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Reading, Writing and Reconciliation:

Educational Reform

in Bosnia and HerzegovinaVALERY PERRY

ECMI Working Paper # 18September 2003

EUROPEAN CENTRE FOR MINORITY ISSUES (ECMI) Schiffbruecke 12 (Kompagnietor Building) D-24939 Flensburg Germany phone: +49-(0)461-14 14 9-0 fax: +49-(0)461-14 14 9-19 e-mail:[email protected] internet:http://www.ecmi.de
mailto:[email protected]://www.ecmi.de/http://www.ecmi.de/mailto:[email protected]


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ECMI Working Paper # 18

European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI)

Director: Marc Weller

European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) 2003.

ISSN 1435-9812


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The European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) is a non- partisan institution founded in 1996 by the Governments of theKingdom of Denmark, the Federal Republic of Germany, andthe German State of Schleswig-Holstein. ECMI was establishedin Flensburg, at the heart of the Danish-German border region,in order to draw from the encouraging example of peaceful co-existence between minorities and majorities achieved here.ECMIs aim is to promote interdisciplinary research on issuesrelated to minorities and majorities in a European perspectiveand to contribute to the improvement of interethnic relations inthose parts of Western and Eastern Europe where ethnopoliticaltension and conflict prevail.

ECMI Working Papers are written either by the staff of ECMI or by outside authors commissioned by the Centre. As ECMI doesnot propagate opinions of its own, the views expressed in any ofits publications are the sole responsibility of the author con-cerned.

ECMI Working Paper # 18European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI)

ECMI 2003


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Abstract

The post-war reconstruction and state-building process in Bosnia and Herzegovina(BiH) has been complex, with priorities changing as the country gradually normalizes

and donor interests evolve. In mid-2002 the international community in BiH began asignificant effort to modernize and reform BiHs education system to better preparethe countrys youth to play productive social, economic and political roles in the fu-ture. Although educational reform gained significant attention in 2002, reforms effortshave been occurring at a variety of levels since 1996.

This paper will provide an overall review of the state of education and educationalreform in BiH. In the first part of the paper, a conceptual framework is developed to provide a basis for understanding the role of education and educational reform in so-cieties undergoing a period of transition. Next, the state of education in BiH is re-viewed, with a focus on needed reforms. BiHs post-war social, political and legalenvironments are reviewed to clarify the challenges facing reformers. In order to pro-vide a case study of reform in a post-conflict country, the second half of the paperreviews various reform efforts that have been proposed and implemented since 1996,with an emphasis on the reform process and the role of the international community.Special attention is given to efforts organized by the Office of the High Representa-tive, the European Commission and the Organization for Security and Co-operation inEurope. In addition, the unique experience of the Br ko district is reviewed to deter-mine whether it might serve as a model for reform across BiH. Throughout this re-view there is an emphasis on both process and outcome, because understanding thesecomplex processes is crucial to understanding how and why reforms did or did notoccur at various points in time. Several lessons learned for future reform in BiH andother societies in transition are offered in the hope that future reform processes might be more effective and efficient based on BiHs experience. Finally, suggestions forfuture research are proposed as education and educational reform in BiH and other post-conflict, transition societies, are complex yet necessary efforts to ensure long-term peace and stability.

* * *

Research for this paper proceeded throughout 2002 and 2003, with initial versions prepared in March and May 2003, and final revisions made in early September. Therehave been many developments from March through September 2003, which has madekeeping this document current a challenge. The author regrets any failures to ade-quately update all sections to reflect the rapidly changing environment. The authormay be contacted directly with questions, suggestions or comments [email protected].
mailto:[email protected]:[email protected]


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C ONTENTS

Acronym List..........................................................................................................1

I. Introduction ........................................................................................................2

II. Reform at a Time of Multiple Transitions......................................................7

A. Education in Multiethnic Societies .........................................................7B. Education in Societies in Transition......................................................12C. Education in Post-War Societies/Education in Peace-Building............15

III. BiHs Educational Inheritance.....................................................................19

A. Education in the Former Yugoslavia ....................................................19B. Wartime Education................................................................................22

IV. Post-War Education in BiH..........................................................................25

A. Legal Framework and Structures ..........................................................25B. Reform Needs........................................................................................27

1. Administration and Finance ......................................................272. The Politicization of Education .................................................293. Access .........................................................................................304. Curricula and the National Subjects ......................................32

a. History and Geography ..................................................34 b. Language and Literature ...............................................35c. Religion ..........................................................................36

5. Vocational and University Education ........................................386. Inclusion of National Minorities ................................................39

V. Reform Efforts.................................................................................................42

A. Reports and Assessments......................................................................44

B. OHRs Reform Efforts ..........................................................................47C. EC-TAER and the Shared Modernization Strategy (SMS)...................54

1. The Genesis of the SMS ..............................................................542. Implementation ..........................................................................583. The Case of Working Group 4.3 ................................................624. Strengths and Weaknesses .........................................................65

D. Other Reform Activities........................................................................70

1. Standards and Assessment Agency ............................................712. Vocational Education .................................................................72


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3. University Education .................................................................734. Structural Reform Initiatives ......................................................745. Teacher Training .......................................................................746. NGO Initiatives ..........................................................................75

E. The Case of Br ko ................................................................................76F. The OSCEs Reform Effort ...................................................................81

1. The Mandate ..............................................................................812. Implementation Strategy ............................................................823. Returnee and Minority Access ...................................................844. Information Campaign ...............................................................865. Preliminary Assessment .............................................................87

VI. Lessons Learned For BiH and Elsewhere ................................................92

VII. Conclusions...................................................................................................98


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Acronym List

BiH Bosnia and HerzegovinaCHB Curriculum Harmonization BoardCOE Council of EuropeDPA Dayton Peace AgreementEC-TAER European Commission Technical Assistance to Education Re-

formEU European UnionFBiH Federation of Bosnia and HerzegovinaGFAP General Framework Agreement for PeaceHR High RepresentativeIC International Community

IFOR Implementation Force (NATO)IO International OrganizationIPTF International Police Task ForceMOE Ministry of Education NGO Non-Governmental OrganizationOECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and DevelopmentOHR Office of the High RepresentativeOSCE Organization for Security and Co-operation in EuropeOSCE MBiH OSCE Mission to Bosnia and HerzegovinaPDHR Principal Deputy High RepresentativePIC Peace Implementation CouncilRS Republika SrpskaSFOR Stabilization Force (NATO)SMS Shared Modernization StrategyUNDP United Nations Development ProgrammeUNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural OrganizationUNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for RefugeesUNICEF United Nations International Childrens Education Fund


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I. Introduction

A countrys educational system is perhaps its single most important social, economicand political resource. Schools educate youth for future employment, socialize chil-dren to ensure integration and active involvement in their communities, prepare themfor productive participation as a citizen of their country and transmit those values and beliefs deemed to be important by their society. The far-reaching impact of an educa-tional system explains its centrality in the domestic politics of many nations democ-ratic or otherwise. It also illustrates the difficulties inherent in rebuilding or reformingan educational system in the aftermath of violent conflict, whether by actors who werethemselves party to the conflict, or by outside third-party actors who become involvedin educational work as a part of a greater post-conflict development effort.

As part of the post-war reconstruction process initiated by the signing of the DaytonPeace Accords (DPA, or General Framework Agreement for Peace, GFAP) in De-cember 1995, Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) is undergoing a period of educationalreform and modernization at all levels: primary and secondary; university and voca-tional; compulsory and elective. While reform efforts began with initial inflows of

money and assistance in early 1996, coordinated and targeted programmes did not begin until later, culminating in a full-scale effort organized through the Organizationfor Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) in mid-2002. In the years immedi-ately following the signing of the DPA, educational reform was not a priority of theinternational community (IC) or BiH authorities. The primary focus was initially onreforms and basic services that were vitally needed in the shattered country, such asreconstruction, separation of the military forces in BiH, refugee return, and basic in-

frastructure development. There was also an emphasis on elections, which the ICviewed as a critical part of an early exit strategy. Although briefly mentioned in An-nex 6,1 the ICs mandate primarily focused on implementation of the peace agree-ment, in which education is not a top priority. This is evidenced by the fact that noorganization, international or domestic, was given a clear mandate to ensure educa-tional reform. Therefore, issues such as military stabilization (Annex 1A), refugee

1

Annex 6 provides for the Agreement on Human Rights, and Article I (Fundamental Rights andFreedoms) point 12 notes the right to education.


