workers vanguard no 814 - 21 november 2003

7/29/2019 Workers Vanguard No 814 - 21 November 2003

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SOtNo. 814 ~ X . 5 2 3 21 November 2003

ChinaDeleatlmperialist 0 rivelor Counterrevolution!The People's Republic of China (PRC)was born of the 1949 Revolution which,despite profound bureaucratic deformations, was a social revolution of worldhistoric significance. Hundreds of millions of peasants rose up and seized theland on which their forebears had beencruelly exploited from time immemorial.The rule of the murderous warlords andbloodsucking moneylenders, of the rapacious landlords and wretched bourgeoi

sie was destroyed.The creation of a centrally planned,collectivized economy laid the basis foran enormous leap in social progress andChina's advance from abject peasantbackwardness. The revolution enabledwomen to advance by magnitudes overtheir previous miserable status, symbolized by the barbaric practice of footbinding. A nation which had been ravaged and divided by foreign powers for acentury was unified and freed from imperialist SUbjugation.However, the 1949 Revolution wasdeformed from its inception under therule of Mao Zedong's Chinese Communist Party (CCP) regime, which represented a nationalist bureaucratic casteresting atop a collectivized economy.Unlike the Russian October Revolutionof 1917, which was' carried out by aclass-conscious proletariat guided by theBolshevik internationalism of Lenin andTrotsky, the Chinese Revolution was theresult of peasant guerrilla war led byMao's Stalinist-nationalist forces. Patterned after the Stalinist bureaucracy thathad usurped political power from theproletariat in the USSR, Mao's regimepreached the profoundly anti-Marxistnotion that socialism-a classless, egalitarian society based on material abundance-could be built in a single country. In practice, "socialism in onecountry" in China, as in the USSR ofStalin and his heirs, meant opposition tothe perspective of workers revolutioninternationally and accommodation toworld imperialism.In particular, China's alliance withAmerican imperialism against the SovietUnion, begun under Mao in the early1970s and continued by his successor,Deng Xiaoping, contributed to the even-

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Migrantconstructionworkers in Beijingset up barricadeto protest unpaidwages in January.Below: Chinesepresident Hu Jintao(then vicepresident) visitsWall Street inApril 2002.

tual destruction of the USSR through capitalist counterrevoluti0n in 1991-92. Thiswas a historic defeat for the internationalworking class and oppressed peoplesthroughout the world. The post-Sovietperiod has seen the increased pressure ofworld, especially American, imperialism-economic, political and military-onChina. Thus the Pentagon has been activelypursuing plans for an effective nuclearfirst-strike capacity against China's smallnuclear arsenal, a strategy openly proclaimed by the Bush gang in Washington.The International Communist Leaguestands for the unconditional militarydefense of the Chinese deformed workers state against imperialist a t t ~ c k andcapitalist counterrevolution. The Chineseworking class must sweep away theStalinist bureaucracy, which has gravelyweakened the system of nationalizedproperty internally while conciliatingimperialism at the international level. Westand for a proletarian political revolu-tion to place political power in the handsof workers and peasants councils. Theurgent task facing the Chinese proletariatis to build a Leninist-Trotskyist party aspart of a reforged Fourth International toprepare and lead this political revolution,standing at the head of the toiling masses

and directing the spontaneous and localized struggles of the workers toward theseizure of political power.Is the CCP RestoringCapitalism in China?

Ever since the Deng regime introducedmarket-oriented economic "reforms" inthe early 1980s, an increasingly influential current of Western bourgeois opinionhas maintained that the Communist Partyitself is gradually restoring capitalism inChina while keeping a tight grip on political power. This position was widely andloudly trumpeted late last year when the

16th Congress of the CCP legitimizedparty membership for capitalist entrepreneurs. "China Turns Its Back on Communism to Join Long March of the Capitalists" was a typical headline in the Westernpress, in this case that of the LondonGuardian (9 November 2002).In fact, this congress did not introducea significant change in either the socialcomposition of the CCP, which after allhas 66 million members, or its functionalideology. According to an official survey,of China's two million private businessowners 600,000 are party members andcontinued on page 7

18th AnnualHoliday Appeal forClass-War PrisonersSEE PAGE 4


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Palestinian Activist Amer JubranDriven Out of U.S.

BOSTON-On November 6, racist immigration courts and federal agents forcedPalestinian activist Amer Jubran into dropping his challenge to government proceedings to


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Japa .5. Hands OffWe print below a translationof an arti-cle whir:h appeared in'Spartacist Japan

(No. 28, October 2003), newspaper of heSpartacist Group Japan, section of theInternational Communist League (FourthInternationalist).

--1 ~ J t l l l f ! J ~ ~ SEPTEMBER 20-For more than a year,the Japanese capitalist ruling class hasbeen on a vicious campaign, staging provocations against the North Korean deformed workers state and laying the basisfor terrorist attacks against [the pro-NorthKorean group] Chosen Soren. The purpose of this campaign is to prepare thepopulation for whatever role the Japanesemilitary will play in the imperialists'attempts to destroy North Korea and toset up Chosen Soren and anyone whostands for the defense of minorities andthe working class in this country for statesanctioned murder by the right-wingmilitarists.Over the past year, North Korean shipshave been interdicted and sequestered onthe high seas by Japan, Australia andSpain. The Japanese coast guard playeda prominent role in the September"Pacific Protector" naval exercises in theCoral Sea off the coast of Australia.These "exercises," part of the "Proliferation Security Initiative," threaten a fullscale naval blockade of North Korea,which would be an act of war. The government's continued raids on and detentions of the Mangyongbong-92 ferry, inwhich more than 1,900 police and coastguard personnel have taken part, are blatant attempts to isolate, intimidate andterrorize not only North Korea, but allethnic Koreans and their defenders inthis country. Japanese pirates: Hands offNorth Korean ships!The hysterical accusations of "nuclearambitions" and "spying, smuggling andillegal cash transfers" on the part of NorthKorea are pretexts by both Japanese andAmerican imperialism to place a newgeneration of missiles in East Asia, theso-called "theater missile defense" system, directed primarily against the Chinese and North Korean deformed workersstates. North Korea's announcement inthe fall of 2002 that it had nuc1ear weapons followed Tokyo .governor Ishihara'sdemand that Japan declare war on NorthKorea and statements by several leadingJapanese politicians that Japan could andwould go nuclear. In fact, Japan's inventory of 55 tons of separated plutonium isenough to manufacture 10,000 nuclearwarheads.North Korea was created by the trouncing of the Japanese imperial army whenthe Soviet Red Army swept down theKorean peninsula in the closing days ofWorld War II. This brought liberation tothe Korean peninsula after 40 years ofbrutal Japanese colonial oppression. Formore than 50 years, the Korean peninsulahas been split between the bureaucratically deformed workers state in the Northand the capitalist South. Since the 1950-53 Korean War, North Korea has beensubjected to military encirclement andmore recently an economic embargoimposed by the imperialists. The presence

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North Korea!of almost 80,000 U.S. military troops inSouth Korea and Japan is a dagger aimedat the heart of the North Korean, Chineseand Vietnamese deformed workers states,and a threat to militant workers and toilers throughout Asia. The Japanese government's recent Defense White Papertargets North Korea, and the government is now threatening sanctions and

Japanese state mobilizedthousands of police,coast guard and othersecurity forces to raidand detain North Koreanferry, Mangyongbong-92,in port of Niigata.

pressuring UN aid agencies to stop foodshipments in an attempt to starve thecountry into submission. Smash the counterrevolutionary alliance between Japanese and U.S. imperialism! Down withthe embargo!Behind the campaign of Japanese andU.S. imperialism lies a broader strategyof encircling the Chinese deformed workers state, an encirclement that extendsmilitarily from Central Asia through thePhilippines and the possibility of stationing U.S. Marines in northern Australia.We stand for the unconditional militarydefense of the North Korean deformedworkers state-and of China, Cuba andVietnam where capitalism has also beeneliminated-against imperialism and internal capitalist counterrevolution. Thisdefense includes the right of these countries to produce and test nuclear weaponsto defend themselves against the nucleararmed imperialist madmen."Peace in Northeast Asia" will neverbe realized as long as Japanese imperialism exists. The fight to bring down Japanese imperialism through workers revolution at home is integrally linked tothe defense of the remaining deformedworkers states against the return of theimperialists, either through military oreconomic means. A counterrevolutionaryoverturn of collectivized property formsin North Korea would mean not only

even greater poverty in that country; itwould also be a dagger aimed at thegains of the 1949 Chinese Revolution,putting the forces of capitalist restorationon the border of China's heartland ofnationalized industry.The North Korean Stalinist bureaucracy's current policy-to use the threatof nuclear arms to demand a "non-

Kyodo photosaggression pact" with U.S. imperialismis simply militant begging, and utopian.I f such a deal were ever made it wouldopen the door to the return of UnitedNations "nuclear inspectors" to NorthKorea. Their only purpose would be toensure that the country is incapable ofdefending itself against an attack-just asthe UN inspectors did in Iraq. Beijing'swillingness to betray its North Koreancounterparts by brokering a disarmamentdeal between North Korea and the imperialists is a danger to the Chinese deformed workers state itself.Our defense of the North Korean

February 2002:U.S. presidentBush at"demilitarizedzone" separatingNorth and SouthKorea. U.S.troops in SouthKorea posemortal threat toNorth Koreanand Chinesedeformedworkers states.

