TRANSACTIONS OF THE KOREA BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY

VOL. XXXIX

Supplied gratis to all members of the SocietyP O Box Central 255Seoul, KoreaDECEMBER 1962

CONTENTS

In Memoriam Dr Richard Hertz President, Korea Branch Royal Asiatic Society (1898~1961)by Gregory Henderson 1Pottery Production in the Earliest Years of the Yi Period 5by Gregory HendersonSome Lesser-Known Facts About Taewongun and His Foreign Policy 23by Dr. Lee Sun-keun

Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch General Report of the Council For 1961 47List Of Officers For 1962 55List Of Members 1961 56

Plate I (See page 13)Willow wine bottle showing very late Koryo glaze and shape. Probably circ 1400, From a grave in Yangp’yong, Kyonggi-do. Collection of the author.

Plate,Ⅱ (See page 13)Wine Bottle. Punch’ong ware; decorated with white slip applied with a broad brush and painted in underglaze iron. From a kiln located at Keryong-san, Ch’ungch’ong Namdo.15 th- 16 th centuryNow Toksu Palace Museum, SeoulPicture taken from: Masterpieces of Korean Art; page 137

Plate,Ⅲ (See page 17)Kilnsites of the Yi dynasty as listed by Asakawa

Plate IV (See page 20)Sculptured ‘mishima’ pilgrim bottle. After the Mongol invasion, pottery became thicker and stronger so it could be carried about on horseback, for horses became far more widely used under Mongol influence. A flask like this was used to carry water or wine for the rider. Most such pieces come from Cheju-do or South Cholla and were made mostly in South Cholla. The designs, as here, have notable in¬formality, originality and verve. Probably circ 1500. From a Japanese private collection, (Photograph from Sekai Toji Zenshu) (“Catalogue of World Ceramics”). Plate 26.

Plate V (See page 20)Flask for warm wine of the rare type of ‘mi- shima’ (punching) which is both inlaid and sculp--tured. Large flower design decorates the top. About 1400 A.D. Perhaps made in Hamp’yong area, South Cholla.Author’s collection.

Plate VI (See page 21)Covered bowl of rope ‘mishima’(punch’ong) design with inscription 星州長興庫 inlaid around the lid. There are few, if any, other inscribed pieces known in which both bowl and cover survive. Quality is also unusually high. 15th Century. Author’s collection.

Plate VII (See page 21)Cover of preceding piece showing inscription.

IN MEMORIAMDR RICHARD HERTZ PRESIDENT, KOREA BRANCH ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETYby Gregory Henderson American Embassy

Dr. Richard Hertz (1898—1961)

[page 1]IN MEMORIAM DR. RICHARD HERTZ PRESIDENT, KOREA BRANCH, ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY 1959-60

by Gregory Henderson American Embassy

The man whom death took so suddenly on August 2nd, 1961, in Mexico—German Ambassador, philosopher, author, teacher, friend to Korea and of so many of us, President and enthusiastic supporter of the Royal Asiatic Society for Korea—was a man of unforgettable qualities.

The natural elements to whom he felt so akin forged him from the beginning in a giant mold. Far over six feet tall, big-boned, amply girthed, large-voiced, his exuberant presence must have startled many a Korean villager or Chongno shopkeeper on whom he chanced, in his far-flung perambulations, to descend. Nor was this effect lessened with time though, for his friends, it became charged with great warmth. His habit of talking, arms akimbo, his eyes rolling and flung upward as if plucking the lightening from the clouds, made of this gigantic frame an apparition half Zeus, half Captain Ahab pursuing Moby Dick.

The likeness, the latter one, at least, (though surely Zeus would enjoy him) was hardly accidental. Born to a good bourgeois house in that citadel of the high bourgeoisie, Hamburg, he was the conscious antithesis of everything this background usually symbolized: decorous materialism, conservative opinion, formality and social stratification. Like Melville in Victorian times, he too was one born to look beyond the tasseled curtains of those drawing rooms, to roam with speculative inquiry, zest for storm, understanding for tragic fate. “The Hamburgers are my arch-enemies”, he would confide. (It sounded so wonderfully strong in his German). Then he would lean back and laugh with that deep-chested, warm laugh of his, full of wise fun, untinged with [page 2] rancor. Full of paradoxes, he still told his son to marry a Hamburg girl!

The Hertzian Moby Dick was, of course, pursued in the mind, but no less relentlessly, with no duller a harpoon. His thoughts were constantly poised over the problems of human existence, the forces of nature, the place of man, the understanding of cultures and of arts. Like the ancient Greeks and the philosophers and painters of the East, he was a Pantheist, seeing man in and through and subject to the endlessly thrilling mystery and renewal of the forces of nature. One felt always in him the inspiration, the afflatus, of this mystery and its words, now so rarely heard in our society, were constantly on his lips. Much influenced by Zen, he had no use for ‘ultimate’, let alone dogmatic solutions, no interest in redemption or redeemers, no taste for organized religion. He loved the play of the great natural problems, their art and the expression they imparted to men, as, in many ways (and he was the first to acknowledge this), the philosophers of China, Japan and Korea did and, sometimes still do. He felt deeply this bond with the Far East and loved its depiction of man, a small figure in a world of towering peaks.

He loved art, Korean art, all art that was deep-lodged in a folk; for him, art was a symbol of the spirtual, to be placed above all material things. Better nothing, inconvenience, emptiness, than something ugly. For months the guests in his spacious residence sat around on cushions, low, make-shift seats on the floor long after his Korean pottery was proudly lodged in its display cases. Yet it was amusing to see the apprehension with which he regarded the furniture which the German Foreign Office would send him. When it finally came, he was, perhaps, a little disappointed that it was rather handsome. All except for a kind of ceiling baldaquin of cut glass to catch light and add glitter to festivities. This opulent object was suspended immediately over its master as he hosted his dinner parties so that, as his eyes rolled upwards in their heaven-borne search for [page 3] the right phrase, they invariably encountered this misplaced symbol of earthly splendor. How often was Ahab’s spear blunted on this glass! Yet, fortunately, he had the gift, not always given to Goetheesque searchers, of finding mirth in and about himself so he tottered back to earth from his attempts to wrestle with the angels always happy in spirit, laughing at himself.

If his Korean guests, most of whom, it is safe to say, considered Western furniture a more intriguing symbol than Korean folk-art, were sometimes bewildered at his convictions, some were no less astonished at his taste. In this respect, too, he was, in contrast to most Korean collectors, utterly unconventional. Elaborate and expensive Koryo pottery he never assembled. He acknowledged the value of the finely-made objects of the official Yi kilns, but they, also, were not for him. In their place, great jars made by common people at local kilns with dragons full of fantasy and motion bedecked his room. Of simpler Koryo, he had a store when something about them besides elegance drew his eye. Over them, around all walls, was the largest collection most of us had ever seen in one place of the paintings associated with mudang and with shaman rites. Rough, colorful, direct, bold, unpretentious, these paintings appealed deeply to him in a way in which they appeal to virtually none of the Korean world in which he moved. But then, he had a love of shamanism, a seldom-found respect for it and rejoiced in no party more than a great shaman Kut, enlivened by cocktails and lantern-light, which one sympathetic western friend prepared for him on his departure. In shamanism and in the art which he assembled, old and modern, he admired the expressions of men in the thrall of the mys¬terious forces of nature, men who felt the need to strengthen, by religion or art, the bonds which them to these forces. Pedigree, reputation or even high technique had, for him, little interest.

In him, Korea has lost both a unique and a true friend, not less because he loved this people for the [page 4] quality closest to their own inner, spontaneous core; he loved their kibun. This quality lies farthest from the skillful adulation of Chinese culture which burdened, almost continually, the prestige arts of Korea. It is likewise distant from the earnest striving after western art which is the burden of today. It was thus the many things which modern Koreans find unmodern or even undignified which he, refreshingly, loved Uninterested in political nationalism, Dr. Hertz esteemed what Koreans drew from their own world of mountain, river, ancient worshipped tree, dance, rite and village: the villages which grow as naturally from the world around them as gourds do from their thatched roofs. He loved Korea for herself, not for what others made, or tried to make, of her or for what she sought to make of herself in another’s image. And this he did not do because he was ambassador or diplomat or German. He did it not for international relations nor for the propaganda of his country, though both these were superbly served thereby. What he loved in this country he loved because he had to; as a human being he could not exist without it. The Society is proud indeed to number such a man among its members, Council Members and Presidents. It is even prouder that, through his talks, his introductions of speakers and his wise counsel, given on many an unforgettable Council Meeting evening, this Society served as one of the chief vehicles through which his love and enthusiasm for Korea, during all the four years he stayed here (October, 1956-September, 1960), was expressed. All who knew him, inside the Society or out, especially, perhaps, his host of Korean artist friends, perceived that his love of this land and its culture lay deep in the unquenchable springs of his own heart They loved him for it and mourn the loss of a spirit unique and irreplaceable. The respect he brought for the last land in which he was destined to serve long was deeper than most men have it in themselves to give, and was imparted with a quality of spirit none could match.

[page 5]POTTERY PRODUCTION IN THE EARLIEST YEARS OF THE YI PERIODBy Gregory Henderson American Embassy

I. Introduction

There are many ironies in the study of Korea and, in almost every facet of Korean history, a liberal dose of the unknown. The ceramic arts of the Yi period are no exception; their history is replete in both qualities.