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return (Annex 7), elections (Annex 3), and police force restructuring (Annex 11) tookthe majority of attention (and resources) of the IC, as these were perceived to be theelements of reform most necessary to enable exit of the IC from its pseudo-occupation.

While the architects of the DPA may not have recognized or acknowledged the impor-tance of education in BiH, it is difficult to underestimate the impact that a comprehen-sive, modern and fair education system can have in developing a democratic state. InJanuary 2002, at a conference on educational reform sponsored by the Office of theHigh Representative (OHR), the chief civilian peace implementation body in BiH,Principal Deputy High Representative Donald Hays acknowledged the failure of boththe IC and domestic authorities to respond to this issue soon enough: We are late intackling this issue, one that should have been viewed as a core issue for BiH post-warrecovery and an issue that will definitely influence the success or failure of all ourefforts to create a free, democratic and stable BiH.2 Few development, conflict reso-lution, democratization or human rights experts would doubt the central role that edu-cation can play in promoting these processes. This was reluctantly acknowledged bythe US occupation force in post-World War II Germany as they tried to rebuild and

reform the German education system: To institute a democracy in Germany requiredmore than the outward forms of popular governance. Free elections, democratic con-stitutions, independent political parties, and local self-government were simply insti-tutional features; they required an inner spirit to give them meaning.3 The samestatement can be applied to BiH.

The story of educational reform efforts in this multiethnic, post-conflict, post-Cold

War transitional society provides an interesting picture of an important aspect of de-mocratization and state-building, and of the various roles that can, and possiblyshould, be played by internal and external actors. By asking (and attempting to an-swer) the question, What has been happening in terms of education in BiH in the past

2 PDHR Hays calls for urgent education reform.OHR Press Release , 22 January 2002, athttp://www.ohr.int.3

James F. Tent, Mission on the Rhine: Reeducation and Denazification in American-Occupied Ger-many . (Chicago, 1982), 1.
http://www.ohr.int/http://www.ohr.int/


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seven years since the end of the war? this study will explore a variety of related is-sues, including: the challenges facing education in BiH the state of educational reform in BiH the roles and activities of BiH and IC authorities the role of education in peace-building, minority-majority relations and inter-

communal reconciliation potential lessons to be learned and best practices for other post-conflict or transi-

tional states the role of education in democratization and state-building strategiesAs the US administration has begun to take steps to reform the education system in post-war Iraq, it is clear that there is a need for lessons learned from reform processesin other post-conflict and transition countries such as BiH.4

There have been numerous agency reports, media stories and surveys of the educationsystem in BiH. This study is intended to target those readers interested in several re-lated angles, including a concise overview of educational activities in BiH from 1996to 2002, a case study of the role of the IC in state-building in BiH and a review of thenegotiations and compromises that drive development and reform processes in generalin post-Dayton BiH. Although education and educational reform encompass a rangeof activities, from pre-school to university education to ongoing adult education pro-grammes, this review will focus on efforts to reform the compulsory primary and gen-eral secondary educational programmes, while briefly noting reforms in other educa-tional endeavours. Compulsory education, at the primary or secondary levels, can beviewed as the most political of educational reform efforts. This is not to say that theother efforts have not been politicized. Demobilized soldiers in need of vocationaltraining can be manipulated by political parties, particularly before elections. Highereducation and academia have been plagued by politics and intellectual and academicfreedom has been compromised through attempts to exert political control over uni-versities. However, the education and transmission of basic facts and values to a coun-trys youth is at the crux of both the identity-based conflicts that can occur and of the

4 Jackie Spinner, Next: Operation Iraqi Education,The Washington Post , 21 April 2003, athttp://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A58486-2003Apr19.html.
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A58486-2003Apr19.htmlhttp://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A58486-2003Apr19.html


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intercommunal negotiations that are necessary in a multiethnic state. Researchers notethat: ethnic attitudes are formed early, and that once positive or negative prejudicesare formed, they tend to increase with time. Early socialization experiences are, there-fore, critical in the formation of ethnic attitudes.5 A higher education or vocationalsystem can be structured as modern and liberal, but if the students enter such a systemfrom a dogmatic and politicized primary and secondary education, the foundation hasalready been established.

The information gathered in this report comes from a compilation of primary andsecondary sources, drawing heavily on agency reports from the variety ofinternational organizations (IOs) working on education in BiH. Information was alsogathered through interviews and discussions in 2002 and 2003 with representatives ofthe various implementing agencies (both IOs and non-governmental organizations(NGOs) and outside experts. The author participated in two of the EuropeanCommission Technical Assistance to Educational Reform Shared ModernizationStrategy (EC-TAER SMS) workshops as a volunteer advisor to the working group onIntegration of Returnee Children (SMS Working Group 4.3), attended several SMSsupport group meetings as an observer and participated in the OSCE-organized

education forum meetings.

This paper is organized into four general sections. First, a framework for analyzingthe role of education and educational reform in societies undergoing a variety of po-tential transitions is presented in order to provide a basis for understanding the chal-lenges facing BiH. Second, the education system in BiH is reviewed with a focus on primary and secondary education. BiHs pre-war system, the impact of the war on

education from 1992 to 1995 and the post-war reform needs are also presented to il-lustrate the broad need for modernization. Next, several of the reform efforts that have been initiated or supported by the IC are reviewed, with a focus on several of the larg-est and most influential initiatives. Finally, lessons learned from the education reformeffort in BiH are presented to provide suggestions for future innovations in BiH, or forother societies in transition and in need of educational reform or modernization. While

5

Kenneth D. Bush and Diana Saltarelli, The Two Faces of Education in Ethnic Conflict, UNICEF(August 2000), 3. In reference to research by Padilla, Ruiz and Brand.


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BiH, due to heavy international involvement, is often a very specific case study, itsexperiences can still offer lessons for intervention and state-building efforts in otherregions.

The debate on educational reform in BiH cannot be viewed in a vacuum. It is occur-ring at a time when the IC is increasingly frustrated with the pace of change in BiHand is pre-occupied by other global imperatives. Additionally, the international donoraid community is experiencing donor fatigue and reallocating its resources to sex-ier trouble-spots across the globe, as BiH politicians continue to fail to create andconsolidate a vision of a state based on the premises of multiethnicity, equality and power-sharing. However, it is also occurring at a time when BiHs human resourcesincreasingly see more hope outside the borders of the fragile country than within, andwhere parents and children who desperately want a better education and future areuncertain whether it will be delivered. There is therefore little room for failure, aseducational reform will, in the short and long-term, create a generation of citizenswho will bear the burden of determining the future of BiH.


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II. Reform at a Time of Multiple Transitions

BiH is in the unfortunate position of undergoing not one transition, but three: the post-Cold War transition from a one-party political system and a controlled economy

to a multiparty, democratic, free market state; the post-war transition resulting fromthe violent dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia; and the transi-tion from a socialist state towards membership in the European Union (EU), includingthe integration of all of the human and minority rights protections that are necessaryfor future participation in European structures. Educational reform would be neces-sary under anyone of these transitions, but at the conflux of all three it becomes clearwhy it has been so difficult to achieve to date. This section will provide an overviewof the issues, norms, themes and specific challenges facing any country undergoingany one of these transitions. Together, they provide a general framework for thinkingabout educational reform in BiH.

A. Education in Multiethnic Societies

The link between education and ones identity has been well-established. Language,culture, history and worldview are all transmitted through both informal education inthe home and formal education in school. Education is inextricably linked to the rightto have, express, protect and promote ones identity: Next to the family, (education)is the single most important agency for cultural reproduction, socialization and iden-tity formation.6 Educational rights and unrestricted access are particularly importantissues in the multiethnic, multilingual societies that dominate a Europe in which manygroups demand full participation and representation in political, social and economicaffairs. Therefore, to genuinely protect minority rights, education is one of the mostcritical areas of implementation.

Over the past 50 years, numerous conventions, declarations and frameworks guaran-teeing human rights and minority rights in general, and educational and cultural rightsin particular, have been developed and ratified by countries across Europe and theworld. The following list highlights some of the most significant:

6 C.H. Williams, The Cultural Rights of Minorities: Recognition and Implementation, in J. Plitchtova

(ed.), Minorities in Politics: Cultural and Language Rights (Bratislava, Slovakia, 1992).Cited in Kristin Henrard, Education and Multiculturalism, 7 International Journal on Minority andGroup Rights (2000), 393-410.