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deformed workers state, ruled throughprimogeniture by Kim II Sung's son KimJong 11, is a defense of the overturn andexpropriation of capitalism. As LeonTrotsky pointed out in The RevolutionBetrayed, the Stalinist bureaucracies arethe main internal obstacle to defendingthe gains of the social revolutions. Thesegains include the right to a job, housing,education, childcare, social insurance andmedical care. These gains are beingundermined by the introduction of capitalist "market reforms" in China, NorthKorea and Vietnam, and millions of workers and peasants are being thrown outof work. The survival and extension ofthese gains require proletarian revolution in the advanced capitalist countriesand eventually on a worldwide scale. Toabandon defense of these workers states isto abandon the historic purpose of proletarian revolution. That purpose and thedefense of the workers states form thecornerstone of the program of the International Communist League, as they mustfor anyone who stands for world socialistrevolution.The Stalinist bureaucracies that rulethese workers states oppose the perspective of international socialist revolutionand seek both military and economicappeasement of the imperialists. Thesebureaucracies must be ousted throughproletarian political revolution. What isneeded is not a new form of class rule, buta change in the political character of theregime which exercises the dictatorshipof the proletariat. To accomplish this,Leninist-Trotskyist parties must be builtwhich would coordinate and lead theworkers fight for political revolution inthese countries and link those struggleswith those of their class brothers and sisters in Japan for a socialist revolution.This would lay the basis for the development of a socialist federation of Asia.Remilitarization andDomestic Repression

In tandem with increasing militarism,the Japanese ruling class is attacking theliving standards of the working class,minorities, women and youth. The rulingclass that is carrying out threats and provocations against North Korea is the sameruling class that endorsed the slaughterof Iraqis in the U.S.lBritish war againstIraq, and is preparing its military to participate in the colonial occupation of thatcountry. This is the same government thatcontinued on page 10

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1IIIe lause Iial Basses Ilrougi a Brison"18th Annual Holiday Appealfor Class-War PrisonersLittle captures the greed and hypocrisyof this country's capitalist rulers as poignantly as the holiday season. Amid thehype about the joy of giving and "goodwill towards men," American troops carryout a brutal occupation of Iraq. Legions

of homeless pick through garbage cansfor Christmas dinner. Thousands of workers receive pink slips while Wall Streetmagnates give themselves tens of millions in Christmas bonuses. Ghetto children go to bed hungry in dilapidatedslums without heat. Over two millionmen and women, over half of them blackand Hispanic, greet another new yearbehind prison bars. In John Ashcroft'sAmerica the .only Santa Claus comingdown your chimney will be an FBI agent.For us, this time of year is an occasionto redouble our commitment to thoseamong the inhabitants of America's prisonnation who were singled out for standingup to racist capitalist oppression-tradeunion militants, fighters for black freedom, fighters against national oppressionand opponents of imperialism and capitalist militarism. We provide monthly stipends to 16 class-war prisoners and holiday gifts for them and their families.These gifts and messages of solidarity area necessary reminder to these brothersand sisters that they are not forgotten.The Partisan Defense Committee initiated this program in 1986, reviving atradition of the early International LaborDefense (lLD) under its secretary, James P.Cannon (1925-28). As Cannon described:"The procession that goes in and outof the prison doors is not a new one. Itis the result of an old struggle undernew forms and under new conditions. Allthrough history those who have foughtagainst oppression have constantly beenfaced with the dungeons of a rulingclass ... . No cause is a great one whichhas not produced fighters in its rankswho have dared to face arrest and trialand imprisonment."-James P. Cannon, "The CauseThat Passes Through a Prison,"Labor Defender (September1926)

This year's Holiday Appeal takes onspecial significance, not only because arecent Pennsylvania Supreme Court ruling pushes death row political prisonerMumia Abu-Jamal a step closer to thedeath chamber, or that most of the classwar prisoners we honor have spent at leasta quarter century behind bars. Using theSeptember 11 attack on the World Trade

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Class-Struggle Defense NotesNo. 31, Summer 200350 (24 pages)Order from/make checks payable to:Partisan Defense CommitteeP.O. Box 99, Canal Street StationNew York, NY 10013-0099

noJames Cannon with William "Big Bill"Haywood in Moscow, 1922. Formed in1925, ILD launched mass campaign tosave victimized anarchist militantsNicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti,both executed in 1927.

Center as a pretext the government, withthe Democrats in near-unanimous agreement, rammed through the Patriot Actand other edicts which mark a qualitative diminution of democratic rights. Thegovernment's secret police have vastlyexpanded authority to tap your phone,search your home, scour your financialrecords, interrogate your librarian andplace you under arrest without probablecause that a crime has been committed.Much of what the government seeks to. do is seen particularly in the case of JosePadilla. An American citizen, Padilla wasarrested in May 2002 at Chicago's O'Hareairport and held as a material witness fora month before the Bush administrationdeclared that he had fantasies of settingoff a radioactive "dirty bomb." So theydeclared him an "enemy combatant" andshipped him off to a military brig, wherehe remains today without access toan attorney, without charges being filed,without any prospect of a hearing ortrial to challenge the accusations againsthim-the very essence of what is supposed to be due process of law.The PDC and Spartacist League fileda friends of the court (amici curiaf!) briefin the federal court of a p p e ~ l s onPadilla's behalf. As the brief points out,the Bush administration is putting inplace the juridical scaffolding of policestate rule-suspension of civil courts onpresidential command, unlimited powersof police to arrest and detain indefinitelywithout cause. The government is doingno less than asserting the right to disappear people, i.e., to institutionalize in theAmerican justice system the arbitrarydeprivation of rights that is the hallmark- of right-wing dictatorships propped uparound the world by U.S. imperialism.To take a stand for today's class-war

prisoners is to stand up to Washington'spolice-state designs and to strike a blowfor tomorrow's fighters against the ravages of capitalist oppression.While initially largely directed atimmigrants from predominaptly Islamiccountries, the new repressive measuresare ultimately to be used against the labormovement, blacks and opponents of U.S.imperialism. When New York transitworkers voted to go on strike last year,the media screamed they were launchinga "jihad" and the strikebreaking TaylorLaw was invoked. On April 7, based onso-called intelligence information, riotequipped cops at the Oakland docks firedon longshoremen and antiwar protesters,including supporters of the SpartacistLeague, with wooden bullets and concussion grenades. Had the Patriot Act been inforce at the time, class-war prisoner Jerry

Dale Lowe, the West Virginia miner sentenced to eleven years for defending hisunion during a 1993 strike, could havebeen declared a "terrorist" and whiskedoff to a prison indefinitely without eventhe semblance of a trial.For Class-StruggleNon-Sectarian Defense!

The PDC is a class-struggle, nonsectarian legal and social defense organization which champions cases and causesin the interest of the whole of the working people. This purpose is in accordancewith the political views of the SpartacistLeague. We stand unconditionally on theside of working people and their alliesin struggle against their exploiters andoppressors. We defend, in Cannon's words,"any member of the workers movement,regardless of his views, who suffered persecution by the capitalist courts becauseof his activities or his opinion" (First TenYears ofAmerican Communism [1962]).Initiated in 1974, the PDC cut its teethon organizing successful internationaldefense campaigns for Latin Americanleftists in the grip of bloody militarydictatorships. We launched fund-raisingcampaigns for striking British miners inthe mid 1980s as well as for the people ofthe Afghan city of Jalalabad when it wasbesieged by CIA-backed Islamic reactionaries following the Soviet withdrawalin 1989. We have initiated mass labor/black mobilizations to stop the KKK frommarching in cities across the country,including the 10,000-strong mobilizationin New York City four years ago. In Oakland, in February 2002 the PDC andLabor Black League for Social Defenseinitiated a united-front demonstration of300, centered on the powerful longshoreunion, in defense of immigrants and inopposition to the Patriot and MaritimeSecurity acts.These actions draw on the internationalist defense traditions bequeathed fromthe early years of the Communist International. These were embodied in a defenseorganization formed in the Soviet Unionin 1922 called the International Organization for Aid to Fighters of the Revolution(MOPR) -more popularly known as theInternational Red Aid-and its Americanaffiliate, the ILD. The MOPR was formedprimarily to organize worldwide workerrelief efforts for victims of counterrevolutionary White terror unleashed after theRed Army's withdrawal from Poland.Its first campaign assisted the Bulgarianvictims of White terror after the failed

WV PhotoNew York City: Partisan Defense Committee rally on behalf of Mumia AbuJamal, June 1990.WORKERS VANGUARD


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Par t i au De f eu e -- 1----- 0 . . . . . t e eAn Injury to One Is an Injury to All!