If the men of the Yi period admired pottery, they did not very often say so. It was not a subject on which their attention centered. Probably somewhat less than was the case for China and Japan, pottery was not—or was usually not—part of the prestige culture of their dynasty. It was, nevertheless, a very important part of their material culture; records show1) that, of the 2,800 technicians performing 128 different specialized tasks for the court and government of the first century of Yi rule, the potters were, by a wide margin, the largest single group, 380 making finer, 104 rougher wares a total of over 17% of the total of technicians officially employed by the government in early Yi times. We do, of course, find some references to pottery and to its production in government and other records. Yet, considering that pottery was then, far more than today, the essential and universally used means of serving and storing food and wine throughout the dynasty; considering that it was in daily use by all the figures of that long age: king, courtier, warrior and householder; and, considering that it had been long esteemed and connected with the court in China; considering the major part it plays in what now remains to us of five hundred and eighteen years of Yi rule, it is remarkable that the men of Yi chose to pass over it in such predominant silence.

1) Kang Man-gil Choson Chon’gi Kongjang-go 朝鮮前期工匠考 Investigation of Artisans in the Early Yi Period). Sahak Yon’gu. No. 12, Sept 1961, p.p. 1-73 .

[page 6]This sparse regard for what seems to us a chief treasure is the first irony and it runs deep. The

dynasty held many things important and talked verbosely about them: its relations with China and their quality; its morality and ethics; its Confucianism; the purity of family breeding and the claims of families on the court; ritual, good manners and how long a queen should be mourned; the details of a king’s daily occupations; knowledge of Chinese and Chinese (or Chinese-style) poetry. All such things and others occupied the leading figures of the Yi age endlessly and few men can in a lifetime read all they said about them. Yet it is, in general, precisely their absorptions which to have died or even been discredited by time and taste both among their descendants and among those who, from other lands and newer times, peek in at their vanished world. Of all. but the last century of the dynasty, there remains little but a vast corpus of history and legislation, which less than one percent of modern Koreans can read; a fair corpus of literature and of painting, esteemed by those who counted but, in the latter case, at least, suffering somewhat from comparison with productions in lands neighboring Korea; a few buildings (only a handful dating from before 1600); and a rather large quantity of pottery of low-born social origin which the dynasty turned out with what it seems to have regarded as its left hand. And not a great deal else. Of all these remainders, the one which is probably most easily and immediately understandable and accessible to the admiration of foreigners is precisely this last, which was least esteemed in its time. Through much of the dynasty, Yi pottery, even when technically less perfect than Chinese ceramics, compares well with pottery contemporary to it made in any other part of the world. It is also an important criterion of a culture, and one easily translatable across national borders. Pottery is made in a language we can understand, the [page 7] language of daily use and of an earth almost all men know. The vocabulary of this language is broad and is shared by almost all peoples. Its cadence may be foreign but the words are clear.

This paper briefly explores this sample of the Yi age which time, fate and the burial customs of the early years of the dynasty have preserved for us. It was a long age; too long, perhaps. It made pottery constantly and, though more in the south than in the north, almost all over the peninsula. The great student of Yi kiln sites, Asakawa, Hakkyo, the only man of any nation known to have visited virtually all known kiln locations (he discovered many himself), gives us the names of some 680 Yi dynasty kiln sites.2) The total production of such sites for over half a millenium was enormous; even today, the pottery remaining must be counted in at least tens of thousands of pieces, very likely in hundreds of thousands. Regional differentiations were fairly strong. The Yi period developed many styles and several changes of taste, just as any Western nation would have in the same long period. Clearly the subject of Yi dynasty pottery is enormous. This paper will deal only with the threshold wares of the Yi period (circa 1392-1492) and the conditions of their manufacture.

II. The Yi Ceramic Inheritance

a. The Koryo Tradition

The Yi dynasty started in 1392 with certain definite conditions in the field of pottery. Some of these were fundamental to Korean pottery and some peculiar to the situation then pertaining in the ceramic field.

The Yi inherited, virtually intact, a nation which had known over 450 years of fairly continuous rule under the Koryo kings. During this period, Korea had

2) Asakawa, Hakkyo, “Chosen no Yoseki to Saishuhin no Kiroku”, (“Record of Korean Kiln Sites and Things Gathered There”), Sekai Toji Zenshu. (‘‘Catalogue of World Ceramics”), Vol. 14 (Yi Dynasty) pp 231-238; and Richo Toji Yoseki Ichiranhyo (“Table of Yi Dynasty Kiln Sites”), ibid pp 239-255.

[page 8]stood near the forefront of world nations which from the 10th-12th centuries enjoyed high cultures. Perhaps in no field, however, was this cultural supremacy more renowned than in the field of ceramics. Though in form somewhat inferior to Chinese Sung ceramics, which were their great inspiration, Korea’s celadons surpassed, in clarity of glaze, anything which the rest of the world could produce at that time. Even though long past its peak before the end of the dynasty, Korea’s ceramic tradition was a tremendous inheritance still, one which the new king and his court neither could nor, so far as we know, wished to ignore. The capital was changed, there was a gradual and important shift from Buddhism to Confucianism, there were certain changes in land ownership and among the controlling families. Yet it took time before the changes of the Yi regime left their mark on pottery so that we can clearly differentiate early Yi ware from its late Koryo predecessors. There is a relatively large corpus of pottery which must be assigned to the last half century or so of Koryo or the first decades of Yi without our being able to discern therein any dynastic line. Though a taste for rather plain white ware began within the first century of Yi rule and the tendency to decorate it with blue designs was an innovation when it came, in general the dynasty’s ceramic changes were gradual rather than revolutionary so that certain wares, particularly mishima tea bowls, were still being made in styles directly successive to Koryo as late as the middle or even later 17th century.

b. The Social Place of the Korean Potter

At least one other condition remained, apparently, without much change; perhaps unfortunately so. Pottery continued, throughout the dynasty, and to some extent continues even today, to be the work of the lower social classes, work which neighbored closely on the socially despised.3) Even in the case of painting which could be practiced by gentlemen, the Korean scholar-

3) A descendant of Kwangju potters has qualified this in a recent meeting with the author. He claims that the Kwangju potters were well-paid and most respectfully treated up to the begining of the 17th Century, but that the kilns were increasingly little supported by the government during that century, eventually resulting in their abandonment. Potters of local, non-government kilns had low social status.

[page 9]painter Kang Hui-an (1419-1465), when his skill was praised, replied “Painting is lowly expertise; if a painting of mine remains for later times it will only bring stigma on my name.” Apparently potters were frequently slaves, or, when not, were nameless lower-class artisans.4) Evidently this had been the Koryo system, though clearly some of the designs which lowly potters executed must originally have been drawn as models by a refined and educated hand Late Koryo times after the Mongol ravages and particularly after the frequent piratical raids by the Japanese on the great coastal kilns of Cholla-do must have still further impoverished and reduced the social status of the potters, a fact which the decline in the quality of the late ware recalls. The Yi ruling group, gradually adopting an ever more rigid form of Confucianism which emphasized social differences, continued to freeze potters and, indeed, other technicians, into a lowly status which finally contributed greatly to the ruin of the ancient and renowned Korean ceramic industry. During the 1880’s, the potters at the official kilns at Kwangju, upstream from Seoul, and elsewhere abandoned their kilns and moved to occupations where their status and rewards could improve. It is a shame that this condition remains, in essence, the same today. By and large, the kilns are still abandoned. Kimchi and chamber pots are turned out all over the country in a repetetive manner: there is a little industrial pottery, but creative pottery as an artistic production is almost dead in Korea today.5) The problem which the Yi rulers inherited a century before Columbus discovered America,

4) A very few pieces of Koryo and early Yi pottery survive with inscriptions apparently giving the name of the maker. One is the famous Ito vase now in the Ehwa University Museum, one is in the Nedzu Museum, one is owned by the Seoul collector, Kim Hyong-min, and one early Yi bowl is in the author’s collection. They are too rare to form much exception to the rule.

5) During the last six years, there have been a few brave attempts to revive the making of Korean artistic pottery. The first by a group of interested Korean cultural leaders headed by Dr Kim Che-won, Director of the Korean National Museum, and another by Mr. Kim Hyo-chung have been unable to continue regularly. The potter Chong Kyu continues to make artistic ware and a kiln at Ehwa University is now producing adaptations of Koryo ware.

[page 10]a problem which the dynasty appears neither to have recognized nor solved, is inherited today by their descendants; solution is not yet in sight. At the time of the Yi inheritance, however, Korea’s ceramic tradition still had several centuries of creativity to run.

c. Government Hegemony over Ceramics

One further general condition was inherited likewise and continued Korea’s kilns, like other forms of production, were not regarded primarily as forms of individual entrepreneurship in what is today describe as ‘the private sector’; they were regarded as more or less government-connected.6) The degree of this government control varied greatly. Yet the theory was that productive enterprises operated with ‘the grace and favor’ of the central government. An Office of Arts was established and, connected with it, official kilns. Official kilns were the best kilns, by definition; they were best because they were set up by the central or local government under the guidance of the government’s elaborate administrative hierarchy to operate for the government and represent the highest standard of the nation. The most prominent example during the Yi period were the many official kilns in Kwangju County twenty miles upstream from Seoul. Poorer kilns were controlled little or not at all but were generally condemned to

poverty; their wares, however, are in some cases, greatly admired today, the so-called Ido (井戶 ) tea bowls being, probably, examples of private produc¬tion. Operationally, there were many important differences between the Koryo and the Yi in this regard, government control being less dominant than in Koryo’s great days, but, by and large, I believe it can be said that the assumption of government hegemony was the same; the assumption is far from dead today.

6) The Koryo kilns at Kangjin and Puan were probably directly government-controlled even before direct government supervision was established over kilns in China or elsewhere. Such supervision also continued for longer than was the case with any Sung kilns.