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European Convention on the Protection of Human Rights and FundamentalFreedoms (adopted in 1950; entry into force 1953)(http://conventions.coe.int/Treaty/EN/CadreListeTraites.htm)

International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimi-nation (adopted and opened for signature in 1965; entry into force 1969)(http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/d_icerd.htm)

International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (adopted and opened forsignature in 1966; entry into force 1976)(http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/a_ccpr.htm)

International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (adopted andopened for signature in 1966; entry into force 1976)(http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/a_cescr.htm)

UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (adopted and opened for signaturein 1989; entry into force 1990)(http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/k2crc.htm)

European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages (adopted and openedfor signature in 1992)(http://conventions.coe.int/Treaty/EN/WhatYouWant.asp?NT=148)

European Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities(adopted in 1995; entry into force 1998)(http://conventions.coe.int/Treaty/en/Treaties/Html/157.htm)

These and other agreements begin to define the relationship between a states obliga-tions and an individuals rights, entering into the complex and often controversial ter-ritory governing the needs of a state for a cohesive citizenry and the rights of a familyor national minority group for cultural protection and autonomy in their communityaffairs. The 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights clearly and plainly states,Everyone has the right to education,7 and goes on to note more specific rights thatform the basis of the relationship between national minorities and the state authorities:Parents have a prior right to choose the kind of education that shall be given to theirchildren.8 The 1959 Declaration of the Rights of the Child includes several comple-

7 Universal Declaration of Human Rights , 10 December 1948, Article 26, paragraph 1.8 Ibid ., point 3.
http://conventions.coe.int/Treaty/EN/CadreListeTraites.htmhttp://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/d_icerd.htmhttp://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/a_ccpr.htmhttp://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/a_cescr.htmhttp://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/k2crc.htmhttp://conventions.coe.int/Treaty/EN/WhatYouWant.asp?NT=148http://conventions.coe.int/Treaty/en/Treaties/Html/157.htmhttp://conventions.coe.int/Treaty/en/Treaties/Html/157.htmhttp://conventions.coe.int/Treaty/EN/WhatYouWant.asp?NT=148http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/k2crc.htmhttp://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/a_cescr.htmhttp://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/a_ccpr.htmhttp://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/d_icerd.htmhttp://conventions.coe.int/Treaty/EN/CadreListeTraites.htm


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mentary principles: [The child] shall be given an education which will promote hisgeneral culture and enable him, on a basis of equal opportunity, to develop his abili-ties, his individual judgement, and his sense of moral and social responsibility, and to become a useful member of society.9

However, while progress is being made in accepting and implementing these protec-tions, and while acknowledgement of these rights is an important first step, there isstill significant room for improvement. For instance, there is discussion about whetherthese principles can be best fulfilled, both in letter and spirit, by policies that promotecurricular modules targeted towards specific minority groups, or through a curriculumthat aims to mainstream these issues into the overall educational approach. A report prepared by the OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities explored the issuesof national minority educational and linguistic rights.10 In a questionnaire distributedin December 1996 to all of the OSCE participating states, one of the questions askedwas, To what extent is the culture, history, religion and belief of national minoritiestaught in the general curriculum?11 The report notes that while the vast majority ofstates that responded to this question asserted that they do teach about one or more oftheir national minorities in the curriculum, 15 (including BiH) indicated that this

teaching was not part of the general curriculum at either the primary or secondaryschool level: Minority cultures were taught only to the members of the minorities.12

9 Declaration of the Rights of the Child , 1959, paragraph 7. Full text available athttp://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/25.htm.10 It should be noted that the HCNM report only concernednational minorities , and that in BiH, thethree dominant factions arenot considered to be national minorities. There is no single titular nationin Bosnia, and there is no dominant majority. Before the war, Bosnia had a population of approxi-mately 4.4 million people, which was about 45% Bosniak, 35% Serb, and 18% Croat. Rough estimatesin 2000 suggest the breakdown is now 48% Bosniak, 39% Serbs, and 12% Croat. See Sumantra Bose,

Bosnia After Dayton: Nationalist Partition and International Intervention (London, 2002), 45. The lastcensus was held in 1991, and while an updated census is sorely needed, there has been no agreement onsuch a process as it would be highly charged politically. In the absence of a titular nationality, the Bos-niaks, Bosnian Croats, and Bosnian Serbs are each considered a constituent people or constituentnation enjoying equal rights throughout the country. The concept of constituent peoples has beenused to codify the distinction between a nationand a national minority and to address the issues of belonging, identity and ownership in a country made up of several nations. In BiH today the three con-stituent peoples are clearly not national minorities (BiHs real national minorities include Albanians,Czechs, Hungarians, Jews, Macedonians, Roma, Slovenes, Ukrainians and others) and the system en-sures that as constituent peoples they enjoy some of the benefits of consociationalism, such as a na-tional interest veto and proportional representation in many government bodies. 11 OSCE High Commissioner for National Minorities, Report on the Linguistic Rights of Persons

Belonging to National Minorities in the OSCE Area, March 1999, 24. 12

OSCE High Commissioner for National Minorities, March 1999. Report on the Linguistic Rights of Persons Belonging to National Minorities in the OSCE Area , 25.
http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/25.htmhttp://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/25.htm


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purpose of these norms is simply to ensure access by national minorities to an educa-tion that includes their own culture or to ensure the development of a society based ona tolerant and diverse citizenry. An Organisation for Economic Co-operation and De-velopment (OECD) report published in September 2001 suggests that education sys-tems should not just be fair to minorities they should promote a spirit of equalityand tolerance among ethnic and cultural groups.15 In a report on minority rights ineducation in Estonia, Latvia, Romanian and Macedonia, it is similarly concluded that:learning apart does not encourage living together, and that there is a danger of astrictly mono-lingual/mono-religious/mono-cultural or even mono-racial approachleading to ghettoization of minorities.16

Wealthy and stable democracies have continued to struggle with the best way to im- plement these agreements throughout the past 60 years of peacetime development.The challenge to achieve such multiculturalism is complicated by situations in whichcultural groups are, or perceive themselves to be excluded, marginalized or otherwisedisenfranchised from the mainstream society of the majority. The risk is cultural polarization and civil discontent, whether through latent dissatisfaction, low-levelsocial criminal activity and unrest, or violent, politically driven conflict: When these

basic human needs of identity, security, recognition, autonomy, participation, self-esteem and a sense of justice - continue to be frustrated and remain unfulfilled thenfears of the other (often exaggerated) and a culture of separation prevail(s).17 Thenorms noted above provide a framework for how to begin to address these issues;successful implementation is dependent on creative and trusted approaches developed jointly by communities and the relevant educational authorities.

15 OECD Centre for Co-operation with Non-members, Directorate for Education, Employment, Labourand Social Affairs, Education Committee.Thematic Review of National Policies for Education Bos-nia and Herzegovina . Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe Report, Table 1, Task Force on Educa-tion, 27 September 2001, 15.16 Duncan Wilson, Minority Rights in Education: Lessons for the European Union from Estonia, Lat-via, Romania and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia . The Right to Education Project (De-cember 2002), 81.17

Maria Hadjipavlou-Trigeorgis, A Partnership Between Peace Education and Conflict Resolution:The Case of Cyprus, at http:/www.construct.haifa.ac.il/~cerpe/papers/mariaht.htm.
http://www.construct.haifa.ac.il/~cerpe/papers/mariaht.htmhttp://www.construct.haifa.ac.il/~cerpe/papers/mariaht.htm


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B. Education in Societies in Transition

The end of the Cold War introduced a new era in which the lid placed on develop-ment and modernization by the Communist system was lifted, revealing a plethora of political, economic and social sectors ripe for reform. While several countries outsidethe Warsaw Pact have themselves been slow to replace authoritarian teaching methodswith more interactive approaches, the need for reform in education was particularlyevident in Eastern Europe, where advances in modern teaching methods, progressivecurricula and problem-solving oriented pedagogy passed over the top-down, techni-cally accurate, yet pedagogically weak education systems in the East. In line with asingle-party system in which conformity was valued and challenges to the social orderrepressed, curricula and teaching methods were rigidly defined, ideologically-drivenand highly centralized, with little room for innovation and no room for criticalthought, analysis or reflection of the ideas presented.