The 16 class-war prisoners describedbelow receive monthly stipends from thePDC.Mumia Abu-Jamal: Former BlackPanther Party spokesman, well-knownsupporter of the MOVE organization andaward-winning journalist known as the"voice of the voiceless," Jamal wasframed up for the 1981 killing of policeofficer Daniel Faulkner and sentenced todeath explicitly for his political views.December 9 marks 22 years on deathrow for a killing the cops know he didnot commit. Over two years ago, Jamal' sattorneys submitted to the courts thesworn confession of professional hitmanArnold Beverly that he, not Jamal, shotand killed officer Faulkner. But to theracists in black robes of both the Pennsylvania and federal judiciaries, a court

of law is no place for evidence of theinnocence of a fighter for the oppressedlike Jamal.Jamal's case is a textbook example ofa racist frame-up. He was saddled with alawyer he didn't want-and who didn'twant Jamal's case-a judge, Albert Sabo,known as the "king of death row," anoverwhelmingly white jury, a prosecutor's office that concealed and fabricatedevidence and a parade of witnesses whowere coerced by the notorious Philadelphia police into giving lying testimony against Mumia. In December 2001,a federal court in Pennsylvania overturned the death sentence while at thesame time affirming the frame-up conviction. Both the prosecution (seekingto reinstate the sentence of death) andMumia (seeking to overturn the conviction) appealed. Those appeals wereplaced on hold pending a ruling onJamal's appeal before the PennsylvaniaSupreme Court, which finally ruled lastmonth to again bar Beverly's testimonyand uphold Jamal's conviction. Still ondeath row, Mumia remains just a shortwalk and maybe a few months from thedeath chamber. Workers, minorities andall opponents of racist capitalist repression must now redouble their efforts. FreeMumiaNow!Jerry Dale Lowe: A West VirginiaUnited Mine Workers union militant andchairman of the local UMWA safety com-

1923 insurrection. The ILD together withMOPR rallied millions from Shanghai toSan Francisco-for anarchist workersSacco and Vanzetti framed up on murdercharges and ultimately executed in 1927;for revolutionaries subjected to counterrevolutionary terror in East Europe; forbesieged Nicaragua when the U.S.Marines went in in the late 1920s.The ILD was born out of discussionsthat took place in Moscow in 1925 between Cannon and the great labor leaderBig Bill Haywood. It was founded especially to take up the plight of class-warprisoners in the United States. It fused theIndustrial Workers of the World (IWW)tradition of militant class-struggle nonsectarian defense and their slogan, "Aninjury to one is an injury to all," with thegreat internationalism of the BolshevikRevolution, a revolution made not merelyfor the workers of Russia but for theworkers and oppressed of the world. As aresolution from the ILD's first conferencein 1925 declared:

'The labor movement must be awakenedfrom its slumber and must be roused tothe menacing significance of the attemptof the capitalists to break the morale ofthe working-class by imprisoning its bestfighters. The workers must not be allowedto forget those who lie in prison for them,but must be stirred into action in their -defense."The U.S.' emergence as an imperialist

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mittee, Lowe was framed up for theshooting death of a scab contractor atArch Mineral's Ruffner mine during aseven-month strike in 1993 and sentencedthe following year to eleven years with nopossibility of parole.The bullet which killed the scab hadcome from an area where armed company thugs from Elite Security had beenpositioned. When it became clear thatprosecutors had no evidence to convict

WV PhotosAbove: Victimized mineworker Jerry Dale Lowe.Right: Mumia Abu-Jamal.Lowe under state law, the Clinton JusticeDepartment stepped in to railroad Loweto prison on charges of "interfering withinterstate commerce."We have urged the UMWA and othermilitants everywhere to take up Lowe'scause. The leadership of the UMWA,along with the rest of the union bureaucracy, abandoned Lowe to face the wrath ofthe labor-hating government alone. Andthough his sentence is winding up, thefight for his freedom is as pressing as ever.Eight MOVE members, Chuck Africa,Michael Davis Africa, Debbie SimsAfrica, Janet Holloway Africa, JanineAfrica, Delbert Orr Africa, EdwardGoodman Africa and William PhillipsAfrica, are in their 26th year in prison.They were sentenced to 30-100 yearsafter the 8 August 1978 siege on theirPhiladelphia home by over 600 heavilyarmed cops, having been falsely convicted of killing a police officer whodied in the cops' own crossfire. Convicted of the same charges, Merle Africa

power at the close of the 19th century wasaccompanied by brutal racist terror-the. 1890s saw an average of two lynchingsa week. I t was also a period of intenselabor struggle, with militant strikes morenumerous than any time since. The IWWled union organizing drives and antilynching campaigns; their fight againstthe arrests of thousands of members forsoapboxing and distributing IWW leaflets, known as the free speech campaign,laid the basis for what rights under theFirst Amendment are in existence today.The rise of labor struggle was metwith brutal state repression. There is thecase of the Haymarket martyrs, mostlyimmigrant working-class leaders, largelyanarchists, who without a shred of evidence were framed up for a bombing'during a workers rally in Chicago on 4May 1886. A 1902 anti-anarchist'law inNew York became the model for stateand federal "criminal syndicalism" lawswhich targeted organizations and individuals seeking "a change in industrialownership or control, or effecting anypolitical change." In 1903 Congresspassed the first legislation barringimmigrants who "believe in or advocate theoverthrow by force and violence" of theU.S. government, the first such lawcriminalizing political beliefs since theAlien and Sedition Acts of 1798.With the beginning of World War I and

died in prison in 1998.Jaan Laaman and Ray Luc Levasseurhave spent almost two decades behindbars. These leftist activists were part of

the Ohio 7, who were convicted for theirrole in a radical group that took creditfor bank "expropriations" ;rl1d bombingsin the hite 1970s and '80s against symbols of U.S. imperialism such as military and corporate offices. Before theirarrests in Ohio and Virginia in 1984 and

1985, they were targets of massive manhunts throughout the East Coast andMidwest. Their children were kidnappedat gunpoint by the Feds and interrogated.The government piled one sentence atopanother, intent on keeping the Ohio 7imprisoned until the day they die.Already imprisoned on multiplecharges, in 1989 Levasseur, his wife, Pat,and Richard Williams were charged undersedition laws dusted off by the Feds andtried again for the same alleged crimesfor which they had been jailed. Afterthe longest "seditious conspiracy" trial inAmerican history, all three were acquitted, an important setback to the government's attempt to make all leftist politicalopponents into outlaws.The politics of the Ohio 7 were onceheld by thousands of radicals during theheyday of the Vietnam antiwar movement and the New Left, who wrote offthe possibility of winning the workingclass to a revoluti onary' progra m andsaw themselves as an auxiliary to "Third

preparation for U.S. involvement, the government stepped up its attacks on laborand the left. Well-known California laborleaders Tom Mooney and Warren Billings,opponents of U.S. entry into World War I,were framed up for a bombing at a Preparedness Day parade in San Francisco in1916, and spent 22 years in prison. Underthe 1917 Espionage Act and 1918 SeditionAct thousands of labor agitators, opponents of U.S. entry into the war, anarchistsand "reds" were imprisoned. Among themwas Ricardo Flores Magon, a leadingMexican anarchist who was imprisoned in

World" liberation movements. But, likethe Weathermen before them, the Ohio 7were spumed by the "respectable" left.From the standpoint of the proletariat,the actions of Levasseur and his comradesagainst imperialism and racist injusticeare not a crime. As the PDC has said fromthe time the Ohio 7 were first persecutedby the capitalist state, these courageousfighters should not have served a day inprison and should be free now.

Hugo Pinell is the last of the SanQuentin Six still in prison; a militant antiracist leader of prison rights organizingalong with George Jackson, who wasmurdered by prison guards in 1971. Inprison for over 38 years, last year Pinellwas again denied parole and continues toserve a life sentence at the notorious Pelican Bay Security Housing Unit in California. Pinell, who has been denied paroleseven times, has a parole hearing scheduled for January.Ed Poindexter and WopashitweMondo Eyen we Langa are former BlackPanther supporters and leaders of theOmaha Nebraska Committee to CombatFascism. They were victims of a racistFBI COINTELPRO operation, framed upfor an explosion in 1970 which killed acop. Both were convicted on the basis ofperjured testimony, sentenced to life andhave now spent more than 30 years apiecein jail. The Nebraska Board of Pardonsrefuses to lessen their sentences so thatthey can be considered for parole.

Jamal Hart, Mumia's son, was sentenced in 1998 to 15Y2 years on bogusfirearms possession charges, targeted forhis prominent activism in the campaignto free his father. Although initiallycharged under Pennsylvania laws, whichwould have meant a probationary sentence, Clinton's Justice Department intervened to have Hart thrown in prison. Heis not eligible for parole. Hart is at Fairton, New Jersey where he is subject toabuse by brutal and racist prison guards.In July, Hart was thrown into solitary.Contribute now! All proceeds fromthe Holiday Appeal will go to the ClassWar Prisoners Stipend Fund. Send yourcontributions to: PDC, P.O. Box 99,Canal St. Station, New York, NY 10013;(212) 406-4252.

1918 and who died of diabetes in Leavenworth prison in 1922. Another was Socialist Party leader Eugene V. Debs, for aspeech containing the "incendiary" message to workers: "You need to know thatyou are fit for something better than slavery and cannon fodder." Haywood himselffled to Moscow while his appeal waspending from his conviction under thosesame laws for calling for a strike duringwartime.The ILD was launched in the midst ofa decade of rampant reaction. In thecontinued on page 9

Belleflllor Clilll-Wilr PrllOllerlOrganize for Jamal's FreedomSunday, December 71 to 4 p.m.