[page11]III. Pottery Conditions at Opening of Yi Period

a. IntroductionSuch were some of the more fundamental conditions which the Yi inherited with the Koryo

ceramic tradition. The specific situation which the Yi found in 1392 is, of course, far less clear; it has, so far as I know, been amply described in no source materials and must therefore be surmised from an examination of the surviving wares. Research on these wares for the purpose of showing us the background of the kilns and their methods and administration has hardly begun. Yet several observations can be made.

b. Mass Production and Its Quality

The quality of Koryo ceramic production was, as we have noted, much past its prime at the end of the dynasty, The most obvious sign of this decline is seen in the glazes. Once limpid and halcyon, they had, through the last century and a half of the dynasty, turned gradually grey, green-grey and finally brown. During the last decades of Koryo, a first-class celadon glaze could, apparently, not be made, or, more accurately, could not be fired with proper control and timing. Likewise the potting, never as sensitive as the finest Sung potting, became increasingly heavy, crude and faulty. The designs lost in fineness and, in the final decades, in complexity. Finally, over the entire last century and a half of the ware, there was an increasing tendency toward mass-production methods imparting a somewhat mechanical (even when hand-produced) result. The use of a stamp or mold had long been known and practised in both China and Korea, but now the stamping of rather uniform pottery designs became standard.

Such stamping and mass-production has its own important background in the development of Korean material culture. It flourished in a period which also [page 12] saw the rise of other such techniques with possibilities of reaching wider masses of people—the invention of movable type printing in late Koryo times, the invention of han’gul in early Yi times, the introduction and spread of new economic activities such as the growing and spinning of cotton and the rise and proliferation of the small artisan factory. Pottery is one of the most pervasive sources of evidence we have for the economic character of Korean society from circa 1300 until 1592 AD, and what it shows us expands our knowledge of early Yi society and is at variance with the picture of complete decline and corruption which the early Yi historians imputed to late Koryo times. It shows us genuine and not entirely discouraging social and economic change, Gone is the production of elegant pottery for a court aristocracy. In its place is the production of an even larger quantity of pottery whose standard is lower but whose use is more widespread. The gap between the pottery of the court and that used, not by everyone, but certainly rather widely by the people appears to have narrowed appreciably compared with what we know from tombs of 1100—1300. The late Koryo and early Yi pieces bearing the names of government offices are of a quality very difficult to distinguish from that which appears from quite ordinary graves and are even often inferior to many unmarked pieces whose destination appeared to be, judging from the graves, private as

well as official. Yi social tendencies gradually combatted this trend toward what the French might call “vulgarization”—perhaps, indeed, Yi Confucian social theory may have been adopted partly to return Korean society to a path of strict hierarchical differences from which it had been in danger of wandering—yet, someday we might, through evidence like this, go beyond the point of saying that the invention of han’gul in the years immediately preceding 1446 was merely the gift of a great monarch to his people and conclude that it was also, and in part, the result of certain equalizing trends in the society of the time and of the pressures they brought. For such trends, the [page 13] striking rise of artisans and local factories described by Mr. Kang7) may offer important evidence.

c. Changes in Design and Taste

One other characteristc, almost opposite in trend to the industrial stamping of pottery, tells us something about ceramic development in the 14th century. It was a sharp change in taste and in design. We can see some illustration of this change in Plate I. The line is thicker, the inlay less delicate, the concept less minute and fussy, the execution at once less perfect, more spontaneous and unrestrained. The man who drew the willow on this vase failed to see all the details noted in earlier Koryo willow tree drawing. But he saw the wind in his tree and he kept the wind in. So it is not only with plant life but animals. Great fishes appear, drawn partly with playful humor, partly with a sense of naive terror of the denizens of the unknown deep which reminds us of fish and monster paintings of the European Middle Ages. (Plate II) Some would call it only degeneration of design and technique. But it is something more. It is clearly a difference in condition. At Koryo’s height, the chief kilns were under close government supervision, responsive to the taste of a China-oriented court aristocracy. The identity of many Koryo designs and shapes with those of China probably show that design at the kilns was copied from drawings produced at court, some of them copied or adapted from China. The process was well-controlled and highly skillful; eight centuries later, it cannot be so skillfully produced today. Yet it lacked a certain freedom and spontaneity perhaps partly because the local potters are presumed not to have originated the concepts or designs they executed. The 14th century was sharply different Mongol invasion, Japanese piratical depredation, foreign domination and increasing confusion and decay had apparently loosened, perhaps almost to the breaking point, the government control of the kilns. Designs

7) See footnote 1 above.

[page14] probably no longer came down from above. Left more largely to themselves, the potters of the provinces, far away from the capital, worked out their own designs and modified the shapes known to them. What had been a court art became a folk art, closer to the men who work with the soil to make pots. There was loss of skill but there was gain in life, in warmth. Chinese influence receded, though Tzu-chou and Yuan wares still exerted some, and a relaxed, spontaneous, sometimes naive Korean spirit came to the fore. Through the skill-less glazes and in the gauche shapes, beauty remains, with something pathetic, wild and lonely about it which bespeaks the uncertain age in which the makers lived.

d. The Dispersion of the Kilns

Behind this new esthetic stands the dispersal of the kilns. Of course, there were always local kilns making local ware; of necessity, since a poor farming land cannot afford to move breakable vessels for daily use over long distances. In palmier Koryo days, however, when there had been greater diff-erences between court and ordinary pottery, the great clusters of official kilns at Kangjin and Puan in Cholla-do, had monopolized the making of the highest quality court wares. The withering of central power brought greater local independence and control. The monopoly vanished. New kilns sprang up in many areas or, if not wholly new, participated in the diffusion of culture locally which seems to

charac¬terize late Koryo times. Cholla-do, old site of the official kilns, led the way, but Kyongsang-do and Ch’ungch’ong-do, especially around the famous mountain near Taejon, Kyeryongsan, soon followed and the northward march of later pottery-making proceeded until every province had well-known pottery and even Hamgyong Pukto became famous for local wares. These kilns, largely without court orders or patterns, worked out their own traditions by themselves. They continued until deep into Yi times the traditions of freer, more spontaneous taste to which the conditions of late Koryo life had given birth and they added to them a far greater variety of local [page 15] wares than Koryo had ever known. Variety and spontaneity of spirit became, from these beginnings, the noteworthy characteristics of Yi pottery as a whole.

IV. Yi Dynasty Kiln Sites

a. List During Sejong’s ReignSomething should be said about the sites of the Yi kilns and what kind of ware they produced. A

few listings are available. One is given in fascicles 148-150 of that portion of the Yi Dynasty Annals devoted to the reign of the great King Sejong, the han’gul king (1419-1450), which lists the names of all important kiln sites in Korea in that period noting whether each site made high, middle or low quality pottery.8) The numbers of kilns said by official record to be located in each province is followed by the locations of the provincial sites. The two do not correspond exactly, for reasons which reqire further study, but the deviation is small except in the case of P’yongan-do and Kangwon-do. The figures are as follows:

Number of kilns said to be in each province

Number of kilns whose location is actually specified

Kyonggi-do 41 31Chungchong-do 55 61Kyongsang-do 71 72Cholla-do 56 62Hwanghae-do 24 29Kangwon-do 24 12P’yongan-do 47 23Hamgyong-do 21 20

339 311

P’yongan-do and Kangwon-do were not important loci of pottery manufacture and it looks as if the officials had either overstated the number of kilns in an effort to bring their provinces nearer the national

8) Reproduced from Sekai Toji Zenshu (STZ) op. cit., ed. Koyama, Fujio, Kawade Shobo, Vol 14, 1956, p.p. 225-230

[page 16]average or a number of kilns in these two provinces were so insignificant that their locations were unknown or were not thought worth recording. The list was done by men of the most stringent quality standards. Of all the sites listed or specified, only three—less than 1%—were credited with producing high-class ware: Sangju and Koryong in western Kyongsang Pukto and Kwangju, 20 miles up the Han River from Seoul. Confirmation by shards of this quality rating cannot be fully established, though all three areas have, at various times, been noted for pottery production and Kwangju particularly produced, as a government kiln site, high quality ware through most of the dynasty. Approximately 27% of the kilns, according to the above, were in the four large northern provinces and 73% in the smaller southern

provinces; roughly, we can say that the southern third of the Korean peninsula in Sejong’s time had two thirds of the kiln sites. While this list is an obvious springboard for research, work on it has never been completed. The Japanese expert Asakawa Hakkyo notes9) that the place names given have changed many times since Sejong’s day and do not always correspond completely with places given the same names today. He also noted many difficulties in squaring this list with his own investigations of the shards he found at Yi dynasty kiln sites. The general situation Asakawa portrays, however, corresponds with the Sejong list and can be confirmed.

b. Asakawa’s list

Asakawa’s own larger record of the Yi dynasty kiln sites is a valuable part of the great Japanese set Sekai Toji Zenshu (Vol 14, pp 231-255). Drawing on the entire five hundred years of the dynasty whereas the former list drew only on its first half century, Asakawa found 678 Yi kiln sites in the Korean peninsula scattered as follows through the provinces, five of which had, by Asakawa’s time, been divided into north and south:

9) above footnote

[page17]Kiln Sites in Each Province as Visited and Identified by Asakawa

Kyongsang Namdo 50Kyongsang Pukto 57Cholla Namdo 95Cholla Pukto 44Ch’ungch’ong Namdo 93Ch’ungch’ong Pukto 15Kyonggi-do 167Hwanghae-do 38Kangwon-do 28P’yongan Namdo 19P’yongan Pukto 22Hamgyong Namdo 15Hamgyong Pukto 35Total 678