Three general areas of educational reform in these societies can be identified: le-gal/legislative, technical/pedagogical and content/curricula. In terms of legislativereform, a key priority has been de-centralization of education, to allow for greaterlocal-level input in educational affairs under a general framework of standards man-

dated by the state. In a workshop on the topic of education in multiethnic societies inCentral and Eastern Europe, participants affirmed the need for a mix of centralizedand de-centralized control and authority on the issue of education. Local authoritiesand experts are best poised to ensure that education reflects the needs of a local com-munity, and can be most responsive to student and parent interests: In turn, centralauthorities have a role to play in ensuring that education and minority rights are pro-tected, which will, in turn, contribute to social cohesion.18 Additionally, in the ab-

sence of a centralized, one-party state driven by a central ideology, particularly at thelevel of higher education, legislation is needed to ensure academic independence, ac-countability, innovation and sound scholarship. Finally, while under the socialist re-gime the issue of national minorities was subsumed under the banner of ultimateequality for all peoples, the adoption of pertinent legislation and appropriate imple-

18

Minority Rights Groups International, Education in Multi-Ethnic Societies of Central and EasternEurope, at http:/www.minorityrights.org.
http://www.minorityrights.org/http://www.minorityrights.org/


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mentation strategies is needed to begin to address the educational needs of nationalminorities.

The second set of reforms focuses on technical methods of teaching and the introduc-tion of modern pedagogical techniques. In the previous system, a key educational ob- jective was to develop a society of conformist citizens who would advance the goalsof the party and the state. Rote-memorization of a specific set of mono-perspectivefacts took the place of a Socratic learning environment in which questions serve as the basis for analytical thought. Educators were the medium for the transmission ofknowledge, rather than a facilitator of individual creative growth and development.While these traditional, authoritarian methods were not confined only to countries behind the Iron Curtain (classrooms and teaching approaches children in the UnitedStates in 2003 may take for granted are very different from the education their grand- parents or even parents experienced), other countries in more liberal systems have been able to progressively modernize, experimenting with methods and techniquesover time. As with all social reforms in the post-Cold War region, however, thesechanges are being made more rapidly, and often more as a result of external ratherthan internal impetus.

In a post-Cold War economy where jobs are not guaranteed by the state and wherestudents must be prepared for a demanding and fast-changing labour market, oldteacher-centred approaches are no longer suitable and new student-centred teachingmethods are needed. Pedagogy must be liberalized so that critical thinking can beginto enter the classroom. Students must possess a broad range of skills to ensure thattheir career potential is flexible, as employment for life in a single state-owned in-

dustry is no longer available. As Europe becomes an increasingly integrated and uni-fied continent, European countries must adopt homogenized standards to guaranteemaximum mobility across educational systems (particularly institutions of higherlearning) and labour markets.

The third set of reforms, regarding curriculum and content, is possibly the most con-troversial of the educational reforms in transition countries. The content taught to

children, the facts they learn about their culture, the history of their country and thehistory of other (often neighbouring countries), will play a key part in shaping their


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worldview and perceptions. Educating children about European development in thetwentieth century has been particularly difficult and clearly illustrates the challengeseducators face in addressing such reforms. The process of recapturing history in thewake of the Cold War and the rapid social transformations of the twentieth century isa well known challenge:History and historians were particularly ill-served under the communist regimes. Therecovery of erased or manipulated memories may be at the centre of the transforma-tion and encourage the move towards democracy (the memory of 1956 in Hungary),or may in contrast justify the worst (battle of Kosovo). Most of the time, history andmemory have been carried away in the maelstrom of transitions, appropriated by poli-ticians.19

All countries face these challenges, as the manipulation of history can be a tool fordivision, rather than tolerant enlightenment. It could even be said that at some level allcountries adapting to the modernization of the twentieth century have been forced toface the issue of nationalism and education, with varying degrees of commitment andsuccess. Again, the speed of reform and the social and political vacuums that oftenexist in societies in transition simply highlight this difficult process. For example,

tensions between Romanians and Hungarians in Transylvania continue amidst de-mands for cultural and linguistic rights and claims of ethnic segregation in the wakeof violence in the early 1990s.20

History is both memory and identity, and education is a means of cultural identity preservation. This challenge has led to the development of initiatives such as theGeorg Eckert Institute for International Textbook Research and various Council of

Europe (COE) programmes.21 In its work on teaching history in the New Europe theCOE has recommended a history curricula that emphasizes shared and transversal

19 Jean-Yves Potel, Political Manipulation of Memory and the Responsibilities of Historians (ab-stract), presented at the symposium Rebuilding a Common Future: For a Critical Approach to HistoryTeaching , 10-13 May 2000, Sarajevo.20 New Tensions Between Romanians and Hungarians in Transylvanian City, Radio Free

Europe/Radio Liberty Newsline , 16 April 2002,http://www.rferl.org/newsline/2002/04/4-See/see-160402.asp.21 The issue of textbooks and interpretations of history have been heavily discussed. See the Georg

Eckert Institute web site at http//www.gei.de and the South-East Europe Textbook Network athttp://storch.gei.de/seenet/states/bih/history_after_the_war.htm.
http://www.rferl.org/newsline/2002/04/4-See/seehttp://www.gei.de/http://storch.gei.de/seenet/states/bih/history_after_the_war.htmhttp://storch.gei.de/seenet/states/bih/history_after_the_war.htmhttp://www.gei.de/http://www.rferl.org/newsline/2002/04/4-See/see


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themes that have affected the continent as a whole, such as feudalism, populationmovements or the industrial revolution.22 The difficulty often lies in finding the appropriate balance between instilling pride in ones culture, history and heritage, andhonestly exploring the less positive aspects of national development. The COE furtheremphasizes the difference between national and nationalist histories, and encour-ages a framework that does not just include political and military histories, but socialand cultural history as well, including gender perspectives and the common humanelement of national development. In general, a multiple-perspective approach to learn-ing is necessary to ensure children are equipped to analyze facts critically and inde- pendently, particularly the unquestionable truths that have dominated curricula forso long.

This brief review of the challenges many countries in transition are facing provides a basic introduction to critical issues that must be addressed. Countries that have experienced relative success in making this difficult transition, such as Hungary, Polandand the Czech Republic, among others, can provide examples of best practices. How-ever, they too are only at the beginning of a reform process that will take years tocomplete. The difficulties inherent in making these reforms in a peaceful state illus-

trate the even greater difficulties that countries must endure when they are proceedingthrough this reform in the wake of violent conflict.

C. Education in Post-War Societies/Education in Peace-Building

Education in times of war can be both a victim of, and a catalyst for the conflict. Warobviously disrupts the educational process, as it does all patterns of normal life. De- pending on how long a conflict lasts, an educational system must adapt in order to

provide basic services to students.23 In a post-war environment, education can help tofacilitate recovery and reconciliation and be a focal point for community redevelop-ment. However, education can also be used as a tool in wartime or in the post-warenvironment to prolong or reignite the conflict and promote division and intolerance.

22 Denis Durand de Bousingen, Lessons in History: The Council of Europe and the Teaching of His-

tory , Strasbourg: Council of Europe Publishing, April 1999, 20.23 The Interagency Network for Education in Emergencies provides resources and information to assistin the educational process in times of war. Seehttp://www.ineesite.org.


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This dual nature of the potential roles of education in peace and conflict both theconstructive and destructive has been referred to as the two faces of education.24

At its most basic, in a post-war environment, educational reform consists of the physi-cal reconstruction of schools and education infrastructure, reconstitution of educators,(often a difficult task, as many former educators may have been killed or left thecountry during the war), and the burden of once again teaching routine subjects likemath and science, with the anything-but-routine challenge of teaching history, art andculture through a fresh lens of violent conflict. Both consciously and subconsciously,war affects a persons outlook, perceptions and worldview, and these reframed opin-ions are then transmitted from adults to children, either informally at home or for-mally in the schools. Contemporary history, as well as the history of centuries past,are suddenly all refocused through the lens of recent experience.

This is clearly the case in BiH and the former Yugoslavia. Similarly, the regionsclose European neighbours are undertaking the same process now that the post-ColdWar transition has ushered in a new era focused on analyzing the continents past -inclusive of the violence of the twentieth century. Post-Cold War transition states and

post-conflict states face similar challenges in addressing educational approaches toteaching history and culture, which is often at the core of educational debate in BiH.