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Centro de l Pueblo 6 Harrison St., Manhattan474 Valencia, San Francisco (Take 1 or 9 to Franklin St.)For more information: For more information:(510) 839-0852 (212) 406-4252

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Expropriate the Bourgeoisie!This summer, Hong Kong was the site

of a series of mass, anti-Communist mobilizatioJ)s openly, indeed flagrantly, backedby American and British imperialism. Thepretext for the protests was new "security" legislation introduced (and sincewithdrawn) by the Beijing-appointed anddirected executive of this capitalist enclave within the People's Republic ofChina (PRC). These events clearly illuminate certain basic truths that have beenobscured by the widespread notion thatChina has become or is fast becomingcapitalist under the government of theChinese Communist Party (CCP).Despite more than two decades ofmarket-oriented "reforms" by the BeijingStalinist regime, the core elements ofChina's economy remain collectivized.The 1949 Revolution, although bureaucratically deformed from the outset, liberated mainland China from the capitalistsand landlords and their American imperialist masters. And they want to get Chinaback. The conciliatory policies of theCCP regime, from Mao Zedong and DengXiaoping to Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao,have allowed Hong Kong to become abridgehead for the forces of capitalistcounterrevolution within the PRC. A proletarian political revolution in China ousting the Stalinist bureaucracy would necessarily expropriate the Chinese capitalistclass in Hong Kong, the imperialistbacked enemy within of China's workersand rural toilers.When Mao's peasant-based Red Armymarched into Beijing in 1949, a largebody of China's capitalists fled to the offshore island of Taiwan where they havebeen protected ever since by Americanmilitary power. A lesser though still significant number of China's capitalistsdecamped to the British island colony ofHong Kong. The Mao regime, for all itsstrident Chinese nationalist rhetoric andpretensions to revolutionary socialism,never challenged British sovereignty overHong Kong.After years-long negotiations, HongKong was transferred to the sovereigntyof the People's Republic in 1997. Under

Hong Kong TraderBeijing-appointed Hong Kong chiefexecutive Tung Chee-hwa.the formula "one country, two systems,"the Jiang Zemin regime ensured therewould be no infringement of the propertyrights of Hong Kong's wealthy financiersand other businessmen. We wrote at thetime:

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"The International Communist League(Fourth Internationalist) joined in cheering as the rotted British Empire finallylost its last major colonial holding withthe lowering of the bloody Union Jackand the raising of the five-starred redflag of the People's Republic. But wewarn that in the hands of the venal Stalinist bureaucracy, which has pledged tomaintain Hong Kong's capitalist system,the takeover of the territory is a dagger

aimed at the remaining gains of the 1949Chinese Revolution."-WVNo. 671,11 July 1997

Throughout their occupation of HongKong, the British imperialists lorded itover the island as the racist and repressive overseers. It was only in the yearsleading up to reunification that the British imperialists started to install sometrappings of "democracy" in Hong Kong.The last British colonial governor, Christopher Patten, actively promoted the formation of a militantly anti-Communist,

Hong Kong, July 1:Anti-Communist protest by500,000 against proposed"security" law. Right: Demonstrators burn communist flag.

pro-Western party, the Democratic Party.Supported by a section of the HongKong bourgeoisie, the Democratic Partyacquired a mass constituency among thecity's large petty-bourgeois populatione.g., the managerial and technical personnel of its banks, trading houses, industrial corporations, etc.The political liberalization of the early1990s also allowed the formation of aleft-wing, pro-Beijing party, the Democratic Association for the Betterment ofHong Kong (DAB). Its founding leaderwas a self-described Marxist. Many of itsleading figures were former Maoist "RedGuards" who had made much trouble forthe British colonial authorities in the late1960s. More importantly, from its inception the DAB has been largely based on asection of the working class through itsclose ties to the Hong Kong Federation ofTrade Unions (FTU), which with a combined membership of almost 300,000 in2000 is the city's largest. Many DABleaders are former union officials.As the transfer of sovereignty to thePRC approached, the main body of theHong Kong bourgeoisie decided it wastactically smarter to collaborate with theBeijing regime than to adopt a confrontational stance a a the Democratic Party.These "patriotic" financiers and industrialists did not join the leftist DAB butinstead formed their own parties, mostprominently the Liberal Party, with anexplicitly "free market" capitalist ideology and program. Following the July 1anti-Communist mobilization, whichdrew some 500,000, it was Liberal Partyleader James Tien who reportedly convinced Hong Kong chief executive TungChee-hwa-and behind him the powersthat be in Beijing-to drop the new"security" legislation.The preservation of Hong Kong as acapitalist enclave within the PRC is inkeeping with the more than two-decadelong policy of the Beijing regime ofencouraging investment in the mainland

by the offshore Chinese bourgeoisie. Butthe British, strongly backed by the Americans, also demanded that there shouldbe no curbs on the activities of the political parties of the Hong Kong propertiedclasses, including especially the Democratic Party. This was not at all to the liking of Jiang Zernin and his cohorts.As it was, a compromise was reached.Beijing appointed a "strong" executive inHong Kong headed by a former shipping magnate, Tung Chee-hwa. The city'slegislative body was given quite limited

powers, and elections to it were structured in such a way that the DemocraticParty could not gain control even if it garnered a majority of the votes.Since 1997, Hong Kong has experienced a certain shift in its social composition which also affects the local political balance of forces. Hong Kong'scapitalists have increasingly concentratedindustrial investment on the mainlandwhere labor is much cheaper. One consequence has been an increase in the relativesocial weight of the petty bourgeoisie,which benefits the Democratic and Liberal parties as against the mainly workingclass-based DAB.The Crisis over Article 23

The crisis last summer was set offwhen the Tung executive, certainly actingunder the directions of Beijing, proposednew "security" legislation in the form ofimplementing Article 23 of Hong Kong'sseparate constitution (the Basic Law).This would have broadened the powers ofthe Hong Kong executive to suppress"seditious" groups and individuals. Hadthe new "security" law been enacted, itwould more likely have been used againstmilitant workers and leftists, includingdissident elements of the DAB/FTU,rather than against anti-Communist rightists. As revolutionary Trotskyists, we opposed this legislation, and we place noconfidence in the bureaucracy to carry outgenuine defense of the Chinese deformedworkers state. Concretely, the Beijingbureaucracy has no intention of cleaningout the bourgeois counterrevolutionariesin Hong Kong because it is intent onmaintaining Hong Kong as a capitalistenclave.The July 1 protest had nothing to dowith maintaining the legal status quo inthe Hong Kong Special AdministrativeRegion. The Democratic Party has madeno secret that its goal is to take politicalpower in Hong Kong and transform it intoan anti-Communist bastion from which to

launch a "pro-democracy" movement onthe mainland. On the eve of the protest,British foreign office minister Bill Rammell issued a statement denouncing theproposed "security" legislation as a violation of Hong Kong's "independent" legalsystem. Afterward, writing in no less anauthoritative organ of American capitalthan the Wall Street Journal (lO July),James A. Kelly, Bush's assistant secretaryof state for East Asian and Pacific Affairs,lauded the Hong Kong protesters forsending a "powerful message that freedom matters deeply to them." Needless tosay, the only "freedom" that matters tothe men represented by the Wall StreetJournal is freedom to exploit the workersand rural toilers of China as well as thosein the rest of the world.Initially, the DAB/FTU leadership supported the proposed legislation out ofloyalty to Beijing. In fact, the DAB andFTU staged counterdemonstrations, reportedly drawing 40,000, against the antiCommunists in July under the slogans"National security is the responsibilityof everyone" and "Without the state, wedon't have a home." In late August, however, the DAB leaders did an about-faceand proposed that any new "security" legislation be postponed for at least a year. Incontrast to the DAB/FTU leaders, a Trotskyist organization in Hong Kong wouldhave opposed Article 23, seeking rather toexpand the available democratic rightsin order to mobilize the working class,especially supporters of the DAB/FTU,against the city's capitalist class in bothits openly anti-Communist and "patriotic" wings.The two organizations in Hong Kongmisidentified with Trotskyism-the Octo-ber Review and Pioneer groups-are insubstance anti-Communist social democrats. The former actively mobilized forthe July protest, calling for a "returnof government to the people" (OctoberReview, 31 May). The Pioneer groupactually joined with the right-wing bourgeois nationalists of the Guomindangto protest against restoring Hong Kongto the People's Republic of China in1997. This summer Pioneer was part ofthe "Civil Human Rights Front" thatorganized the July 1 anti-Communistdemonstration, which Pioneer hailed asan "initial victory of people's power."

Although not now possible, the American imperialists would like to use HongKong as a staging point to replay in mainland China the same political strategythey used in East Europe and the formerSoviet Union in the 1980s and early '90s:promoting a capitalist counterrevolutionary movement in the name of Westernstyle "democracy." Behind the facade ofparliamentary democracy in the West andelsewhere is the reality of the political aswell as economic dominance of the capitalist class-i.e., racial oppression, persecution of immigrants, brutal exploitation, etc.As part of our struggle to defend andextend the gains of the 1949 ChineseRevolution, we call for the expropriationof the Hong Kong bourgeoisie, includingtheir holdings on the Chinese mainland.But to carry out this task poses the needto sweep away the Beijing bureaucracy,which by its policies is undermining thedefense of the Chinese workers state,through workers political revolution. Wefight for a government of workers andpeasants councils (soviets) such as wascreated by the 1917 Bolshevik Revolutionled by Lenin and Trotsky. Such a government in China would seize the wealthof Hong Kong's financiers and othercapitalists and use these J;esources in theinterests of China's workers and ruraltoilers.