To this list is appended Asakawa’s record of the type of shard found at each site and his opinion as to the period (Early, Middle, Later or End) during the Yi dynasty when the kiln operated. The large number for Kyonggi-do reflects chiefly the 67 sites of the chief official kilns of the Yi period at Kyonggi-do Kwangju. No pottery seems to have been made within the walls of Seoul; the humble art of the potter was not allowed to demean the prestigious precincts of the Yi capital. In this list the same northern area (here six provinces), which in the Sejong list had 27%, here have just over 23%, thus confirming the great dominance of the southern provinces in pottery making. It is interesting that, in Asakawa’s listing, the four west-coast provinces of southern Korea, the two Chollas, South Ch’ungch’ong and Kyonggi, contain nearly 60% of all sites. The situation is fairly well shown in the illustrated map of Yi dynasty kiln sites taken from Asakawa’s article.(Plate III)

c. Records Concerning Government Potters

Note might also be made of a third brief compilation prepared in Number 12 of the Korean magazine Sahak Yongu, October 1961, by the young Korean [page 18] scholar Kang Man-gil chiefly from materials found in the Yi Dynastic Annals (see Footnote 1). Mr Kang finds lists of the 2nd year of Songjong (1471), near the height of the official production of mishima ware, showing that 2,759 artisans were than engaged in turning out 128 different products (everything from saddle decorations to figured silk) for 30 government offices. These artisans were directly employed by the central government not only in Seoul, however, but in the local branches of the central government where pottery was made for its use and under its direction. 386 of these artisans turned out dishes and bowls and 104 were concerned with the manufacture of large pots. The 490 men listed as engaged in pottery manufacture consti¬tuted the largest single specialized service in the government, 17% of all the 2,795 employed. In addition to those hired by the central government 3,764 were technicians attached to the various provincial governments. A far smaller percentage and number of these, only 96 (2 1/2, %) were potters, of whom 43 came from Cholla-do, 26 from Kyongsang-do, 21 from Ch’ungch’ong- do, 6 from Kyonggi-do and none from any other province. The reasons for this great concentration in the south and in the west may lie partly with the excellent clay resources of such areas as Hadong; but this is a rather minor factor as the kilns at Kwangju, which imported their clay from rather distant sites in Kangwon-do, like Yanggu, show us. Wood was, by itself, not a prime determinant; for if it were, pottery-making would have been more concentrated in heavily-forested Hamgyong and Kangwon-do where, in fact, little pottery was made. Of course, major pottery-making areas did, in general, have good combinations of clay, wood, lime, quartz, feldspar, kaolin and talc needed in pottery manufacture Kiln concentration southward had, however, additional historical and cultural reasons. It was the southwest coast which lay toward China, an important time-worn avenue through which the great Chinese wares stimulated Korea. Here was the ancient area of continuous and settled culture and here, until the tragic dying out of [page 19] the art during the later Yi period, was the potter population with centuries of accumulated skills. Here also, of course, were many of the private potters in villages with their own pottery traditions. No list for these men survives and probably none was ever made.

While these lists give us two rather substantial charts through which to steer our course among the sites of Yi pottery, it is clear that only the surface of research on this subject has been scratched. It is hoped that the new Department of Archeology at Seoul National University will awaken more interest in this study for which so many fascinating materials abound.

v. The Major Categories of Yi Pottery

Yi pottery can be divided into many types, several broad categories being of major importance.

a. Punch’ong Mishima

At the same time the broadest and the most ill-defined of the categories of Yi ware is that which is still most widely known by a Japanese name: Mishima. The different Korean word Punch’ong covering approximately this category is now gaining currency. The origin of the word mishima is controversial and it has been used to cover far too broad a field but it refers chiefly to the inlaid celadon wares of the late Koryo and early Yi period, particularly to the stamped ware. The use of stamps or molds was ancient in China and goes back into the Silla period in Korea. For some reason, the chrysanthemum design became particularly widespread in stamped and inlaid celadons of the last 200 years of the Koryo dynasty and the most commonly-accepted of the many explanations for the term mishima is that it derived from the design of chrysanthemum strings which was used on an almanac published by a Shinto shrine located in the town of Mishima near the Isu peninsula, this design greatly resembling that on late Koryo ware. [page20] At first used in separate sprays or strings, the design grew ever closer and more compact and minute, achieving, apparently in the decades surrounding the beginning of Yi, a decidedly mille fleurs effect which can be seen on many bowls. This design in turn evolved, also in very early Yi times, into the

simple cross-hatching known as the rope-curtain design which became so characteristic of the early Yi wares that it almost evokes, the aura of an official style. These and all the many related versions of mishima wares were all executed by the punch’ong method, a process of incising and stamping a design in the clay, then brushing white slip across the whole pattern, allowing it to fill the depressions and then wiping the higher parts free of the slip. A rare category, here illustrated in Plate 5, is both sculptured and inlaid. Among the several mishima categories distinguished by Japanese scholars is one made around the opening of the dynasty and called from indentations too high to be filled, “sculptured mishima”; here illustrated by a rare example. (Plate IV)

b. Inscribed Mishima

One subcategory of mishima is made particularly interesting by the inscriptions preserved on its pieces These are mishima wares, mostly bowls, several dozen of which, at least, are known to exist, which have short inscriptions, usually of from one to five Chinese characters, inlaid into them. Often these inscriptions describe in full or in abbreviation an office of the central government, inscriptions being known for six such offices.10) It is probable that this practice arose in the confusion and corruption of late Koryo times to prevent an excessive number of pieces intended for court use from disappearing into private hands. Under the organization-minded Yi kings, it was probably continued as a control mechanism, perhaps in an effort to raise the quality of

10) STZ, Vol. 14, pp 199-202, Koyama, Fujo, Reihin Mishima, lists the following such offices: 長 興 庫 (Changhung-go); 內資寺 (Naeja-si) 禮賓寺 (Yebin-si); 仁壽府 (Insu-bu); 內膽寺 (Naech’om-si): 德寧府 (Tongnyong-bu). The last of these occurs on only one known example.

[page 21]a ware which the Yi kings and their advisors may have realized was not fully worthy of a nation of Korea’s antecedents and its honored place in the circle of Chinese culture. For example, we find in the Taejon Hoet’ong, one of the main codes of early Yi law, the regulation that pottery pieces sent as gifts to the court should bear the name of the maker so that the maker and, particularly, the supervising local official, could be made responsible. With the proliferation of kilns, it had evidently become more difficult for the government to maintain standards, the government’s exactions of ‘gifts’ from local kilns were probably disliked, and the potters may have displayed their aversion by producing goods of low quality. In many cases, the inscription bears the name of a locality which produced the ware for the central office. About fourteen such local names appear on inscriptions some of these frequently.11) Of the fourteen, the eleven more commonly appearing are from Kyongsang-do; two rarer inscriptions are of locales in Cholla-do and one rare one designates Haeju in Hwang¬hae-do. Strong differences do not appear between pieces marked as coming from one locality and those marked as coming from another. Kyongsang-do was the locus of particularly vigorous artisan, small-scale industrial growth during this period. We know from the Dynastic Annals that, of a total of 3,664 shops or artisan factories producing every manner of goods for court use in the early Yi period, 1,152, or nearly one-third, were located in Kyongsang-do. It is an unexplained irony that, despite the control aim of these inscriptions, the pieces on which they appear are usually of rather low, sometimes very low, quality. The illustrations here shown depict the only inscribed pieces of high mishima quality known. (Plates VI and VII). The inscribing of pieces with the names of government offices seems to have ended about the time of Sejo (1456-68) and to have been practiced during the preceding one hundred years.

11) In approximately descending order of frequency: Kyongju, Kyongsan, Miryang, Ch’angwon, Kimhae, Ulsan, Songju, Yangsan, Chinju, Onyang, Samga (Hyopch’on), Yean, Kimsan and Haeju.

[page22]

Mishima ware had deep roots in Korean soil; it was productive and long-lasting. Its greatest and most typical period was probably the first century of Yi rule from 1392-1492. Yet pieces described under this name were made over a much longer period than this, probably from the middle of the thirteenth century on, some say, for some four hundred years. Even after the end of the Hideyoshi invasion, in the 16th century, when the Japanese, always mishima lovers, sent experts to the Pusan area to stimulate the production of ceramics for the tea ceremony, it is said that wares which can be called mishima—an artificially stimulated variety- continued to be made. Inherited from late Koryo and long improvised on, it is the great early ware of the Yi.

Mishima was an inherited taste for the Yi. Its survival and even flourishing in Yi times is another sign that, like Buddhism, the culture of the preceding Koryo period, recognized as great, died slowly among the Korean people. It is with the slightly later wares that we begin to enter the unique taste of the Yi: the ware of brushed white slip known widely by its Japanese name ‘hakeme’; the extraordinary early avant-gardism of the Kyeryongsan pottery; the chaste, austere Yi white, ceramic symbol of the taste of the state cult of Confucianism; blue-and-white, symbol of the Yi’s adulation of Ming culture; and tea bowls, another survival of the world of Buddhist values within the Yi age. These, with all their complex problems, must be the subject of a further study. With mishima, we gain access to no more than the threshold of the ceramic arts of the Yi dynasty.

SOME LESSER-KNOWN FACTS ABOUT TAEWONGUN AND HIS FOREIGN POLICYby Dr Lee Sun-keun from his lecture to the Society on May 2, 1962

[page23]SOME LESSER-KNOWN FACTS ABOUT TAEWONGUN AND HIS FOREIGN POLICYby Dr. Lee Sun-keun from his lecture to the Society on May 2, 1962.

A few years ago the Jindan Society asked me to write abont modern Korean history. My book was published last year and came to be known to some of you. Not too long ago the Council of the Royal Asiatic Society asked me to discuss a portion of the book at one of its regular monthly meetings.

It did not seem wise to select an extensive subject. Therefore, I chose to discuss Taewon-gun, the Regent, who, as most of you know, can be rightly called the forerunner of dictatorship in modern Korea. Most probably you know him as an inscrutable, stubborn politician. He was a dictator who massacred Christians and fought a couple of engagements with the French Navy in 1866 and with the American Navy in 1871. Especially the latter is celebrated as the “48-Hour War,” the shortest engagement in the annals of the American navy.