In Croatia, a moratorium was placed on the teaching of the history of the recent war inthe Krajina, which is home to many Serbs. This history will be taught for the first timein the 2003 to 2004 school year, with a special textbook developed for approximately4,100 students of Serb nationality in the region.25 In Serbia, despite the fall of the re-

gime of Slobodan Milosevi#, textbooks continue to be very nationalist in their contentand approach to recent history.26 While these offer examples of reactions to recentwars, memories can be long. There is an ongoing debate in China, Korea and Japan

24 Bush and Saltarelli,The Two Faces, vii.25 Drago Hedl, Young Serbs Finally Start Studying the Controversial Events Surrounding the War ofIndependence, Institute for War and Peace Reporting, 432 Balkan Crisis Report , 23 May 2003. See

http://www.iwpr.net/archive/bcr3/bcr3_200305_432_2_eng.txt.26 See Goran Tarlac, History Revised: Post-Milosevic High School History Textbooks Still OfferLessons in Nationalism,Transitions Online , 24 June 2003.
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regarding history textbooks chronicling Japans policies in the 1940s.27 In Cyprus,education is very obviously used as a tool to promote the conflict on the divided is-land: Schools are in part institutions used for promoting nationalism and militarismthrough activities like celebrating national motherland days, naming schools aftermilitary heroes, showing pictures of atrocities and holding competitions in poetry andessay-writing based on nationalistic themes or glories of the past of each nation.28

There is another aspect of post-war education that cannot be overlooked. Education in post-conflict societies cannot be traditionally defined according to the ages of school-age children in normal conflict-free societies: In divided and violent transformationsocieties, youth cannot be defined in terms of rigid age categories. Ten-year-old childsoldiers are adults in some ways. Thirty-five-year old combatants, who have sacri-ficed their youth to their cause, may become a lost generation if they are denied ac-cess to education and employment.29 Therefore, educational reform strategies mustaddress traditional compulsory primary and secondary education, as well as adultlearning, vocational training and higher education. Large numbers of demobilizedsoldiers will not be easily reintegrated into civilian life if they do not have the skillsneeded to succeed or at least support their family. In the absence of education, they

could be a force for continued social strife rather than a force for advancement.

The role of outside actors in post-conflict educational reform is still poorly definedand understood. Outside actors, believing education is best handled by the people ofthe community itself, are often reluctant to become involved in major reform efforts.Generally, it is agreed that outside actors should play a primarily supportive role, withmost of the decision-making devolved to local actors to ensure appropriate solutions

and local ownership.30 However, in some cases politicians and spoilers seeking to prolong the conflict preclude local self-initiative. The injection of external actors can,in these cases, minimize the effect of anti-peace, anti-progress spoilers. BiH is an ex-ample of a case in which the role of local authorities and international authorities is

27 Thomas Crampton, The Ongoing Battle Over Japans Textbooks, International Herald Tribune , 12February 2002, 3.28 Maria Hadjipavlou-Trigeorgis, A Partnership Between Peace Education and Conflict Resolution:The Case of Cyprus(2000), athttp://construct.haifa.ac.il/~cerpe/papers/mariaht.htm.29

Stephanie Schell-Fauson, Conflict Transformation through Educational and Youth Programmes, Berghof Handbook for Conflict Transformation , Berlin, April 2001, 2.30 Bush and Saltarelli,The Two Faces, 27.
http://construct.haifa.ac.il/~cerpe/papers/mariaht.htmhttp://construct.haifa.ac.il/~cerpe/papers/mariaht.htm


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frequently debated, because there often appears to be a trade-off between locally-owned processes that fail to facilitate change in a timely manner, and externally imposed processes that, while potentially more expedient, may not in themselves providethe basis for a model of the democratic process.

Historian James Tents study of US reeducation and de-nazification efforts goes be-yond specific issues of political indoctrination and decontamination and illustratesthat the overall effort entailed general educational reform. While there are certainlydifferences in the two cases, some similarities between the international educationalreform effort in Germany then and the IC effort in BiH today are striking. During theAmerican occupation of Germany after World War II, education was a key part of thedemocratization and de-nazification effort made possible in the environment of un-conditional surrender.31 However, even in the German case the US was uncomfortablewith this task because it fell outside its military and even its civil-military affairs func-tions, and there was unfortunately no other agency prepared to assume this responsibility.32 Officials consistently noted the need for the German people to bear the main burden of reform with only assistance from the US. This approach (coupled with therigorous de-nazification effort) both ensured local ownership and the development of

appropriate ideas and minimized the Americans mandate in a role they were uncom-fortable playing. Tent also briefly reviews Britain and Frances different approacheswithin their zones, with a particular focus on their level of local involvement. Even ina situation of occupation, it becomes clear that education is an issue that will be cov-eted and protected by the people, and the effectiveness with which external actors cannegotiate this terrain will determine the ultimate success of the effort.

31

The Education and Religious Affairs Branch was responsible for reeducation initiatives. See Tent, Mission on the Rhine: Reeducation and Denazification in American-Occupied Germany .32 Tent, Mission on the Rhine , 9-10.


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III. BiHs Educational Inheritance

One important factor that reformers must keep in mind is that BiH cannot be viewedas a tabula rasa upon which a completely new educational system can be transcribed.

BiH and the rest of the former Yugoslavia had a high quality and broad-based educa-tional system that, while in need of reform in the last years before dissolution, pro-vided for a well-educated and well-trained workforce that reflected the needs andstructures of the time. Therefore, development strategies intended for societies withno tradition of public, compulsory and formal education cannot be applied in BiH.Similarly, professional educators from throughout the country, while in need of up-dated skills and methods, must be engaged in the reform process and reformers mustrecognize that they will bring their training and experience to the modernization proc-ess. This section will very briefly review some basic elements of pre-war and wartimeeducation in BiH in order to provide a general backdrop. Section IV will review thestate of education in BiH today, with an emphasis on the challenges and problems thatmust be addressed as part of any reform process.

A. Education in the Former Yugoslavia

In general, Yugoslavia33 had a quality education system, which while in need of mod-

ernization in the waning years of its existence, provided its citizens with equitableaccess and a basic foundation of skills and knowledge. In the wake of the devastationof the region after World War II and the concurrent civil wars and period of state-consolidation (during which period over one million people were killed), the Presidentof Yugoslavia, Josip Broz Tito, considered education to be one of the most importantactivities for the reconstruction and development of the country.34 He recognized the political role that education could play in terms of uniting people who had been

through the brutality of World War II as both allies and opponents who then had tolive together in the same country. Similarly, he was cognizant of the economic roleeducation could play as a catalyst for modernization, progress and the development ofa socialist economy.

33 The term Yugoslavia refers to the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia established after World

War II and in existence until the wars of dissolution in the 1990s.34 As cited in Charles J. Russo, Religion and Education in Bosnia: Integration not Segregation?, 3 Brigham Young University Law Review ( 2000), at 951.


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Education in the former Yugoslavia was viewed as a potentially equalizing force inkeeping with the goals of the socialist state. The 1958 General Law on Primary Edu-cation made an eight-year primary school education obligatory.35 Socialist values andideology were not aimed at promoting critical thinking and analysis; rather theysought to encourage conformity and dedication to the political regime. As in all ef-forts to promote brotherhood and unity, encourage tolerance and dissuade signs ofnationalism, the educational system in the former Yugoslavia recognized three officiallanguages (one of which was Serbo-Croatian, now referred to as Bosnian, Croatian orSerbian) and nine nationality languages representing the countrys national minori-ties.36 Bilingual education was offered to over 400,000 primary school children in the1970s.37 Cultural expressions deemed as safe were allowed, but potentially destabi-lizing political and nationalist sentiments were suppressed as part of Titos heavy-handed approach to managing ethnic relations. Yugoslavias national minorities enjoyed education and media programmes designed to preserve their heritage while si-multaneously asserting their Yugoslav-ness. As is often the case in Central andSoutheastern Europe, the states commitment to multinationalism often passed overthe socially marginalized Romani population, and Romani children were over-represented in special schools for children with mental or physical disabilities.38

While much of Western Europe passed through a painful catharsis of acknowledge-ment and recognition of the recent wartime atrocities, in Yugoslavia such opennesswas stifled in exchange for a peaceful coexistence ensured by a relatively comfort-able, middle class standard of living. The violent history of the twentieth century wasglossed over in favour of glorious depictions of the creation of the Socialist Yugoslavstate.