WORKERS VANGUARD


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China ...(continued from page 1)have been for some time. The overwhelming majority of these were longtime CCP managerial cadre who tookover the small state-owned enterprisesthey were running when these were privatized over the past several years.Some groups that falsely claim tobe Trotskyist have embraced the nowconventional wisdom in Western bourgeois circles that "capitalist roadism" hasdecisively triumphed among those governing China. Commenting on the 16thCCP Congress, the British-centered tendency led by Peter Taaffe wrote: "Chinais on the road to complete capitalist restoration, but the ruling clique are attempting to do this gradually and by maintaining their repressive authoritarian grip"(Socialist, 22 November 2002). By labeling China's government an "authoritarian"capitalist-restorationist regime, the Taaffeites and their ilk can justify supportingimperialist-backed anti-Communist forcesin China in the name of promoting"democracy," jus t as they supported BorisYeltsin's "democratic" counterrevolutionin the USSR in 1991.In maintaining that China continues tobe a bureaucratically deformed expression of proletarian state power, we do not

APChinese astronaut Yang Liwei. ThisOctober, China became the thirdcountry in the world to launch a maninto space.deny or mInImIZe the growing socialweight in China of both the newly fledgedcapitalist entrepreneurs on the mainlandand the old, established offshore Chinesebourgeoisie in Taiwan and Hong Kong.Many a top government and/or party official has a son, younger brother, nephewor, as in the case of Chinese presidentHu Jintao, son-in-law-who's a privatebusinessman.Nonetheless, the political power of themain body of the Beijing Stalinist bureaucracy continues to be based on the corecollectivized elements of China's economy. Furthermore, the economic policiesof the CCP regime are still constrainedby fear of social-especially workingclass-unrest which could topple it. Thiscame close to happening in 1989 whenstudent-centered protests for political liberalization and against corruption triggered a spontaneous workers revolt thatwas then suppressed with great bloodshedby regime-loyal army units. (For anextensive account of this incipient proletarian political revolution, see "Ten YearsAfter Tiananmen-China: Fight Capitalist Restoration! For Workers PoliticalRevolution!" WV Nos. 714 and 715, 28May and 11 June 1999.)A capitalist counterrevolution in China(as in East Europe and the former USSR)would be accompanied by the collapse ofStalinist bonapartism and the politicalfracturing of the ruling Communist Party.The economic policies of the Beijing Sta':linist regime that encourage capitalistenterprise (and the corresponding right-21 NOVEMBER 2003

ward shifts in the bureaucracy's formalideological posture) have increasinglystrengthened those social forces that willgive rise to imperialist-backed, openlycounterrevolutionary factions and partieswhen the CCP can no longer maintain itspresent monopoly of political power. Thiscan be clearly seen today in the capitalistenclave of Hong Kong, the one part of thePRC where bourgeois oppositional parties exist. Last summer, Hong Kong'sDemocratic Party organized mass, antiCommunist mobilizations openly supported by the Bush administration inWashington and its junior partners inLondon (see "Hong Kong: Expropriatethe Bourgeoisie!", page 6).Sujian Guo, a right-wing Chineseemigre intellectual in the U.S., publishedan interesting article in the Journal ofContemporary China (August 2003) dissenting from the view that China hasalready become or is fast becoming capitalist ("The Ownership Reform in China:What Direction and How Far?"). According to a brief biographical sketch, Guowas a "former policy analyst at the PartyCentral Committee in China." Givenhis present ideological bias, Guo minimizes the growth of capitalist elements inChina's economy and ascribes to the topCCP leaders a continuing be lief in socialism, at any rate in the historical long run.But this anti-Communist advocate of"free market" capitalism understands abasic truth which most leftists, includingself-described Marxists, do not:

"How to privatize such a huge estate ofstate ownership within the framework ofthe existing political system and struc-ture is really problematic and technicallyunworkable. The experience of other former communist countries has shown thatthere is no single case of making privatization successful with the communistparty remaining in power and its political system intact." [emphasis in original]The leaders of the CCP, too, looked atwhat had happened in the East European"People's Democracies" and the formerUSSR in the late 1980s and early 1990s,

drew their own lessons and acted accordingly. They also drew some lessons fromthe 1989 Tiananmen revolt that threatened their own downfall. They weredetermined there would be no politicalliberalization even at the academic/intellectuallevel. The regime of Jiang Zemin,who succeeded Deng when the latterdied in 1997, was able to prevent anyorganized factional opposition in whathistorically has been a quite fractiousruling Stalinist party. There appears to beno significant dissident movement ormilieu on the mainland either to the rightor left of the central CCP leadership.The Latest Illusion ofChinese Stalinism

China's high rate of economic growthin recent years-moreover, amid a generalized world capitalist recession-hasproduced a certain triumphalist moodamong the CCP leadership and cadre andaffiliated intelligentsia. One would certainly encounter a very different moodamong the millions of workers laid offfrom state-owned enterprises, impoverished migrants from the countryside andpoor .peasants barely eking out a livingtoiling on tiny plots with rudimentaryequipment. But among Chinese intellectuals of mainstream political views oneincreasingly hears the notion that theircountry has somehow found a middleway between the anarchy of "free market" capitalism and the rigidities of theold-style Stalinist "comma nd economy."In their younger days, Jiang Zemin,Hu Jintao et al. doubtless subscribed tothe Maoist-Stalinist doctrine that Chinawas "building socialism" with its ownunaided efforts. They now view that as aproduct of "dogmatic thinking" and seethemselves as hardheaded realists confronting and dealing with the rest of theworld as it actually is. Yet Jiang, Hu andtheir cohorts are driven by delusions ofgrandeur exceeding the wildest imaginings of Chairman Mao.The present CCP leaders believe thatthey can modernize China, transforming itinto a great world power-indeed, the

Mao's anti-Sovietalliance withU.S. imperialism,sealed by 1972meeting in Beijingwith war criminalNixon, helpedopen door toimperialistpenetrationof China.

global superpower of the 21st centurythrough ever greater integration intothe world capitalist economy. They trulybelieve they can control and manipulateCitibank, the Deutsche Bank and theBank of Tokyo-Mitsubishi to help buildup China so that in a generation o r two itwill surpass the United States, Germanyand Japan. Believing they are transforming China into a global superpower, theyare actually clearing the path for returning China to the pre-revolutionary era ofuntrammeled imperialist subjugation.The growth of imperialist belligerence towiird China since the collapse ofthe Soviet Union is evidence enough thatthe world's bourgeoisies will not countenance the Beijing bureaucracy's greatpower ambitions. Over the past decade,the Pentagon has redeployed a significant proportion of its military forces tothe Pacific Rim region, while pushingahead with plans for a "theater missiledefense." As a result of its incursion intoAfghanistan and Central Asia, as well asa renewed military presence in the Philippines and elsewhere, the U.S. has significantly strengthened its military visearound China. In signing on to the U.S.led "war on terror," Beijing has onlyencouraged U.S. imperialism in its counterrevolutionary drive. The Chinese leadership has also joined the crusade againstNorth Korea's nuclear weapons program.This is a nationalist betrayal that undermines the Chinese deformed workersstate itself; capitalist counterrevolutionin North Korea would only embolden theforces of capitalist restoration targetingChina.

To be sure, the ruling Chinese Stalinists are not simply supine in the face ofU.S. military encirclement: witness theirvigorous response to Washington's spyplane provocation two years ago. The CCPregime has also resisted American demands to impose an economic embargoagainst the North Korean deformed workers state. But the Stalinists' pipe dreamthat there can be "peaceful coexistence"with imperialism can only lull the vigilance of the Chinese masses and undermine the defense of their workers state.The alternative to a bloody, imperialistbacked counterrevolution is proletarianpolitical revolution. For the past severalyears, there have been large-scale andwidespread popular protests and labor

struggles, especially over the massivelayoffs in state-owned industrial enterprises. To date, through a combination ofrepression and concessions, the regimehas managed to contain these at the levelof localized economic actions. Nonetheless, at its base China is a profoundlyunstable society. Sooner or later, theexplosive social tensions will shatter thepolitical structure of the ruling bureaucratic caste. And when that happens, thefate of the most populous country onearth will be starkly posed: proletarianpolitical revolution to open the road tosocialism or capitalist enslavement andimperialist subjugation.The outcome of that momentous battlewill be of decisive significance for theworking masses not only of China but ofthe entire world. As with the counterrevolutionary destruction of the SovietUnion, the restoration of capitalism inChina would further embolden the imperialists to lash out against their own workers and against the semi colonial peopleseverywhere. It would also heighten rivalries between the imperialists over whowould exploit China, bringing the planetthat much closer to a new interimperialistworld war. This underscores the obligation of the international proletariat tostand in defense of the gains of the Chinese Revolution. On the other hand, apolitical revolution carried out under thebanner of proletarian internationalismwould truly shake the world.A government of workers and peasantscouncils would expropriate without compensation the hundreds of billions of dollars in productive wealth owned by Chinese capitalists-mainland and offshore-and by Western and Japanese investors.It would re-establish a centrally plannedand managed economy-including a statemonopoly of foreign trade-governed notaccording to the arbitrary "commandism"of a closed-in bureaucratic caste (whichproduced such disasters as Mao's "GreatLeap Forward") but by the widest proletarian democracy.Such measures would provoke intenseimperialist hostility, both militarily andeconomically (e.g., an economic embargo). But among the workers and oppressed internationally, including in theimperialist heartlands, they would meetwith huge sympathy and solidarity.