Your impressions of him are not unreasonable. But when we look at the inside facts of history, we see that Taewongun was not as stubborn, anti-Christian and chauvinistic as he is pictured. On the contrary we find him a bold reformist who wanted to do something for his country, a man who was not blindly hostile to Christianity, but had intimate relations with it.

First, in introducing Taewongun, this is his title and not his name. Under the hereditary monarchy this title was given to a king’s father who did not ascend the throne. The name of the person, whom I am now going to introduce to you, was Yi Ha-ung (李夏應). His title before his son became king was Hungson-gun(興宣君). [page24]

Before his son Myongbok became king, while still a child, Yi Ha-ung was desperately poor and had no position in politics. Under the regime, so called Sedo of the Andong Kim (安東金) family, he allied himself with unfortunate politicians and mixed with the nondescripts of the town. It is interesting to note that most of his friends belonged to the Namin, or South Sect. Those belonging to the South Sect contributed much to our culture by importing Christianity to our country. It is clear therefore that Yi Ha-ung was not anti-Christian before he came to power. We should also note that his wife, Madame Min, was a considerable Christian. The nurse of his son, King Kojong, was also a baptized Christian. His wife and his son’s nurse being Christians, we can easily tell that he was not anti-Christian from the beginning. I refer you to Dallet’s “Catholic Church in Korea” for further details concerning this matter.

Furthermore, Prince Hungson was a dilettante in the Oriental sense, who liked music and folk dance, poetry and orchids, an artist in a sense. Togther with Min Yong-ik (聞泳翊) and Kim Ung-won (金應元) of modern Korea, he is called one of the “Three Orchids” in tribute to his wonderful technique in painting. He preceded the two others and exhibited a unique style.

This will naturally make you wonder how he could have suddenly changed his attitude, persecuted Christians, unwisely fought the two Western powers and become a despot. I will try to give the reasons and inside facts behind his attitude.

On the surface Ha-ung pretended to be a dissolute rake but he was a politician of the highest grade with unusual talent and wit. It was at the time when the Andong Kim family, the Queen’s relatives, held power. Members of the royal blood line were banished or killed as traitors if they appeared clever or made political complaints. Ha-ung, therefore, affected to be a fool and [page 25] rake and avoided the suspicion of his enemies by leading a dissolute life. In fact he was neither a fool nor an incapable man. Averting the attention of the Andong Kim family, he was able to become intimately acquainted with Queen Cho, the grandmother of the King, who had the strongest influence in the court. When King

Ch’oljong died, Ha-ung arranged for Queen Cho to adopt his son Myongbok (命福) and that through his active and thorough operations make him succeed the king.

At any rate he put his son on the throne in 1864 and made Queen Cho regent for the king in name. From that time on he came to possess all the power of the government and commanded the whole nation. At the same time he enforced great domestic reforms with the applause of the people. His outstanding reforms are as follows:

First, he overthrew the power of the corrupt Andong Kim family and, under a strong central government, stopped the exploitation and violence of the aristocracy.

Second, he severely regulated voracious and corrupt officials who had deceived and extorted the people and punished government officials who embezzled public funds.

Third, he amended the tax system which had become confused in the extreme. The aristocracy had been exempt from taxes but Taewongun imposed duties on them and abolished miscellaneous taxes which were levied by the court or King’s relatives for private purposes.

Fourth, he disbanded about 650 Confucian temples spread throughout the country and allowed only to remain. Like the temples of Western Europe before the French Revolution, the Confucian aristocracy possessed [page 26] various privileges, and harassed the people. He put an end to this.

Fifth, he published law codes such as “Taejon Hoet’ong” (大典會通), and “Yukchon Chore” (六典條例) and also improved and enlarged such books as “Collection of Eastern Diplomatic Papers” (交隣志) and “Diplomacy with Neighboring Countries” (同文彙考) and other similar books, on foreign relations. He made some changes in the vehicles for ordinary citizens and government officials and simplified clothing and other folk customs.1)

Our doubt as to why Taewongun persecuted Christians with whom he had been on good terms becomes intensified now that we learn of his many wonderful domestic reforms and talented administration.

First of all we have to take into consideration the infiltration south of Russian imperialism ana the poor knowledge of Taewongun and his courtesans about things outside the country. I will tell you a more detailed story.

As some of you may know, the year 1860 was an important period which occasioned grave changes in the Far East. The allied forces of England and France attacked the capital of the Ching Dynasty in mainland China and Peking fell, to the great surprise of the peoples of Asia. Taking advantage of this opportunity, Russia took over a vast territory, 700 miles wide, east of the Ussuri River without expending a penny or a drop of blood, by merely scaring the old and weak China. With the end of the Second World War the United Nations forces, after a bloody fight, brought Imperial Japan to her knees. At this moment the imperialism of Red Russia skilfully took Manchuria and North Korea. This is a copy

1) On pp 163-222 of my “History of Korea, Modern Period”, Han’guksa Choegunse p’yon, (韓國史最近世編), I gave a detailed explanation of the domestic reform of the Regent, dividing it into 6 sections. Here only the main points are given.

[page27]of the imperialistic move made by White Russia in 1860.

At any rate, in 1860 Russia came to border our country at the Tumen River for the first time in our history. Borrowing Griffis’ expression, the Korean tiger at that time was threatened by the polar bear.2) As far as I can see, the Korea tiger was young and weak, totally ignorant and inexperienced in modern warfare. In comparison the polar bear was fully equipped with modern weapons and had burning avarice and a warlike spirit.

This greedy bear crossed the border from 1884 onwards, threatened the magistrate of Kyonghung (慶興) and demanded the gates to be opened and trade permitted. Concerning Russian

activities at this time, some foreign annals indicate that Russian battleships came to Wonsan and asked for trade.3) There is no such record in Korean documents.

I believe it more probable that the Russian bear simply crossed the Tumen river, instead of invading by sea.

The Far Eastern Russian officials, escorted by Cossack cavalry, visited Kyonghung on the shore of the Tumen river many times during the period between 1864 and 1865. Using bad interpreters and submitting illegible Russian documents, they threatened to march to Hamhung (咸與), the capital of Hamgyong (咸鏡) Province.

When these alarming reports were continually transmitted to the central government, Taewongun, who had been so bold in his domestic reform, became very much

2) Griffis, “Corea the Hermit Nation”, 1907, New York, p. 371 “The Russian bear jostled the Corean tiger.”3) Foreign authors write thus, prominently Ballet’s “Histoire de Eglise de Coree”, Paris, 1874 and Longford’s “The

Story of Korea”, 1911.

[page28]embarrassed. At first he reproached the local magistrate and executed the Korean who had led the Russians; but the latter were not daunted and continued to disturb the peace of mind of Taewongun, then living in Seoul.4) Unable to understand the identity and intentions of the Russian bear, Taewongun actually lost his appetite. His troubles did not long remain hidden from his beloved wife. Madame Min, a Christian, was also deeply troubled for her husband’s sake.

One day Mrs. Pak, the baptised nurse, came on a visit. Madame Min asked her what should be done about the Russians. The two women agreed that the best way would be to use the French missionaries who had infiltrated into the country to propagate the Catholic Church. Thus the staff of the Catholic Church decided to counsel Taewongun on his foreign policy towards Russia and submitted a letter by way of Cho Ki-jin (趙基晋), Taewongun’s daughter’s father-in-law. Although we have no way of knowing the exact contents of the original, it is known that the following points were made:

First, the general international situation at the time was described. In short, Russia was represented as a strong nation but not quite as strong as France and England.

Second, Korea should abandon her closed-door policy. Instead she should join hands with France or conclude a three-nation treaty with France and England. The Russian problem would then solve itself.

Third, in order to promote international alliances, Bishop Berneux, who had come into the country under cover, should be asked to make arrangements with French Minister Bellonet in Peking. If possible Taewon¬gun should first see Bishop Berneux and also invite Minister Bellonet to Seoul and open Korean and French diplomatic talks.

4) For detailed explanation see pp 226-229 of “History of Korea, Modern Period”according to Vol I of “King Kojong’s Annals”(高宗實錄).

[page 29]How wonderful these recommendations were! About a hundred years ago our Christians were

clever enough to recommend a Korean and French or a Korean, French and British alliance, and that under cover. If their plan had succeeded without interruption, Korea would have been modernized at the same period as the Japanese and avoided the tragic yoke of Japanese imperialism. But the plan failed and only resulted in the persecution of Christians and an armed conflict between Korea and France.

Let us follow the story a little further. First of all the letter of recommendations was drafted by Kim Myon-ho (金勉浩), Hong Pong-ju (洪鳳周) and other Christians who were not skilled in drafting papers. Perhaps displeased with the inferiority of style in the letter, Taewongun ignored it. When his wife

and Mrs. Pak learned this, they went for advice and action to Nam Chong-sam (南鍾三), the King’s secretary, who was at the same time their Christian representative and a young devotee. Nam Chong-sam was the son of the former secretary, Nam Sang-gyo (南尙敎). They both belonged to the South Sect and had been intimate friends with Taewongun for a long time.

Nam Chong-sam drafted a good alternative letter, met Taewongun in person ana handed it to him. Taewongun now paid attention to the letter and treated Nam kindly. He took him to one side and asked him about Christian doctrines. Taewongun expressed his readiness to follow the recommendations and told him to arrange a meeting with Bishop Berneux “in secret.”

This story is generally based on the records of Dallet. How wonderful would it have been if Nam Chong-sam and other leaders of the Catholic Church at that time had been more enthusiastic and active in arranging the Taewongun-Berneux meeting! But they [page 30] were not so. When they received a satisfactory reply, Nam Chong-sam and the staff of the Catholic Church were immeasurably happy, spent all their time congratulating themselves, and neglected more important duties.