In terms of administration, the educational system was relatively devolved:Education was the responsibility of each of the republics and co-ordination ef-forts at the federal level were primarily concerned with ideology. However, interms of general structure and of curriculum content and form, between 1945

35 Ibid ., 952.36 Council of Europe Programme for Higher Education and Research (Report by the Council of Europefor the World Bank), Education in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Governance, Finance and Administration ,10 November 1999, 3.37

Ibid ., 44.38 Save the Children, Denied a Future? The Right to Education of Roma Children in Europe, Report on Bosnia and Herzegovina , 2002, 47.


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and 1990 the education system in the Socialist Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina was not substantially different from that in the other republics ofthe former Yugoslavia.39

At the local level, educational administration was directed by the concept of self-management typical of Titos brand of socialism. Through a series of committees thisapproach sought to ensure participatory decision-making and planning which wasreflective of an ideology in which workers owned the means of production. Commu-nity input ensured local participation within the centralized ideological parametersestablished by the state. While theoretically a good idea, self-management, with itsdemands for consensus, extensive low-level consultations and bargaining, in effect ledto an inefficient system with minimal accountability or individual responsibility inwhich any one of the many consultative stages could delay progress on necessary de-cisions or reforms.40

The 1974 Constitution that further significantly decentralized social and political lifein Yugoslavia affected education as well, particularly in terms of management andfinancing:

While central party control ensured a degree of national consistency of educa-

tion programmes and delivery, local resources varied considerably. As a result,the quality of education progressively diverged between richer and poorer parts of the country, and significant disparities emerged among and evenwithin the several Republics and Autonomous Provinces.41

This disparity in educational spending paralleled similar financial disparities occur-ring throughout the country as the economic recession of the 1970s and 1980s beganto have an impact on social programmes and ultimately on state stability. After Titos

death in 1980, the singular Yugoslav ideology he embodied, embraced and promoted began to dilute in the absence of a single, effective successor to carry on his legacy. Ina late expression of centralization in 1987 the first common all-Yugoslav core cur-riculum was introduced.42 However, this did not last, for as the Yugoslav economic

39 Mr. Lluis Maria de Puig, Rapporteur on Education, Education in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Docu-ment 8663), 14 March 2000, Council of Europe, athttp://assembly.coe.int/Documents/WorkingDocs/doc00/EDOC8663.HTM.40 Education in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Governance, Finance and Administration , 5-6.41

Ibid , 51.42 Russo, Religion and Education , 952. Citing Srebren Dizdar (Permanent Secretary of the Ministryof Education Science, Culture and Sport, Republic of Bosnia Herzegovina, 1994), A Development and
http://assembly.coe.int/Documents/WorkingDocs/doc00/EDOC8663.HTMhttp://assembly.coe.int/Documents/WorkingDocs/doc00/EDOC8663.HTM


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and political environment deteriorated in the early 1990s, the educational system be-came increasingly decentralized and politicized, both throughout Yugoslavia andwithin BiH itself.

B. Wartime Education

The end of the Cold War and the single party state, combined with continued eco-nomic deterioration, led to the rapid disintegration of the Yugoslav political system.Yugoslavias six republics,43 which since 1974 had enjoyed increasing autonomywhile still under the single framework of the countrys unique brand of socialism, began to focus more on their needs (and dominant national groups) and devoted lessattention to advancing the interests of the Yugoslav state. The unintended conse-quence of political liberalization and multiparty elections was the rise of nationalist politicians who consolidated their power bases in the republics. Croatia and Sloveniadeclared their independence from Yugoslavia in 1991 and gained recognition from theIC as independent states. The Yugoslav National Army, controlled by Belgrade, inter-vened to stop these secessions and Slovenia experienced a short 11-day war, whileCroatia endured fighting until the declaration of a January 1992 ceasefire. Bosnia fol-lowed suit and declared its independence in April 1992. However, as the most hetero-

geneous of the republics, with Bosnian Croats, Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Serbsall living within the republics borders, the secession led to a three and a half year warthat would ultimately claims the lives of approximately 200,000 people.

The regions educational landscape reflected the political change and upheaval thatmarked the final days of Yugoslavia. From 1990 to 1992 the curricula was increas-ingly politicised by nationalist politicians representing the three main groups in BiH,

creating cleavages that were intensified during the war from 1992 to 1995. National-ist-driven teachings promoted division and fear, preparing the ground for ethniccleansing operations aimed primarily against the Bosniak (Bosnian Muslim) popula-tion. Once the war began, education was seriously disrupted throughout the country,as massive population displacements, fighting and economic shortages ravaged BiH.

Perspective on Teacher Education in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1998. See also Srebren Dizdar, theUNICEF-commissioned report, Situation Analysis of Educational Services for Children in Bosnia and

Herzegovina, November 1996, atwww.pitt.edu/~ginie/bosnia/pdf/analysis.pdf .43 Bosnia Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia and Slovenia.
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During the war, 60 per cent of all schools were damaged, destroyed or requisitionedfor military use.44 University, public and private libraries were destroyed with alarm-ing efficiency.45 However, many schools continued to operate out of sheer determina-tion and improvisation. In Sarajevo, a city struggling to live normally while undersiege, schools operated on a shortened calendar in school buildings or private homeswhen possible.46 Secondary schools met more regularly than primary schools and subjects were taught as teachers were available. In this respect the cities in BiH had agreat advantage over rural areas as there was a larger pool of educated people whocould serve as teachers if qualified instructors were not available. Rural villages dependent on regional schools or on teachers traveling to the village from other towns,had fewer resources to ensure education could continue.

In addition to the physical hardships of attempting to continue education during a timeof war, the general trauma of war took its toll on both students and teachers. Townsand villages that were the sites of ethnic cleansing ushered in horrors not seen inEurope since WWII. The siege of Sarajevo, which lasted three and a half years, waseven more difficult to comprehend in a city which had boasted of its multiculturalismand in which many mixed marriages and multiethnic families made the fighting

among fellow Bosnians that much more incomprehensible. School, however, even onan abbreviated schedule, was one way to try to continue some semblance of normallife and could therefore potentially serve as a coping mechanism for students and par-ents alike.

In spite of the shelling, death, destruction and total disruption of normal patterns oflife, Charles Russo writes that, In retrospect, many educators in Sarajevo believe that

the war forced them to develop new approaches in working with students and requiredthem to adopt new teaching methodologies, becoming less hierarchical and teacher-

44 Bosnia and Herzegovina: 1996-1998 Lessons and Accomplishments, Review of the Priority Recon-

struction Program . Prepared for the May 1999 Donors Conference co-hosted by the European Com-mission and the World Bank.45 For a thorough review of the destruction of libraries and documents in the war, see Andras Riedl-mayer, Convivencia under Fire: Genocide and Book-burning in Bosnia, and J. Rose (ed.),The Holo-caust and the Book: Destruction and Preservation Studies in Print Culture and the History of the Book

(Amherst, Mass., 2001), 266-291.46 See, David M. Berman, The Organization of War Schools During the Siege of Sarajevo, 1992-1995,Sociological Imagination , Special Issue on Bosnia and Sociology (1999), 36:2/3, 183-198.


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centred than had been the norm in the region.47 If the adage, necessity is the motherof invention is true, then the innovation needed to continue education during war provided an opportunity for a more cooperative learning environment to emerge fromthe teacher-centred approach that dominated pre-war Yugoslavia. The wartime envi-ronment released society from past restrictions and expectations and impacted tradi-tional social roles and relationships.48 It also suggested an adaptability among educa-tors that could be tapped in post-war educational efforts, if the political will existed toutilize this resource.

47

As cited in Charles J. Russo, Religion and Education in Bosnia: Integration not Segregation?, 3 Brigham Young University Law Review (2000), at 953.48 Bush and Saltarelli,The Two Faces , 24.


