), pp. 173-174

The Sunningdale Agreement and the Power-sharing Executive, 1973-4 E. Faulkner and moderate unionism had been as much destroyed by the excesses of Irish Nationalism as the

irreconcilables of Unionism. Thomas Hennessy, The Northern Ireland Peace Process: Ending the Troubles? Gill and Macmillan, 2000, p.17. F. It made good tactical sense for the opponents of power-sharing to concentrate on the Council of Ireland. There may

have been some slender unionist support for, or at least resignation to, power-sharing. There was virtually none for a Council of Ireland. Once the Council of Ireland vanished from the national agenda after 1974, unionist opinion remained resolutely opposed to the principle of power-sharing. JJ Lee, Ireland 1912-1985: Politics and Society. Cambridge University Press, 1989, p.448

Mr Fitzgerald 14

Answering the examination question: ideas for paragraphsExample:Assessing the significance/impact/importance of the Coleraine university controversy

1. The university question Welfare state-free education-impact of third level education on Catholics-emergence of articulate, politically

aware Catholic class-John Hume, Austin Currie, Eamonn McCann- irony is that the British state enabled poor Catholics to benefit from health, welfare and education reform-Robbins Committee in England was investigating university issue-University College Dublin also came into being around this time- but the seemingly innocuous issue of where a university might be located became the flashpoint for Catholic resentment at perceived injustices to boil over.

2. The geo-politics of Northern Ireland and the paradox of Londonderry/ Derry Perception held by many Unionists of Derry as nationalist city-yet practice of gerrymandering ensured

Protestant control-focal point of nationalist grievances over housing, jobs, gerrymandering- Catholic resentment about neglect “west of the Bann”- yet also important in Unionist history-Apprentice Boys and the Siege of Derry- ambivalent attitudes of many Unionists to developing Derry- “nameless, faceless men”-submission of Coleraine delegation to Lockwood highlighted Protestant nature of community-minutes of Lockwood Committee meetings perceive Derry to be different to other parts of NI-note also the significance of Derry at the start of the Troubles: October 1968 Civil Rights march; January 1969 People’s Democracy march Belfast to Derry (Burntollet Ambush); July 1969 Battle of the Bogside (and later in January 1972, Bloody Sunday).

3. The inadequacy of British models of decision-making in Northern Ireland Committee established to make recommendations on different aspects of higher education- but no Catholic

on Lockwood Committee-Sir John Lockwood’s reputation as experienced educationalist-application of criteria drawn up by University Grants Committee worked perfectly in GB-but does this take into account religious divide in NI?-raises question of British government’s non-interference in Unionist rule of NI between 1921 and late 1960s-many British secretaries of state for NI in later decades seemed perplexed by attitudes and intransigence that they came across on both sides of the community-pressure on British to find solution as images of violence on TV were embarrassing for western democracy.

4. The last cross community movement before the Troubles: The University for Derry Campaign Important to remember that many Protestants in Derry unhappy at Lockwood recommendation-participated

in protests-but when Stormont approved recommendation, Protestants were not keen to be associated with broader nationalist grievances that Coleraine seemed to bring into focus-Civil Rights movement that sprang up afterwards was seen by many Protestants as a front for republican-sufficient numbers of Protestants in Derry supported O’Neill to allow him to press ahead against opposition from other Protestants

5. “The final straw”-the politicisation of Catholics Catholic resentment at nature of Northern state-seen as a Protestant state for a Protestant people-new

generation of Northern Catholics not prepared to accept this status-Hume articulated sense of outrage many Catholics felt-culture of street protest that was evident in Civil Rights and anti-internment campaigns later had their origins in Coleraine controversy.

6. Catholic perception of Ulster Unionists Many Protestants unhappy at Lockwood decision-took part in protest march-led by Albert Anderson,

Unionist mayor- yet other unionists seemed to think that it was important for the greater good of unionism that power and investment be focused in the eastern part of the province-while some unionists like Nixon were vocal against this, the Unionist whip held firm in Stormont-the “nameless faceless men” episode showed how local, unelected Unionists wielded influence on those in power, even to the extent of meeting O’Neill and his education minister for talks- critics like Nixon were disciplined and calls for enquiry rejected-Catholic perception of Unionists as a Protestant party was copperfastened.