They exultingly believed that now that their first step had proven so successful, they would soon be able to obtain freedom of religion and the right to propagate their faith. Therefore they collected together their believers, celebrated special services and spread the word around. They divulged the secret instead of keeping it as Taewongun had told them.

Thus, they spent several months fruitlessly. Towards the end of 1865 they were able to get in touch with Bishop Berneux who was engaged in secret missionary activity in a small village in Hwanghae (黃海) Province and asked him to go to Seoul for a meeting with Taewongun. They were not able to pay the travelling expenses to cover a pony and a servant and borrowed the money from Cho Ki-jin, Taewongun’s daughter’s father-in-law. This was an extremely slipshod and loose operation.

I suggest that this casualness was the most direct cause of the tragedy that followed.They had not kept the secret as Taewongun had most earnestly asked them. Consequently, a

rumor became widespread through Seoul that the Unhyon (雲峴) Palace, Taewongun’s residence, was frequented day in and day out by Catholics. Queen Cho and other intimate ministers of state, who formed Taewon-gun’s political backbone, reproached him, making the politician’s position extremely embarrassing.

Word was brought from the Chinese empire, the greatest land on earth, that Christianity and foreigners were being rejected in that country. At this point [page 31] politician Taewongun changed his mind rapidly. He would be condemned for his involvement with the Catholics, the outlaws, when his rash negotiations with the Christians, in the hopes of defending the country against Russia, became public knowledge.

At the end of 1865 Nam Chong-sam called on him and said that Bishop Berneux was in Seoul to meet him. Taewongun at once rejected the interview and said to Nam Chong-sam, “Stop worrying your head with such matters. Go to the country to celebrate New Year’s Day and give my regards to your father.” This was the end of all Korea-France alliance theories and indeed the signal for Christian persecution.

Nam Chong-sam told his father, Nam Sang-gyo, what had happened. Nam Sang-gyo knew Taewongun’s character well and pointed out the off-hand manner in which the Christian leaders had conducted the affair. “Soon a disaster will befall us,” he said to his son in sad prediction, “but let us die like Christians.”5)

In eariy January, 1866 Taewongun began his persecution and murder of Christians. In less than three years 800 Korean Christians and 9 French missionaries were murdered6). In 1866 a naval war had to be fought around Kanghwa Island when French battleships invaded. Regrettably enough Napoleon III’s France, with which Taewongun once contemplated alliance, became an ememy. Until the signing of a formal treaty of amity in 1889 by Ambassador F.G. Cogordan and Ambassador Kim Man-sik, the relations between France and Korea were severed.

The invasion of Imperialist Russia was the principal

5) See pp 229-240 of “History of Korea, Modern Period” concerning the progress of negotiations between the Regent and Christian leaders.

6) Opinions vary as to the exact number of people killed under the Regent’s Christian persecution. My estimate is based on the “Catholic Year Book”, 1956, p. 24.

[page 32]reason for this tragedy. Secondly, Taewongun and other political leaders at that time were almost blind to the international situation.

Thirdly the leading members of the Catholic Church were responsible for incurring Taewongun’s reaction, despite his original pro-Christian inclinations, by failing to arrange negotiotions with him with alertness and sincerity.

Finally, French Minister to China, Bellonet, and Roze, Commander of the French fleet in the Far East, despised Korea and had the effrontery to bring armed battleships twice within Korean territory without obtaining the agreement of the Korean government. They withdrew with nothing accomplished but had stimulated Taewongun’s foolish pride to no purpose and made him intensify his persecution of Christians in Korea. This was by no means wise.

Next let us turn our attention to the 48-hour war between Korea and the United States, the shortest engagement ever fought in the history of the U.S. Navy. Why did it take place? Among the many possible reasons I should especially like to tell you one interesting story. You know that this war was due to the bizarre General Sherman incident. Registered with the United States, the General Sherman was unusually well armed for a merchant marine. She came sailing up the Taedong (大同) River in 1869. Her sailors committed violence, their language was incomprehensible to the natives, and not knowing the tide, the ship became stranded. In desperation the sailors fired guns. Consequently the whole ship and her crew were burned to death. The U.S. was not proud of the unfortunate General Sherman incident and wanted to settle the matter quietly and peaceably.

For four or five years the U.S. sent Commodore Shufeldt’s “Wachusett” and Commander Febiger’s “Shenandoah” to [page33] search the shores of the Korean peninsula; to no purpose7). In 1871 Admiral Rodgers led a small fleet and came to Korea. President Grant instructed his Minister in Peking, Frederick Low, to do three things:

1. Arrange a treaty of commerce with the Korean Kingdom if possible.2. Obtain an agreement from the Korean government guaranteeing the safety of shipwrecked sailors.3. Unless the flag were insulted, to abstain from force, Minister Low to be responsible for either peace or war.8)From this we can tell that President Grant and the American government did not want to use

force in order to define responsibility for the General Sherman incident and hoped to take the opportunity of signing a commerce treaty. Minister Low accordingly sent a note, through the Peking government, to Taewongun in March 1871 to the following effect.

“In 1866 two U.S. merchant marines reached your shore. One of them met a storm but was saved. The other also met a storm but her crew and cargo were all lost. We are afraid that you have not heard of the U.S. flag. Furthermore, we can not understand why you saved one and hurt the other. I and Admiral Rodgers will bring battleships to your country and make negotiations on a commerce treaty but want to know as promptly as possible your attitude as to how to lend mutual assistance and cooperation when an American ship runs into trouble within your territory in the future.9)

When he received this note, Taewongun’s government

7) See pp 277-286 of “History of Korea, Modern Period” for the General Sherman incident.8) From B.W. von Block’s “America’s 48-Hour War” in Stag, Oct, 1956

9) From the continued edition of Vol.11 of the Yearbook of Tongmun- gwan-ji (通文館誌), Diplomatic Papers, 1871 and from Ilsong-nok (日省錄) Court Diary, February, 1871.

[page 34]acknowledged the rescue of one ship but denied harming the other. Indeed in 1866 an American merchant marine, the Surprise, was wrecked near the shore at Sonch’onp’o (宣川浦), Pyongan(平安) Province. The local officials rescued Captain McCaslin and his crew, treated them kindly and sent them on their way. They also knew that this ship was an American vessel.

As for the Sherman incident which took place near Pyongang(平壤) the interpreter at that time was a British missionary, Reverend Thomas, and the Korean government thought the Sherman was a British ship. When Peking made inquiries about the lost American ship, the Korean government consistently replied that although they had known about a British ship which had caught on fire of its own accord, they had not harmed an American merchant marine. A letter was drafted in reply to Minister Low’s note and sent to Peking.

“We have rescued and given safe conduct to American ships in the past and we will continue to rescue and give safe conduct to American ships when they meet with trouble in the future. As for trade, we do not have any materials available for trade and we don’t feel the need for a commerce treaty. We hope to dissolve doubts between us and live together without conflict”10)

This reply expresses the readiness of the Korean government to rescue those shipwrecked but at the same time refuses commerce from the stubborn closed-door policy that prevailed at that time. Nor did the government want American ships to visit the country.

After the illegal exhumation of Taewongun’s father’s grave at Toksan(德山), Chungchong(忠淸), Province, by Oppert of Prussia, who came on the Rona, the Korean people, who did not distinguish between different

10) Source same as note (9).

[page35]Westerners at that time, concluded that iron-clad foreign vessels always brought the same kind of people. As Minister Low had pointed out, Korea did not know the meaning of a national flag and had no way of telling American, French and English flags apart. Also there had been no formal relations with the West and nobody had told Korea what a national flag meant. If the advanced countries of Europe had been broadminded enough, they would not have blamed Korea too harshly.

At any rate Minister Low notified through Peking that he would “come”; the Korean government replied, also through Peking, that “he better not”. In May 1871 Minister Low and Admiral Rodgers appeared on the shore of Korea with a fleet composed of 5 battleships. They sailed slowly, taking soundings, and delivering letters to local officials who came out to inquire, stating that they wanted trade talks. By the last week of May the fleet had passed Yongjong (永宗), Island and appeared near Pupyong (富平). Thus an uninvited guest had intruded and the Taewongun government became as watchful as it had in the case of the French fleet. In the meantime an official delegation was sent from the central government to the fleet to ask their business. In the Korean court nobody spoke English so they had to choose an interpreter who was good at Chinese. The official inquirers, called Munjonggwan (問情官), visited the ship on 31 May. Secretary Drew talked with the Korean officials but learned that they were lower than grade 3 in the Korean official hierarchy. Both Admiral Rodgers and Minister Low were very angry. “Mr. Low would not lower himself,” they said. “Order them off the ship! The United States government does not negotiate with clerks!”11)

Consequently, the Korean officials were put off the ship. Admiral Rodders was very excited and ordered Captain Homer C. Blake to take the Palos and Mon-

11) Griffis’s “Corea the Hermit Nation”, p. 408. Von Block’s “America’s 48-Hour War”

[page36]ocacy, both battleships, and four steam launches and “survey and examine” the Kanghwa straits. An armed engagement followed. What is the direct cause of the engagement?

Before elucidating the cause, I would like first to define the function of inquirers sent by the Government. Foreign vessels entered our territory after the 19th century. Every time a foreign vessel arrived, an inquiry mission was sent from among local officials near the shore off which the ship lay to ascertain her business. If her business was concerned with the central govern¬ment, an inquiry mission was then sent from the central government and confirmed the reports of the first mission. After that, depending on the nature of the matter, high-ranking ministers of state would present themselves for talks. In this case, therefore, the Korean government was following the regular procedure.

The most unfortunate thing is that although there were able interpreters fluently versed in Japanese, Chinese, Mongolian and Manchurian, nobody spoke English, French, German or any other European tongue. The eight inquirers that visted the American fleet had to speak only through Mr. Drew, the American interpreter, who was as far as I can gather completely ignorant of the Korean language. He had been a customs clerk in South China and even though he knew Chinese, he could not have been well acquainted with the official Peking dialect. Hence Mr. Drew’s interpretation was very dubious.