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IV. Post-War Education in BiH

The state of education in post-war BiH shares many characteristics with the overallsocial and political environment of the country as it emerged from the ashes of Yugo-

slavia. In order to preserve BiH as a multiethnic state, a complex web of power-sharing mechanisms were developed. The DPA confirmed BiH as a single, independ-ent state, comprised of two highly autonomous entities, the predominantly Bosniak(Bosnian Muslim) and Bosnian Croat (Bosnian Catholic) Federation of BiH (FBiH)and the predominantly Bosnian Serb (Bosnian Orthodox) Republika Srpska (RS). TheFederation is further divided into ten cantons, five of which are majority Bosniak,three of which are majority Bosnian Croat, and two of which are mixed.49 While thecapital of the FBiH is Sarajevo (which is also the capital of the state of BiH), the Fed-eration is very decentralized, with significant authority and resources devolved to thecantons, or even to the municipalities. The RS, while divided into municipalities, ismore centralized, with much decision-making power centred in Banja Luka. BiHseducational systems must be understood against this complex political and constitu-tional backdrop. The following sections will introduce the state of affairs in BiH edu-cation before reform efforts began to gain momentum and realize changes in policyand in practice.

A. Legal Framework and Structures

In post-Dayton BiH, education has been highly decentralized in the Federation andhighly centralized in the RS. Article III of the BiH constitution details the responsibilities of the state-level institutions, with article 3 noting that: All governmentalfunctions and powers not expressly assigned in this Constitution to the institutions ofBosnia and Herzegovina shall be those of the Entities. Section III, article 4(b) of the

constitution of the Federation states that the cantons shall have all responsibilities notexpressly granted to the Federation government, including making education policy,including decisions concerning the regulation and provision of education. Article 38of the RS constitution states that: everyone shall be entitled to education under equal

49 The Federation of BiH consists of ten cantons. Five are Bosniak majority (Una-Sana, Tuzla-Podrinje,

Zenica-Doboj, Bosna-Drina Gorazde, and Sarajevo), three are majority Bosnian Croat (WesternHerzegovina, Posavina, and Livno-Tomislav), and two mixed cantons (Herzegovina-Neretva andCentral Bosnia).


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conditions, that primary schooling shall be compulsory and free, and everyoneshall have access, under the same conditions, to secondary and higher education.

In the Federation, cantonal level laws on primary education, secondary education andeducation inspection provide a legal framework for operations. In the RS, primaryschools are regulated by the Law on Primary School and the Law on Inspection forEducation, while secondary schools are regulated through the Law on SecondaryEducation. In the Br ko District, one law (imposed by the District Supervisor) regu-lates both primary and secondary schooling.50

There are approximately 19,600 primary and 9000 secondary school teachers inBiH.51 A 2001 report estimates the total number of primary and secondary schools at920, educating a total of approximately 507,000 students.52 There are seven Peda-gogic Institutes authorized by the cantonal and RS ministries of education to providein-service teacher training. Education is compulsory for eight years, with secondaryschool following for an additional three to four years. In terms of higher education,while pre-war BiH was home to four universities, post-war BiH hosts seven.53 Theuniversity system in BiH consists of approximately 70 component institutions or fac-

ulties, each of which has significant autonomy. Universities are currently regarded asassociations of Faculties.54 The faculties are funded directly, rather than through theuniversity, and authority is further devolved to individual professors, who have sig-nificant authority to admit students, structure their course of study, examine and pro-mote students - all with little accountability.55

50 For a thorough review of educational administration practices, including hiring teachers, school boards, school establishment and other details, see theOSCE MBiH Inter-Agency Guidelines to the Field: Monitoring and Intervening in Education-Related Issues , August 2002.51 Model for System Change in Secondary Education . Open Society Fund BH.52 Paul Roeders and Hugh Glanville,Technical Assistance to the Education Reforms in Bosnia and

Herzegovina , EC-TAER Inception Report, 31 January 2001, 16.53 Sarajevo, East Mostar, West Mostar, Serb Sarajevo, Biha#, Zenica, Banja Luka and Tuzla.54 Hugh Glanville, Towards an IC Strategy in Support of Higher Education in BiH, internal document

of the EC-TAER programme, 2001.55 As of this writing, only Tuzla University has made progress in ending the status of faculties asindependent legal units.


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B. Reform Needs

1. Admini stration and F inance

The Federation-level Ministry of Education, Science, Culture and Sport (FBiH MOE)has until recently had substantial influence only in the Bosniak majority regions. Asthe DPA places responsibility for education at the cantonal level, there is significant parallelism among the ten cantons, with more cooperation evident among the fiveBosniak-majority and among three Bosnian Croat majority cantons. In the mixed can-tons of Central Bosnia and Neretva there are parallel educational systems even withinthe canton, with little coordination.56 Subsequently, these parallel systems fail to benefit from economies of scale and suffer from duplication, redundancy and an ex- pensive system in an already poverty-stricken country.57 Additionally, the completedecentralization has led to a situation in which there is virtually no financial account-ability for educational administrators. These financial weaknesses, compounded bythe poor state of the economy, result in a system in which the highest spending areasspend more than twice per student at all levels than the lowest spending areas.58 Inaddition to the financial concerns, the multiple levels of government in the Federation(entity, cantonal, municipal) have led to ambiguity concerning who is responsible forwhat at what level, creating an environment in which there is little accountability or

responsibility.

There has been support for policy change in the Federation among the Bosniaks, whoin general favour a more centralized system consistent with a tendency to support amore highly centralized state structure, while the Bosnian Croats have generally pre-ferred a decentralized system in which more control is given to the cantons. Earlyreform efforts met considerable resistance from representatives of the Catholic church

because they often viewed suggestions for a course in culture of religions to be the beginning of the end of the newly established religious education.59 However, while itwas difficult to encourage the Bosnian Croats to accept more streamlined, harmonized

56 For a good review of the legal situation in BiHs cantons and regions, see Education in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Governance, Finance and Administration , 1999.57 Budgets are so stretched that supplies are often unavailable and teacher salaries unpaid. In September2002, educational workers in the Central Bosnia Canton went on a general strike in protest againstunpaid salaries from the previous year.58

World Bank,World Bank Project Appraisal Document for an Education Development Project , 19April 2000, 9.59 Personal interview, Claude Kieffer, Sarajevo, 1 February 2002.


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and centralized educational initiatives in the initial years of reform, this is beginningto change. Apart from the identity issues inherent in the national subjects such aslanguage and history, there is recognition by both sides of the need for basic reform.60 When the HDZs (the hardline Bosnian Croat party) third entity movement failed inthe spring of 2001, OHR contacted the ministers of education in the HDZ-dominatedcantons to encourage them to again work within the system. As it became increasinglyclear among practical-minded Bosnian Croat leaders that Europe-focused Zagrebwould no longer morally or financially support the political efforts of their Bosniancousins, the choice left to the Bosnian Croats became involvement in the reform proc-ess or exclusion from the debate. In 2002, officials noted that the Bosnian Croats were becoming increasingly cooperative and in favour of a state-level law on education something that was unthinkable a few years ago.61

Education in the RS is more centralized, and while there is some difference in approach and outlook among the north and eastern parts of the boomerang-shaped re-gion, all schools and educators face the same problems and challenges. Similar to theFederation, financial accountability is a concern primarily because of a lack of trans- parency within budgeting and spending processes. The Bosnian Serbs are, as with

virtually all policies, against state-level laws that could weaken entity powers. How-ever, potential obstructionists have been warned by the IC not to hold the issue hos-tage to political manoeuvrings.

At every level of educational management, reforms are needed in finance and admini-stration to lower costs and develop a more harmonized system within which studentscan move and transfer without difficulty. Legislation to ensure that the systems in

place throughout BiH meet certain minimal standards and expectations will help tocounteract inequities and potential problems with access to educational resources.Such harmonization will not only improve internal accountability, but will lend pro-fessionalism to the system as a whole and make it easier to integrate into the broaderEuropean educational networks.

60

Personal interview, Hugh Glanville, Sarajevo, November 2002.61 Personal interview, Claude Kieffer, Sarajevo, 4 February 2003.