continued on page 8

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China ...(continued from page 7)

Imbued with Stalinist preachings of"socialism in one country," even the mostleftist Chinese workers may view theprospect for socialist revolution in theadvanced capitalist countries as remote orutopian. But a proletarian political revolution in China would shatter the "deathof communism" ideological climate propagated by, the bourgeoisie since thedestruction of the Soviet Union. I t wouldradicalize the proletariat of Japan, theindustrial powerhouse of East Asia. I twould spark a fight for the revolutionaryreunification of Korea-through politicalrevolution in the beleaguered North andsocialist revolution in the South-andreverberate among the masses of SouthAsia, Indonesia and the Philippines bledwhite by imperialist austerity. It wouldrevive the working people of Russia whohave been ground down by a decade ofcapitalist imrniseration.Only through the overthrow of capitalist class rule internationally, particularlyin the imperialist centers of North America, West Europe and Japan, can the allround modernization of China be achievedas part of a socialist Asia. It is to providethe necessary leadership for the proletariat in these struggles that the ICL seeks toreforge Trotsky's Fourth Internationalworld party of socialist revolution.The Core Collectivist Elementsof China's Economy

The CCP leadership officially describes China as a "socialist market economy." It is the "socialist" (i.e., collectivist) aspects which are responsible for thepositive economic developments in Chinain recent years: the vast expansion of investment in infrastructure (e.g., urbanconstruction, canals, railroads and thegiant Three Gorges Dam project), theability of China to have navigated successfully through the 1997-98 East Asianfinancial/economic crisis and then a generalized world capitalist recession. And itis the market aspects of China's economywhich are responsible for the negativedevelopments-the ever-widening gapbetween rich and poor, the immiserationof a large and growing fraction of thepopulace, tens of millions of workers laidoff from state-owned enterprises, thearmy of impoverished migrants in the cities who can no longer make a living in thecountryside.In China today, it is the core collectivized elements of the economy whichcontinue to be dominant, though not in astable, coherent manner due to an evershifting interaction between contradictory institutional arrangements and government policies. In 2001, s t a t e ' ~ o w n e d and partly state-owned enterprises (shareholding corporations) accounted for 57percent of the gross value of China'sindustrial output (China Statistical Yearbook [2002]). But this simple statisticalfigure obscures the strategic centrality ofstate-owned industry. The private (including foreign-owned) sector consists forthe most part of factories producing ligh tmanufactures by labor-intensive methods. Heavy industry, the high-tech sectors, modem armaments production areoverwhelmingly concentrated in stateowned enterprises. It is these enterprisesthat have enabled China to put a man inspace. Far more importantly, it is stateowned industry that has enabled Ch ina tobuild an arsenal of nuclear weapons andlong-range missiles to ward off the American imperialists' threat of a nuclear firststrike.All major banks in China are stateowned. Almost the entirety of householdsavings-estimated at one trillion dollars-is deposited in the four main stateowned commercial banks. Governmentcontrol of the financial system has beenkey to maintaining and expanding production in state-owned industry and tothe overall expansion of the state sector.-Between 1998 and 2001, governmentspending in China increased from 12 to20 percent of the country's gross domestic8

product. The largest and fastest-growingcomponent of government expenditurehas been investment in infrastructure,which increased by 81 percent over thesethree years. Moreover, this has been happening at a time when the entire capitalist world-including the wealthiest countries in North America and West Europe-has been pursuing fiscal austerity.Total planned expenditure to construct anetwork of canals for irrigation purposesfrom the Yangtze River to the YellowRiver in the north is $59 billion. Another$42 billion is to be spent on expandingthe lines of China's state-owned railroadsystem. By comparison, last year directforeign investment in China from allsources totaled $53 billion.Continued state ownership of the financial system has enabled the Beijingregime up to now to effectively (thoughnot totally) control the flow of moneycapital in and out of mainland China.China's currency, the yuan (also calledthe renminbi) is not freely convertible; itis not traded (legally) in international currency markets. The restricted convertibility of the yuan has kept China insulatedfrom the volatile movements of shortterm capital ("hot money") which periodically wreak havoc on the economies ofThird World neocolonial countries fromLatin America to East Asia.Furthermore, over the past year theBeijing regime has maintained an increasing undervaluation of the yuan (in"free market" terms), much to the displeasure of American, European and Japanese capitalists. A second-level capitalistimperialist country like Britain could nothave controlled the exchange rate of its

currency in world markets as China hasdone. Within months if not weeks, speculative money-capital would have floodedinto the City of London, forcing an upwardrevaluation of the pound regardless ofwhat the Blair government wanted or did.I t is precisely the core collectivist elements of China's economy described abovewhich the forces of world imperialismwant to eliminate and dismantle. Theirultimate goal is to reduce China to a giantsweatshop under neocolonial subjugation.Jonathan Anderson, the China "expert"for the Wall Street investment bank Goldman Sachs, asserts: "The bottom line isthat China is becoming a manufacturinghub for the rest of the world in low-end,labour-intensive goods. Contrary to current fears, the rest of the world is becoming a manufacturing hub for China inhigh-end, capital-intensive goods" (London Financial Times, 25 February). Theman from Goldman Sachs is here projecting onto China's present economic reality Wall Street's plans for that country'sfuture.The Beijing bureaucracy's abandonment of the strict state monopoly of foreign trade serves, however, to facilitateWall Street's plans. Despite its rapidgrowth in recent years, the Chinese economy is backward relative to even thelesser capitalist-imperalist powers. Thereis a dramatic amount of new constructioncurrently underway in Beijing, withcranes visible virtually everywhere. But

as a comrade who recently visited Chinatold Workers Vanguard: "The construction crews are always very large, with notmuch in the way of earth-moving equipment other than wheelbarrows and picks.Once at the edge of Beijing, I saw about30 guys working to put up a three-foot

brick wall with two horse-drawn carts fullof bricks."While China's exports to the U.S. andother Western countries continue to increase at record levels, these largely consist of low-wage, low-value light manufacture and consumer goods like clothing,toys and household appliances. As Jonathan Anderson points out, China's increase in gross industrial output between1993 and 2002-from $480 billion to$1,300 billion-was nearly completelyoffset by the increase in its gross purchases of industrial products, i.e., machinery and capital equipment.Against the economies of the U.S.,Japan and West Europe, Chinese industry, with its relatively low productivity oflabor, cannot compete on the world market. What Trotsky wrote in refuting theStalinist doctrine of "socialism in onecountry" in the Soviet Union applieswith full force to China today:"The capitalist world shows us by itsexport and import figures that it hasother instruments of persuasion thanthose of military intervention. To theextent that productivity of labor and theproductivity of a social system as awhole are measured on the market by thecorrelation of prices, it is not so muchmilitary intervention as the interventionof cheaper capitalist commodities that

constitutes perhaps the greatest immediate menace to Soviet economy."- The Third InternationalAfter Lenin (1928)

The main weapon available to a nationally isolated and relatively economicallybackward workers state against the intervention of cheaper goods is the statemonopoly of foreign trade-i.e., the strictcontrol of imports and exports by the gov-"0oo::J


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or lucky enough, for a net gain over thepurchase price. But they cannot determine or even influence the managementand corporate policies. These are determined by various and often conflictingpolitical as well as economic pressures.A clear example of this is GoldenSummit, a cement-making enterprise inLeshan in the far western province ofSichuan. Formed in the late 1980s,Golden Summit was listed on the Shanghai stock exchange in the early 1990s. Itturned out to be quite a profitable operation. In 1997, the company's generalmanager, Gu Song, also served (in afairly common arrangement) as deputysecretary of the Leshan CCP. In that dualcapacity he arranged for Golden Summitto take over Dadu River Steel, a stateowned enterprise in the city which, however, was losing money. Obviously, thisacquisition made no economic sense.Why then was it done? Because theworkers at Dadu River Steel had stagedviolent protests over unpaid wages. Sothe local CCP leadership utilized theample cash reserves of Golden Summitto damp down labor unrest in its bailiwick. Thus a managerial decision affecting the company's financial conditionwas made on political, not economicgrounds.A recent book on China's financial

Holiday Appeal ...(continued from page 5)wake of the Bolshevik-led Russian Revolution, the U.S. government and manystates adopted a new wave of criminalsyndicalism laws. The Palmer raids ofearly 1920 led to the arrests and deportations of thousands of leftists. Unionsshrank almost to nonexistence and laborsuffered nothing but defeats. In 1925,25,000 KKK members felt free to paradefully robed down the streets of Washington, D.C. The 1920s saw widespreadlynchings and racist pogroms. It was inthis period that the American capitaliststate constructed the deadly apparatus ofpolitical repression-with its vast armyof spies and informers, local police "redsquads," wiretaps and mail interceptions-that was later deployed by J. EdgarHoover's FBI in the 1960s.Upon its founding the ILD adopted 106prisoners, instituting the policy of financially assisting these prisoners and theirfamilies. Representative of them wereMooney and Billings; Sacco and Vanzetti; Paul Crouch and Walter Trumbull,imprisoned for carrying on anti-militariststruggle while in the army; and IWWlumberjack John Bums, sentenced to fouryears for being caught with a sack ofIWW literature. The number gJ;ew rapidly: Zeigler miners in Illinois 'whosefights over wages and working conditions pitted them head-on against theKKK; striking textile workers in Passaic,New Jersey. The ILD monthly, LaborDefender, educated tens of thousands ofworkers to the struggles of their classbrothers, and carried letters from the prisoners describing their cases and theimportance of ILD support.