Mr Fitzgerald 15

7. The nature of the Stormont regime Coleraine decision exposed polarized nature of system of government-Unionist Party held power as

Protestants voted for it-because there were more Protestants than Catholics, Unionists perpetually in power-despite protest over Lockwood decision, Stormont voted to accept recommendation-only two Unionists went against the party whip-many Catholics disillusioned at ineffectiveness of government system for them- Civil service also overwhelmingly Protestant, which further alienated Catholics-civil service also allegedly encouraged Lockwood to decide in favour of Coleraine over Derry.

8. The radicalisation of nationalist discontent Hume pointed to Coleraine controversy as a watershed moment, when many Catholics felt that new ways of

standing up for themselves would have to be found- Post-war socio-economic changes, increasing urbanisation, benefits of welfare state and changing political and religious climate led to emergence of larger and more aware Catholic middle class- Nationalist Party led by Eddie McAteer perceived as conservative and tired-direct action and squatting in council houses advocated by Homeless Citizens League, founded by Conn and Patricia McCluskey in Dungannon-they went on to set up Campaign for Social Justice in January 1964: pressure group designed to highlight injustices inherent in NI political system, especially in local government, housing and employment – some working class Catholics looked to Northern Ireland Labour Party (Paddy Devlin)- others looked to more radical Republican Labour Party- developed under Gerry Fitt in Belfast-Fitt was successful in drawing attention of Labour MPs in Westminster to problems in NI and encouraged them to set up Campaign for Democracy group-new, more radical and socialist group also became dominant in Sinn Fein to the displeasure of traditional physical force separatists (later leading to split between provisionals and officials) -influenced by these developments and by Civil Rights movement in US and by television, Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association emerged in February 1967-Bernadette Devlin wins Westminster seat in April 1969,attacks Unionist rule in NI in House of Commons-emergence of Social Democratic and Labour Party as Nationalist Party is eclipsed.

9. John Hume NB: be aware of Hume’s role in NI right up to Downing St Declaration in 1993Emergence of Hume as leader of University for Derry Committee-seen as articulate spokesman for disillusioned Catholics- became involved in Derry Citizens’ Action Committee, set up after 5th of October march through Derry which had caused so much attention to be drawn towards the situation in Northern Ireland-led Derry Housing Association-Contested Foyle seat as independent in 1969 Westminster election and defeated Nationalist Party leader Eddie McAteer-went on to become founder member of Social Democratic and Labour Party in 1971-arrested for involvement in anti-internment protests-member of Sunningdale executive-succeeded Fitt as leader-became main spokesman for moderate nationalism-also involved Europe and Irish-Americans in attempts to resolve violence-involved in New Ireland Forum and heavily influenced Anglo-Irish Agreement 1985, which unionists bitterly opposed-initiated talks with Gerry Adams of Sinn Fein (Hume-Adams talks) which paved the way to the Downing Street declaration in 1993 and the IRA ceasefire of 1994-led SDLP through to and beyond the Good Friday Agreement of 1997- jointly awarded Nobel Peace Prize with David Trimble in 1998.

10. Terence O’Neill NB: be aware of O’Neill’s role right up to his resignation in April 1969 O’Neill’s image as a genuine reformer who wanted to build bridges between both communities was harmed

during this episode-Hume especially critical of him-accused of engaging in gestures but not substantial acts of bridge-building-important to remember that Lockwood recommendation could have been rejected by cabinet and parliament-initially dismissed Catholic attempts to compare themselves with black people of US in the 1960s but subsequent pace of Catholic political action in civil rights movement put O’Neill under pressure-his attempts to calm Catholic resistance, under pressure from London, left him open to attack from right-wing of his own party (Faulkner, Craig), and from more extreme unionists outside party, like Paisley-losing confidence of many Catholics over Coleraine controversy may have sown seeds for his ultimate demise-subsequent radicalisation of unionist politics-emergence of Paisley’s Democratic Unionists, Craig’s Vanguard, militant loyalism and split in Official Unionists over Sunningdale.

Mr Fitzgerald 16