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vivid in Stolac, where Bosnian Croat children attended a new school that had been built with World Bank funds, while Bosniak children were forced to be schooled outof private homes in sub-standard conditions. Upon hearing of this egregious situation,OHR stepped in and said that if space in the new school was available (and it was),the Bosniak children should be able to benefit from the World Bank project as well.While a good intention, the OHR underestimated the divisions in Stolac and the na-tionalist politics that drive the hardline city in Herzegovina. Rather than integratingthe Bosniak children into the school, the school was essentially divided into BosnianCroat and Bosniak sections, separating students by floor, with piles of chairs anddesks serving as barriers in the corridors and with separate entrances for each group.Other similar cases occurred in BiH as nationalists sought to ensure the minimal levelof compliance and to continue homogenous education to the maximum extent possible.64 Despite proposals by the IC to merge the schools, the situation in Stolac re-mained unchanged even in 2003.65

3. Access

The issue of access to education and educational facilities is closely linked to the poli-ticization of education. In 2002, Dr. Paul Roeders of the European Commission Tech-

nical Assistance to Education Reform (EC TAER) programme estimated that between5000-10,000 students crossed the Inter-Entity Boundary Line (IEBL) to go to schooleach day. This brings to light the concerns many minority returnees have concerningthe education their children might receive as minority members of the community. InMarch 2003, the OSCE referred to the widespread phenomena of bussing children tomonoethnic schools long distances from their homes.66 Additionally, while students

64

In 2003, the OSCE estimated that there are 56 such schools in the Federation, with many in the Cen-tral Bosnia, Herzegovina Neretva and Zenica-Doboj Cantons. OSCE Concerned Over Segregation ofStudents,OSCE Press Release , 3 April 2003. A Bosniak secondary school annex in ep#e was openedto much fanfare in April 2002, though it was understood that it would, at least at the beginning, be 2schools under 1 roof. In his remarks, PDHR Hays noted that while the return of Bosniak students tothe ep#e secondary school was an important step, it was only a transitional step towards a truly equaland integrated system. He also noted that computer classes would be integrated as the future is hightech and the future doesnt care about ethnicity. Remarks by PDHR Donald Hays at the opening ofthe Bosniak Secondary School Annex in Zepce,OHR Press Release , 3 April 2002.65 Dnevni Avaz , 7 January 2003, as cited inOHR Media Round-up , 7 January 2003.66 Bussing children to mono-ethnic schools must stop,OSCE Press Release , 13 March 2003. On 13March the OSCE noted two extreme examples that illustrate the extent of the problem: Approximately10 returnee children are being bussed 15 kilometres to the school in Deji#i (Trnovo, FBiH) but live

only a few hundred meters from the primary school in Trnovo (RS) which was completely recon-structed and equipped in 1996. [Also] children from Bukova#a (FBiH) are being bussed to the villageof Drini# (RS), while the Bukova#a reconstructed school remains empty. They further point out the


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might have basic, physical access to a school, the reception and education they mightreceive once inside is not always assured. The COE and the World Bank noted thatpupils of a minority cultural or religious orientation can still gain access to majorityschools, provided they conform to the dominant cultural and religious views [empha-sis added].67 This conformity to majority views is not only impossible in BiHs post-war environment, but antithetical to European standards, and therefore severely limitseducational access to students who are a minority in a community.

Access can be broadly interpreted in order to assess the entire set of issues that canmake a school appear to be accessible or inaccessible, particularly by a member of aminority population. Physical or geographic access to schools relates particularly tochildren in rural areas and considers whether or not they can realistically attend schooldue to the infrastructure in their area. This is particularly important in minority returnareas or in Romani communities, where adequate roads or transportation may be lack-ing, making it more difficult for children from these communities to attend schoolregularly.

A second kind of access is psychosocial , which is particularly relevant to returnee

children, or to children who are in a minority in their community and/or school. Thetrauma of war and the difficulty of post-war return inevitably makes minority return astressful experience, for adults as well as students. Concerns over discrimination based on the dialect of the local language that a child speaks, the alphabet (Latin orCyrillic) that a child has studied, or basic prejudice by teachers or fellow students canerect psychological barriers that can impede real access to education.

Symbolic access must also be considered, as symbolic barriers such as national andreligious symbols can create a hostile atmosphere (for instance, the presence of a cru-cifix, an Islamic banner, or a Serbian flag) for a student who is not in the majority andfor whom the symbol may have highly negative connotations. Finally,contextual ac-cess relates to curricular and educational content issues, and refers to the content bar-

expense of such practices: Municipal authorities in Travnik calculated that 35-40,000 KM is beingspent monthly on transporting students and that this amount could be reduced by 50% if children attend

the school closest to their residence.67 Education in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Governance, Finance and Administration , 10.


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riers that may exist in a curriculum that make it difficult for a child to attend school ina positive and comfortable environment, an issue which is discussed in more detail below.

4. Curr iculum and the National Subjects

The debate concerning curriculum reform can essentially be divided into two issues: basic curricular structure and content. There is general agreement that the numbers ofcourses in the current curriculum is too high, with approximately 15 different subjects, and should be reduced, reorganized into compulsory and elective subjects andmade more flexible. Rather than serving as a framework ensuring that students ac-quire a certain set of skills, curricula in BiH today are more a checklist to ensure thatinformation is transmitted to the students for memorization and recall. While reform-ing this approach will necessitate teaching training and changes in classroom method-ology, it is a technical and professional issue that can be addressed over time withoutsignificant controversy.

Additionally, the pedagogical methods currently in place to teach a curriculum mustalso be updated. Teacher training is desperately needed, as a result of antiquated, pre-

war teaching methods, the impact of the war and resultant brain-drain and the politici-zation of the authorities and the educational environment. In its 1999 report, theCOE/World Bank noted that in some areas up to 25 per cent of teachers were notqualified for the level or grade they taught.68 The problem needs to be assessed andaddressed, and incentives must be offered to attract qualified people to the teaching profession. Approaches and techniques that encourage critical thought, a multiper-spective approach and an open learning environment must be in place to support a

modernized curricular structure. Teaching and learning must be democratized, withvalues transmitted in action as well as word: Curriculum packages that promote tol-erance will have little impact if they are delivered within educational structures thatare fundamentally intolerant.69

68

Education in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Governance, Finance and Administration , 46.69 Bush and Saltarelli,The Two Faces , foreword.


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H istory and Geography

It should come as no surprise that the issue of teaching history is politically chargedand controversial. However, BiH is far from unique in facing this problem.73 From10-13 May 2000 the COE, together with the OHR, sponsored a symposium in Sara- jevo entitled, Rebuilding a Common Future: For a Critical Approach to HistoryTeaching.74 This meeting was not only for educators from BiH, but for teachersthroughout the COE member states teaching twentieth century European history. Thesymposium provided a forum for embarking on initial steps towards developing anobjective history of the region.

Teaching history is not solely dependent on the textbooks used in the classroom, butin how material is presented to the students. The following excerpt from a 1999 COEreport on the topic illustrates the impact of both content and presentation:

Bosnia and Herzegovina was concerned nonetheless about the problem of re-thinking history in a country where past wounds have not had time to heal and proposed that the content of less controversial subjects such as life sciencesand mathematics be reviewed first. Reacting to [a participants] fears, the othercountries argued that it was precisely because of the controversial nature of

history that it was so urgent to deal with the teaching of this subject. However,the modernization of history teaching was also dependent on improved train-ing for history teachers. Changing the syllabus was not enough: it was impor-tant to train teachers to provide a more critical-minded form of teaching, toquestion the world and to compare points of view, steering clear of official orsupposedly sacrosanct versions of the truth.75

In BiH, each of the three constituent peoples has their own preferred interpretation of

history, with the Bosnian Croat view influenced by Zagreb and the Bosnian Serb view

73 The International Herald Tribune reported that in August 2001 20 men in Seoul draped themselvesin Koreas national colours and ceremonially chopped off part of their little fingers to protest the word-ing in one Japanese textbook. It was only in mid-1990s that Japanese officials began to grapple withhow to portray and explain the countrys policies during WWII. The Ongoing Battle over JapansTextbooks, International Herald Tribune , 12 February 2002, 3. There have been no similar protestsinvolving such extreme measures in BiH.74 The symposium was hosted by the Federation Ministry of Education, Science, Culture and Sport,with the support of the Academy of Sciences of BiH.75 Education for Democratic Development and Stability in South-east Europe: Final Declaration and

Ideas. Informal Conference of Ministers of Education from Southeast Europe, held under the auspicesof the Council of Europe Standing Conference of European Ministers of Education, December 1999,10.


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by Belgrade. The Bosniak frame of reference is different, as the Bosnian Muslims donot have a kin-state. They have therefore been more amenable to new texts, whilemaintaining an interest in the role that the Ottoman empire played in shaping the cul-ture of BiH.

Geography is a similarly politically-charged topic that is directly related to the kin-states of Croatia and Serbia. A textbook used in primary schools in the RS provides avivid example of the politicization of geography in post-war BiH.76 The map graphicon the cover of the book shows the regions of Serbia and Montenegro and the RS,without any sign of surrounding states, as if that map represented a single country.The books discussion of sta