The PDC revived the tradition ofmonthly stipends during the Reagan years,a period of rampant reaction m,arked byvicious racist repression, brutal unionbusting, anti-immigrant hysteria, dismantling of fetters on the racist death penaltyand malicious cutbacks in social servicesfor the predominantly black and Hispanicpoor. This was the era of the Cold War IIanti-Soviet war drive, and behind this allsided reaction was the capitalist rulers'efforts to regiment the population for waragainst the bureaucratically degeneratedSoviet workers state.These policies fueled the rise of KKK,Nazi and skinhead terror. The PDC raisedfunds for the SL-initiated Labor IBlackMobilization of 5,000, many of whomwere black trade unionists, which ran theKlan off the streets of D.C. on 27 November 1982. When the Washington Times -slandered the SL as "provoking violence"against the cops, the PDC raised funds21 NOVEMBER 2003

structure by two academic economists inAustralia describes the real character ofthe shareholding corporations:"The key problem in the case of China'sstock markets is that the high ownershipconcentration actually reflects the continuing dominance of state ownership inmany listed companies .... Thus, a market for corporate control is nonexistentfor the overwhelming majority of listedcompanies and it can be concluded thatmanagers face only a limited threat ofpunishment for poor decision makingfrom either 'insiders' or 'outsiders.' Itshould also be noted that the influence ofthe state runs even deeper than theirdominant ownership position."-James Laurenceson and JosephC. H. Chai, Financial Reformand Economic Developmentin China (2003)

The authors then cite a study showingthat "the state's representation on theboard of directors of many listed companies far outweighed that which could bejustified even on the basis of their sizeable ownership stake."Furthermore, China's stock and alsocorporate bond markets still account fora very small fraction of total financialassets, which remain overwhelminglyconcentrated in the state-owned banks.Thus shareholding corporations dependon bank loans for the bulk of their external financing. In short, the companieslisted on the two major stock exchanges

for the SL libel lawsuit which won aretraction.Central to Reagan reaction was thecriminalization of political opposition tothe government's policies. FBI guidelinesadopted in 1983 equated leftist politicalactivities with "terrorism," RICO racketeering laws purportedly adopted to prosecute organized crime were used to breakstrikes and place unions under the control of government trustees. The PDCsupported the SL suit against the FBIguidelines. As a result the FBI withdrewits witchhunting "definition" of the SL,thereby conceding that Marxist politicalprinciples cannot be equated with violence or terrorism. This was a victory forthe entire left. -The opening salvo of the Reagan yearswas the firing of the entire PATCO airtraffic controllers union during the 1981strike, using plans drafted by DemocratJimmy Carter. The Reagan years' defining event was the 13 May 1985 bombingof the Philadelphia MOVE commune,killing eleven black people, five of themchildren, and turning an entire city blockto rubble and ash. This was a message toanyone-particularly black people-ofwhat was in store for those who dared getout of line in capitalist America. Whilevirtually all the rest of the left distancedthemselves from the MOVE martyrs, soas not to embarrass black Democraticmayor Wilson Goode who ordered theassault, the SL immediately held a rally. in New York City in support of MOVE.Among the first of Qur stipend recipients was Ramona Africa, the sole adultsurvivor of the MOVE bombing, and 12other imprisoned MOVE members, eightof whom remain behind bars.Class-struggle defense is a broad category. We are a small organization andmust pick and choose those cases whichexemplify key aspects of our Marxist program-e.g., trade-union militants, thefight against black oppression, defense ofthe former Soviet Union and otherdeformed workers states. Since initiatingthe stipends program, we have providedsupport to 33 prisoners on three continents. In the U.S., where black' oppression forms the bedr ock of American capitalism, a large proportion of the class-warprisoners have been black activists,including those thrown in prison hells fordecades under the FBI's deadly COINTELPRO vendetta of the 1960s and '70s.Foremost among them was Geronimoji Jaga (Pratt), former leader of the BlackPanther Party in L.A., who until hisrelease in 1997 was imprisoned 27 yearsfor a murder the cops and FBI knew hedidn't commit. FBI wiretaps, disappearedby the Feds, revealed that Geronimo wasin San Francisco, 400 miles from the kill-

typically have the same management andsimilar financial arrangements as theydid when they were wholly state-ownedenterprises.Someone might reasonably ask: thatmay be true today, but will it still be truetomorrow? The answer to that questionwill be determined by political conflict,not a change in this or that regulationgoverning China's stock market.Last summer foreign investors wereallowed for the first time to purchase(within strict limits) the main class ofshares (denominated in yuan) in China'sstock markets. A single foreign investorcan own no more than 10 percent of themarket capital of a company, all foreigninvestors combined no more than 20 percent. The first financial outfit to takeadvantage of this opportunity was thebig Swiss investment bank UBS whichbought; among other companies, sharesin Baoshan Iron and Steel, China's largest steel maker.What would happen if UBS and otherforeign banks were disappointed with thereturn on their investment in Baoshan?They probably would simply sell theirshares, perhaps at a loss. But let us saythat instead a group of Western banksbribed Chinese economic officials to support the ouster of Baoshan's incumbentmanagement and replace them with new

ing for which he was framed.In 1987 the MOVE prisoners alerted usto the case of death row political prisonerMumia Abu-Jamal, and we threw ourselves into his defense at a time when hewas virtually unknown. The PDC, and ourfraternal defense organizations abroad,sought to win support for Jamal's fightagainst the racist death penalty from thoseof all political walks of life. We haveemphasized that this is a political deathpenalty case which illustrates the racismendemic in this country in its cruelest, mostvicious form and lays bare the essence ofthe capitalist state. Beginning in 1989 weheld rallies in cities across the countryand internationally-and did succeed ingetting broader forces to take up his case.

Mordechai Vanunu protesting forPalestinian rights one year beforehis 1986 arrest for revealing extentof Israeli nuclear arsenal.Overseas, we sent stipends to EddieMcClelland and Mordechai Vanunu.McClelland, a supporter of the IrishRepublican Socialist Party, was framedon charges related to the killing of threemembers of the Royal Ulster Constabulary in Northern Ireland, despite the facthe was nowhere near the scene and wasnever charged with the shootings. Forexposing that Israel had an arsenal ofsome 200 nuclear weapons-sixth largestin the world-in 1986 Vanunu was kidnapped in Italy by Mossad agents andrailroaded to prison for 18 years, most ofthem in solitary. As we uniquely noted,the Israeli nuclear arsenal, more thanenough to destroy every Arab capital several times over, targeted the Soviet Unionas well.Our initiation of the stipends programcame on the heels of the bitter 1984-85British miners strike. The courageousminers held out for nearly a year againstthe vicious right-wing Thatcher govern-

managers favored by these banks. Suchan attempt by Western financiers to effectively take over China's largest steelmaker would be a direct challenge to thepolitical authority of the CCP regime. Tomaintain its authority, the Chinese government would have to prosecute the corrupted officials and take some kind ofpunitive measures against the foreignbanks. I f not, many managers of stateowned enterprises and banks would become paid agents of imperialist financiersand industrialists, the government wouldbegin to lose its ability to carry out itsown economic policies and the CCPwould begin to disintegrate into an orgy offactionalism such as took place in theSoviet Communist Party during the Gorbachev era (1985-91).

But the factional disintegration of theChinese Stalinist bureaucracy would alsoopen up the political situat ion to the intervention of social forces from below, centrally the working class. One would likelysee the formation of independent tradeunions and factory committees, of leftwing groups and parties. In the end, Western, Japanese and offshore Chinese capitalists could find their present foothold inthe People's Republic of China destroyedby a proletarian political revolution.[TO BE CONTINUED]

ment, which seized the miners union'sfunds, and the betrayals of the TUC tradeunion tops. While the AFL-CIO tops gavenot one penny to help the British miners,the PDC launched an international fundraising campaign, raising over $23,000for the Miners Solidarity Fund. Following the strike, the five miners whoremained imprisoned-Terry French, DeanHancock, Russell Shankland, Chris Tazeyand Clive Thompson-were among thefirst of our stipend recipients.In the U.S. we provided supportto labor militants Amador Betancourt,framed up on felony charges for defending a strike by Teamsters Local 912frozen food workers in Watsonville, California, and Bob Buck, member of Steelworkers Local 5668 in Ravenswood, WestVirginia, who was slapped with a nearlythree-year sentence for defending hisunion from scabs and thugs during a1990-91 strike.We hailed the Soviet troops who intervened on the side of the Afghan government against the CIA-backed Islamicreactionaries. After the Soviet withdrawalin 1989, the Afghan army and heroic people of Jalalabad fought to preserve themost elementary social gains-the right tobe educated, freedom from the veil forAfghan women, freedom from the yoke ofa theocratic state. Our 1989 J alalabad campaign raised over $44,000. But our sidelost. The Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan ceded the country to woman-hatingIslamic reactionaries funded, armed andtrained by Washington. As we said at thetime, better to fight counterrevolution inAfghanistan than in Moscow. And in shortorder, capitalist counterrevolution triumphed in the land of the October Revolution in 1991-92. For more than a decadethe triumphalist imperialists, first and foremost the U.S., have acted as if they cando anything they want to the world'sexploited and oppressed and get away withit. The Islamic reactionaries hailed byReagan as "freedom fighters" provided thebiggest Christmas gift of all to this country's bloody rulers when they flew two airplanes into the World Trade Center, providing the rationale long sought by Bushand his predecessors, Democrat Clintonincluded, to clamp down on dissent.As Cannon taught, the labor defensework of the ILD was a "school for theclass struggle." The lessons of that schoolwere that the struggles of all the oppressedwere inextricably linked and that thecapitalist state-cops, courts and prisons-is an instrument of repression thatcannot be pressured to serve the interestsof the working class. What's called for isa socialist revolution to sweep away thecapitalist system and replace it with asociety where those who labor rule.