It is, moreover, easy to conjecture that he did not know the nature of the inquirers. Had there been on board the ship any one of my respected Western friends who speak Korean or if any of the inquirers had spoken English, Admiral Rodgers would not have been so excited. Instead of ordering them off the ship, he would have asked Mr. Drew to treat them with kindness. Had the inquirers been properly treated, high-ranking [page 37] government officials would have come for negotiations as the next step and the Americans would have avoided unreasonable “examination and survey,” and would have averted the 48-hour war at Fort Kwangsong(廣城鎭). At the same time Korea-U.S. trade talks could then have opened. As Professor Griffis points out, “A golden opportunity was here lost.”12) In this short engagement the U.S. could have won but Americans at a later period say:

“Victory, yes. It was a victory. But not one of which anyone could be proud or which anyone wanted to remember.13)

I respect Americans for this and I myself don’t want to remember this short war between Korea and America. I had to tell of it because it is a part of Taewongun’s story. Because of the language barrier neither side could understand the other and brought about an unintentional tragedy. Even today linguistic misunderstanding can cause serious problems in international relationships.

Next, let me tell you a few interesting facts about the so-called argument for the conquest of Korea, Seikan-ron (征韓論), propounded by some Japanese, which is a point of great interest in studying Korea-Japan relations in the Taewongun period. According to documents and writings heretofore propagated by Japan concerning this matter, the entire blame is placed on the Korean government under Taewongun. If we study the matter carefully, however, we cannot blame the Taewongun regime wholly for the worsening of the situation. Let us trace the matter using the materials Japan suggests.

In 1868 Japan completed her Meiji Reform, overthrew the Shogun Regime

12) Griffis’s “Corea the Hermit Nation” p. 40913) Von Blocks “Americas 48-Hour War”.

[page38]and promulgated the Japanese empire. The new Japanese government recognized Korea and at the same time desired to sign a treaty opening diplomatic relations between the two countries. It is alleged that the Taewongun government refused even to receive the letter asking for the exchange of diplomatic delegations.

The matter did not reach a solution and was postponed. In 1873 the Taewongun government took violent measures. It enforced an economic blockade on Waegwan (倭館), at Pusan, the Japanese residential area, by refusing the supply of grain and charcoal.

This proving insufficient, it is alleged that officials at Tongnae (東萊) secretly instructed guards watching the gates of Waegwan to keep a strict eye on the movement of the Japanese there, on pain of death in case of laxity.

When this secret directive was reported to the Meiji government through the Japanese officials stationed at Pusan, the Japanese cabinet held an emergency meeting where, according to Japanese records, Saigo Takamori and others, called the War Party, proposed, and the Cabinet decided on, the conquest of Korea.

From this we indeed receive the impression that the Taewongun government should be held entirely responsible for the deterioration of Korea-Japan relations. But we have to look at this matter from the Korean angle too before we can make a fair appraisal of the situation.

Even until the expedition of the French fleet in 1867 Korea-Japan relations had not been too strained. The Shogun regime gave Korea good advice and Korea imported modern articles from Japan, their relations being friendly. There was a wandering Japanese, called Yatsuto (八戶), who had roamed about Hong Kong and Canton. This man, to the great amazement of the Korean [page39] government, contributed the following article to the “Chungoe Shinmun” (中外新聞), a daily newspaper published in Canton, China.

“The Japanese government is constructing 80 steamships,” he wrote, “in order to take advantage of the worsened Korea-France relations and to pave the way for invading Korea. The Japanese invasion will take place approximately next spring.”

This newspaper article first came to the notice of the Chinese government, which cut the article out and sent it to the Korean government.14) Yatsuto was definitely Japanese and it was the Chinese government who out of friendship drew the attention of the Korean government to the article. When the Korean government learned this, naturally it became very suspicious of Japan.

Before its suspicions were dissolved, Japan enforced her Meiji reform and made preparatory advances through Waegwan, at Pusan, sending imperial documents and desiring the admission of her ambassador. The frontline Korean diplomats stationed at Pusan first received the official papers and found them contrary to accepted protocol.

In the form of the notes Japan used such words as “Emperor,” “Imperial Household”, etc., which were not used in previous papers. If this were to be permitted, thought the Korean side, the Korean government would be guilty of destroying the diplomatic balance prevailing in the international community at that time. In other words there was only one recognized emperor in the Orient, the Emperor of China, and the sudden emergence of a pretender could not be condoned. Furthermore, there was insufficient explanation.

14) See 7 March 1866, Vol.IV, “King Kojong,s Annals” and attached papers of Document No. 21, pp 69-79, Book I,Vol.I of “Japanese Diplomatic Papers” (日本外交文書)

[page 40]Again, the stamp used in the notes was in question. For many hundreds of years all diplomatic

papers from Japan were sent by way of the governor of Tsushima Island. The governor stamp, placed on these papers, was made in Korea. The print of this stamp was entered in an official Korean register and the stamp was given to the governor of Tsushima Island for his use. The reason for this scruple was that the Japanese side made counterfeit stamps and used them illegally.

Even smugglers and pirates used these stamps. Since King Sejong in the 15 th century, both sides had therefore agreed that the Japanese stamp would be made in Korea to be given to the feudal lords of Japan (Daimyo) including the governor of Tsushima Island.

Without any previous agreement, Japan arbitrarily changed the stamp, a breach of faith quite unpardonable according to the diplomatic practice current at that time.15)

There were, moreover, two important reasons which we cannot overlook behind the Korean decision to enforce an economic blockade on the Japanese residents at Waegwan, Pusan. In the first place, when Korea-Japan negotiations were delayed, the Japanese government recalled in 1872 almost all Japanese officials stationed at Waegwan with affiliations to the governor of Tsushima Island. As a final threat, Hanabusa brought battleships, greatly stimulating the hostility of the Korean government. Next, Japanese smuggling vessels invaded the coasts of Pusan and confounded the economy. It is said that even Mitsui, the financier, was involved in this illegal trade. Taewongun’s economic blockade is nothing in comparison. It is almost certain that the Japanese policy was calculated to excite the animosity of Taewongun.16)

16) See pp 314-315 of “History of Korea, Modern Period” with regard to the manner of language used in the Japanese notes and the stamp.

16) Pp 328-333 of “History of Korea. Modern Period”.

[page 41]Lastly, the most contested point was that the Korean government had given to the guards that

kept the entrances to Waegwan, secret instructions to insult the Japanese. But there is ample room for doubt as to this allegation. As far as I know there is no record in the Korean annals concerning these secret instructions. There are many documents instructing the prevention of Japanese smugglers but none could be found concerning secret instructions to Waegwan guards as the Japanese alleged Recently I studied Japanese diplomatic documents of that time printed and kindly supplied by the Japanese Foreign Ministry and made a startling discovery.

The papers describe how the Japanese officials stationed at Pusan reported to the Japanese government that an important incident insulting Japan took place. Their government became wroth and its Cabinet decided on the conquest of Korea after receiving this report. But the contents of the document in question and the manner in which it was delivered give rise to much doubt.17)

First, the document contains some secret messages. Guards and interpreters are ordered to watch the entry and exit of the Japanese and to keep in close touch with the police. In dereliction of their duties they are punishable with severe penalties.

Second, the more doubtful point, is the manner in which this secret instruction was allegedly delivered. According to the Japanese official documents, the instruction was transmitted by officials of Tongnae to the guards by posting notices on the wall at the back of the Waegwan guard house. This is the focal point, The magistrate of Tongnae was Chong Hyon-dok (鄭顯德), one of the able men selected by the Taewongun regime. Tongnae was in constant contact with the guards of

17) The full contents of this strange document was published as part of the attached papers of Document No. 119, pp 282-283 of Vol. VI of “Japanese Diplomatic Papers”.

[page 42]Waegwan every day and the instruction could have been driven verbally or otherwise in view of its secrecy, instead of posting it publicly on the back wall of the guard house. This is nonsense. We cannot believe this poster theory.

Ladies and gentlemen! We realize that behind cruel international relations and illegal trade competition bizarre conspiracy and plotting are often involved. Taking a recent example, when imperialistic Japan invaded Manchuria she exploded railways with her own hands but placed the responsibility on Chang Hang-nyang (張學良), and made an excuse for deploying the Kwantung (關東) army. When she invaded the China mainland, she used the same technique at the Lookou (盧口), bridge. There are numerous other examples elsewhere.

So I believe that the poster in question that hung on the wall of the guard lodge was not made by the officials of the Tongnae magistracy. It is regrettable that the police did not succeed in arresting the criminal, either a smuggling hooligan or an international spy. I leave it to your imagination to determine who that could have been. I believe for certain that it was not the deed of Tongnae officials.

I will close this lecture by telling a few stories of Taewongun’s later life. He was greatly hated by Japan (He was the principal reason for the proposal to conquer Korea) and became a prey to domestic party strife. In 1873 he was therefore overthrown, ending his ten years of dictatorship. This, interestingly enough, coincides with the downfall of the “conquest party” in Japan. But the more fascinating thing is that he was overthrown not by the Japanese or by his male adversaries in Korea but by Queen Min(閔), only 25 years old, whom he himself had chosen as his daughter-in-law. Until she was assassinated in 1895 the politics of the Yi dynasty [page 43] were a struggle between Taewongun and Queen Min, and the forces that sought to use their disagreement, all hastening the downfall of the nation. I will divide and sketch by important events the struggles between the two personalities and the manipulations of the neighboring powers.