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North Korea...(continued from page 3)is overseeing the biggest wave of layoffsin Japanese history and cutting all socialservices. Comments over the summer byformer cabinet minister Ota Seiichi andcurrent cabinet secretary Fukuda-thatmen who commit gang rape are "virile"and normal, and that "leniency for rapistsis thinkable"-give the green light to thegang rape of women.

of all three union federations-whichrefuse to organize zainichi [ethnic Koreans] and immigrant workers into common unions with their Japanese classbrothers and sisters. These misleaderstransmit the chauvinism of the bourgeoisie into the proletariat, and are obstaclesto the fight for a workers government.

Fearful of social unrest, the rulingclass pas increased its arsenal of repression, arresting youth who protest againstthe remilitarization of Japanese imperialism and the accompanying repressive domestic laws. The juki-net [newcomputerized registry] system strengthens the government's powers to spy onthe population. Chinese immigrants havebeen targeted for mass deportation, andone government official advocated publicly beheading the parents of youth whocommit crimes. Every prison is at morethan 100 percent capacity, and the recentstories coming out of Nagoya and otherprisons of the harassment, systematic torture and murder of prisoners underlinethat the capitalist state is composed ofarmed bodies of men and rests on thebrutal exploitation of the working class.

The only way to eradicate unemployment, to provide decent housing, medicalservices and education for all, and to eliminate the danger of new imperialist warsis to expropriate the bourgeoisie. Thepotential power of the working class,whose role in production makes it theonly force in society with the power andconsistent interest to overthrow the bourgeoisie, has been held in check by theunion bureaucrats who are politically tiedto the [reformist] Communist and SocialDemocratic parties. These misleaders areprostrate before the owners of the meansof production, refusing to wage any struggle against restructuring [downsizing andlayoffs], much less against the capitalisteconomic system as a whole. We Trotskyists fight for a new revolutionary leadership of the working class-a proletarian,internationalist Leninist party.

Yomiuri ShimbunNovember 2001: Japanese riot police attack General Association of KoreanResidents (Chosen Soren) at their building in Tokyo.

Throughout the world, each capitalistgovernmerit is enhancing police-statemeasures with the aim of regimentingthe entire popUlation, driving downwages, slashing social gains which werewon through decades of class struggle,and whipping up hysteria over minoritiesand immigrants as an alleged "enemywithin." As we wrote in Spartacist Japan(No. 26, September 2002):'The rise of racist demagogy, government attacks on immigrants and thethreat of fascist terror bands can only beeradicated through a victorious struggleagainst the capitalist system. This perspective is the fundamental point ofdeparture separating the ICL from all ofour competitors in the workers movement. ... It's not enough to protest, it'snecessary to have a perspective to fightto transform society, to topple the rapacious imperialist system and create aworkers state as the necessary first stepon the road to a global classless society."

Defense of Chosen Soren Isa Defense of All Working-ClassOrganizationsSince Koizumi's trip to North Korea inSeptember 2002, there have been morethan 300 deadly terrorist attacks nation-

sion. I f Ishihara succeeds, Chosen Sorenwill lose its central headquarters, abranch office and a publishing office.This is a threat against the entire workersmovement and sets a dangerous precedent for the government to confiscate theproperty and financial assets of tradeunions and leftist organizations. Handsoff Chosen Soren!On the morning of June 27, the "Kokuzoku Seibatsutai" ("Patriotic Forces Detached Squad to Punish Traitors") openedfire on he Hiroshima office of the Nikkyoso teachers union [political unionaffiliated with the Social DemocraticParty], and has threatened to do so again.

- "Capitalist Europe's War onImmigrants Is a War on AllWorkers-Statement by theInternational CommunistLeague" [see WV No. 784,12 July 2002]The fight to get rid of this arrogant,racist, capitalist government and in itsplace establish a government of the working class and its allies requires not just astruggle to beat back the attacks againstthe working class, women and youth. Italso requires an uncompromising fightagainst the poisonous chauvinism andracism that divides the working class.

Indifference to national oppression flowsdirectly from a program of class collaboration with one's own bourgeoisie.

Robert Hunt LibraryJapanese troops land in Korea in 1904, launching four decades of brutalcolonial rule.

As the tribune of the people, we fightall manifestations of racism and discrimination as an integral part of building aLeninist-Trotskyist party which will leadall the working people in this country tostate power. To achieve this task, theworking class must be broken from thereformist left and trade-union leadership

wide against zainichi Chosenjin [ethnicKoreans sympathetic to North Korea] andtheir representative organizations. Koreanchildren can't wear their school uniformsin public without fear of attack; those thatattend public school are beaten up andhumiliated on playgrounds. The offices andfacilities of Chosen Soren and the banksand credit unions which service the Koreancommunity have been systematically targeted by right-wing organizations throwingincendiary devices and shooting bullets.In September 2003, Ishihara initiatedprocedures to seize the property of Chosen Soren headquarters on the pretext ofup to 43 million yen in unpaid taxes, areversal of previous policy that ChosenSoren functioned as a diplomatic mis-

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On July 29 in Niigata, a bullet was firedinto a Chosen Soren facility, and a suspected bomb was thrown at the HanaCredit Union. On August 23, a bomb wasfound at the Chogin-nishi Shinkumi Bankin Hakata, Fukuoka, which serves theethnic Korean community, and anotherone at the Fukuoka branch of ChosenSoren. That night, a bullet was fired atthe Chogin-nishi bank's headquarters inOkayama.We disagree with the leadership ofChosen Soren and other defenders ofKoreans in this country who say that theway forward is to appeal to the Japanesegovernment. The capitalist state is not aneutral power standing above classes. Itis an armed body of men-police, courts,prisons, military-whose job is to defendand protect the property and privileges ofthe bourgeoisie. We place no reliance onthis capitalist government because it isthe enemy of the working class andoppressed. We place all our confidencein the mobilization of the working class.

The unabated deadly attacks underlinethe urgent necessity of united workersdefense actions across ethnic and nationallines. A 24-hour defense squad in front ofa Nikkyoso office, a Chosen Soren officeor at a Korean school threatened withattack would send a clear message to themilitarists that they will be met with anorganized response. The Japanese rulingclass does not want Japanese-Korean solidarity, but it is the first thing that we needin order to set the ground rules that anattack on one is an attack on all.The government's massive display offorce at Niigata-Nishi port in August andSeptember when the Mangyongbong-92

ferry docked was augmented by some 79right-wing militarist groups, with morethan a hundred sound trucks blaringtheir reactionary filth circling the port inan attempt to intimidate the more than100 people who gathered to welcome theferry. There were an equal number of protesters from the association of the familiesof the abducted and their supportersscreaming for the ship to turn around.This ferry provides the only direct passenger link between Japan and NorthKorea. It also ships to North Korea tonsof daily necessities and electrical appliances needed by a population living undersiege by imperialism. Let the Mangyongbong-92 ferry travel unhindered!Full Citizensllip Rights forEveryone in This Country!

Recently the education ministry easedrequirements for students attending international and ethnic schools to sit forexams for national universities if theschools' curricula match those of corresponding schools in their home country.This decision effectively bars studentsfrom pro-Pyongyang schools from sittingfor these exams, and requires that theytake the daiken, or special exam, to"prove that they have the academic ability" to take an entrance exam for anational university.In the leadup to the government'sdecision, hundreds of leading academicsalong with Chosen Soren have protestedthe decision by the education ministry,which is a good thing. They correctlynote that this decision is based on the factthat the presence of Chinese and Koreanstudents "serves as a reminder of Japan'slegacy of colonial rule and wartime military aggression" (Appeal to Ministry ofEducation, 2 March). However, theirsolution is to either appeal to the Japanesegovernment, the very institution thatimposed the decision, or to the UnitedNations. The majority of the people whomake up today's ruling class are literallythe grandchildren of those who ruled prewar Japan, who attempted to colonize allofAsia, raped N anjing, enslaved hundredsof thousands of women as ianfu ["comfort

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Spartacist JapanIssue No. 28Current Issue: 100International Subscription: 1000Order from/pay to:Spartacist Group JapanPO Box 49, Akabane YublnkyokuKita-Ku, Tokyo 115-0091, Japan

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women"], and brought millions of Chinese and Korean men to Japan to work (l Sforced laborers. It was under the UN flagthat three

workers vanguard no 814 - 21 november 2003

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