When Queen Min threw Taewongun out of office, she established the rule of the Min family. In order to oppose him completely, they discontinued all his policies. Yielding to a small military threat by Japan her regime signed, at Kanghwa-do (江華島), conference, an unequal treaty—the Korea-Japan Treaty of Amity—and from then on received the modern capitalism of imperialistic Japan without discrimination.

The Min family discontinued Taewongun’s efforts to reform domestic government and became corrupt. In turn the whole bureaucracy became corrupt and the treasury was threatened with bankruptcy. In 1882 therefore a military rebellion took place, primarily because the soldiers’ meagre pay had been delayed 13 months, attesting to the extent of the corruption of the government.

A few of the leaders of the Min regime were killed and their houses and property were burned and destroyed. Taewongun came to the fore again and saved the situation. But Queen Min cleverly avoided the effect of the military rebellion and got in touch with the Ching government. She also arranged for the Ching dynasty to kidnap Taewongun and take him out of the country to China and within two months restored the Min regime; a truly unusual strategist. We should note that even at this time the Japanese clapped their hands with pleasure at Taewongun’s abduction.

After the reinstatement of Queen Min’s power in 1882, however, the royalty began to vacillate and permitted Chinese and Japanese armies to station [page 44] themselves in Seoul and fight against one another for supremacy.

Faced with this situation the young intellectuals of that time became very concerned and planned to reform the country under the Japanese plan. The leaders of this movement were Park Yong-hyo (朴泳孝), Kim Ok-kyun (金玉均), Hong Yong-sik (洪英植), So Kwang-bom (徐光範), and So Chae-pil (徐載弼) (Dr Jason). Fanned and supported by the Japanese forces they hastily executed a coup d’etat in 1884 but failed completely after three days. At this time the Chinese and Japanese armies also clashed at Changdok Palace and the situation expanded to international proportions. In consequence the Min regime held on domestically and a stalemate was reached between Japan and China with the signing of the Tientsin (天津) Treaty (1885). The two powers were intent on achieving a balance of power and from that time onward they began to interfere in Korea’s domestic affairs. Li Hung-chang of China and Ito Hirobumi of Japan were the leading officials engaged in the actual work.

When the situation took this turn, Queen Min and her minions hated both China and Japan and bewail to make amorous glances at the European powers, especially Russia.

Consequently China and Japan hated Queen Min’s regime and decided to use Taewongun as a check. Taewongun, abducted to Baotsungfu (保定府), in North China, three years previously was now released and sent back to Korea. We should not overlook the important fact that Taewongun’s release and repatriation was effected under the mutual agreement of China and Japan.

Ito advised Li Hung-chang to release him and this spelt a new era in Far Eastern diplomacy, for Japan became the controlling power. Both Taewongun and [page 45] Queen Min were the stooges of Japanese imperialism suiting their temporary interests. On the outside Li Hung- chang was criticized for interfering in Korean affairs but Ito was the mastermind.

In 1894 the Tonghak revolt took place and the Sino-Japanese war began. Japan overthrew the Min regime by force, set up Taewongun as a puppet, and enforced the so-called Kabo (甲午), reform. Taewongun, derided heretofore by Japan as stubborn and shortsighted, now headed a hundred domestic reforms. These measures of reform, compelled by force, could not do any good. They only estranged the sympathy of the Korean people and obstructed the modernization of Korea by her own efforts.

In the Sino-Japanese war, a war between Goliath and David, Japan defeated the Goliath. Thus Japan could now handle Korea at will. Quite unexpectedly, however, Russia prodded Germany and France and the three countries interposed, belittling Japan’s sense of victory and pride.

Japan could not fight the joint forces of Russia, Germany and France and had to expend her spite somehow. After branding Queen Min as a pro-Russian element, Japanese Minister Miura Goro (三浦棺樓), using Taewon-gun as the front, mobilized the Japanese army, Japanese hooligans and pro-Japanese Koreans, besieged the Kyongbok (景福) Palace and assassinated Queen Min.

Late in his life, therefore, Taewongun was foolishly used twice by Japanese imperialists and helped in destroying Queen Min. He died a sad, lonely death in 1899, 4 years after Queen Min’s assassination.

After the death of these two personalities, Korea, in 1905, lost her sovereignty to Japan. Estranged completely from the modernization of the world, Korea spent half a century in tribulations as a Japanese colony. Like the [page 46] lives of Taewongun and Queen Min, the path of Korea henceforth was bizarre and tearful.

Profiting by this historical lesson, the history of blood, our young soldiers have awakened and are enforcing new reforms and boldly performing the task of modernization, that has been left unfinished by their ancestors. I think there is great hope for the future of Korea. Also I am glad that those foreigners in Korea now are unlike the agents of the Chinese Empire, Russian Empire and Japanese Empire, who did everything to obstruct our progress. On the contrary you are helping and encouraging us. I am sure that Korea will grow and develop as a shining star in the Orient.

[page47]ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY KOREA BRANCH GENERAL REPORT OF THE COUNCIL FOR 1961

The year 1961 ended with the membership of the Royal Asiatic Society totalling well over 600, an increase of about a hundred members over the previous year. There were twelve general meetings, at each of which our members and guests were enlightened on some subject of Korean cultural or historical interest. The dates of the meetings, the speakers, and subjects on which they spoke follow:

January 18th Dr Fritz Vos, of the University of Leyden: “Some Aspects of the Yi (Dynasty) Novel.”February 8th The Reverend Richard Rutt, of the Anglican Mission: “Kim Sakkat, the Itinerant Poet.”March 8th Mr. Peter Smart, of the British Embassy, read a paper prepared by Miss Jean Gates entitled “Tangun.”April 12th Dr. Kim Chong-hak, of Korea University: “The Excavation of a Shell Mound near Ungch’on (Kyong-sang Namdo,) illustrated with slides. After the lecture two short movies were shown, “Korean Homes,”and the OPI film of the April 1960 demonstrations.May 3rd Dr. Samuel Martin, Associate Professor of Far Eastern Linguistics at Yale University: “The Korean Language as I See It.” A reception and dinner preceded the lecture.June 28th Dr. Kim Hon-gyu, Professor of Zoology at Ehwa Women’s University: “Korean Butterflies,” illustrated with slides. After this lecture the charming water color paintings of Korean costumes by Mrs. Florence Hedelston Crane were displayed.July 27th Dr. Yu Hyong-jin, Dean of the Liberal Arts and Sciences College of Sungmyong Women’s University: “Women’s Education in the Later Yi Period.”August 9th Dr. Cho Ka-gyong, Professor of Philosophy of the Liberal Arts and Sciences College, Seoul [page48] National University: “Modern Philosophical Trends in Korea.”September 13th Mr. Carl Miller, of the Research Department, Bank of Korea: “Korean Given Names.” A reception and dinner preceded this lecture honoring Mr. Pak T’ae-yong, Secretary of the Society, on the publication of his “A Korean Decameron.”October 4th mrs. Inez Kong Pai delivered a lecture on Si jo. Her talk included her own translations of many of these Korean classical poems.November 1st The Reverend O Mun-hwan read the diary of the Reverend Calvin Wilson Mateer written on board the American ship “Shenandoah” at the time of an expedition to Korea in 1868， and compared this account with Korean records of the same incident.December 6th The Reverend Richard Rutt read a paper prepared by Professor Kim Tong-uk, of Chungang University, entitled “Personal Adornments of the Yi Dynasty.” This was also the annual meeting at which the election of officers for the coming year took place and the General Report of the Council for the year 1961 was read.

For the January, February, March and October regular meetings, the National Medical Center very kindly allowed us to use its auditorium. All of the other regular meetings were held in the charming and authentic atmosphere of Korea House. The Society is indebted to the management and the staff of Korea House for the many services courteously afforded the Society. The Diplomat Club has continued its fine service in providing refreshments at the regular meetings.

Besides the twelve regular meetings in 1961, there were the following special meetings:January 11th Miss Elizabeth Lyons, a specialist on Far Eastern Art, addressed the society on the art of Thailand. [page49]February 1st The members and guests of the Society heard Mrs. Kurt Mattusch speak on “The City of the Yi.” This talk was preceded by an informal reception and dinner to give everyone an opportunity to say goodbye to Mr. and Mrs. Mattusch.

October 12th Dr. Vadim Elisseeff, General Director of City of Paris Museum, lectured on Buddhist art discoveries in the caves at Tunghua in Chinese Turkestan, of which he showed splendid color slides. A reception followed the lecture,October 13th Immediately following dinner in the Dynasty room of the Bando Hotel (the Twelfth Restaurant Tour), Mrs. Agnes Davis Kim, author of the book “I Married a Korean,” recounted her experiences in Korea in the 1930’s. Before the dinner, Mrs Kim was honored at a reception in the lounge of the Bando Hotel.November 3rd The members of the Society had the opportunity of hearing Dr. Frank W. Schofield tell some of his experiences and observations in Korea at the time of the Independence Movement in 1919. This talk was preceded by a dinner (the Thirteenth Restaurant Tour) at the Choson Hotel.November 22nd Dr. Belle Boone Beard, a Fulbright professor and gerontologist, spoke on “Longevity and Problems it Creates in Korea” following dinner at Arirang House (the Fourteenth Restaurant Tour). A reseption before the dinner afforded an opportunity to meet Dr. Beard.

The social events of the year were the garden party in the grounds of the Kunsonwon-jon (the Hall of Ancient Jewels) of the Changdok Palace on September 16th, and a tea featuring a kimchi-making demonstration at Carl Miller’s house on December 2nd. The garden party was enlivened by a program of farmer’s dances by members of the Chong-up Band, and our thanks are due Mr. and Mrs. Alan C. Heyman for their efforts in obtaining this entertainment for us. If interest is any [page50] indication, kimchi is to become a staple in the diet of foreign residents of Korea also, as more than 200 availed themselves of the opportunity to learn the process of making it.

The Society also arranged for the following theatrical entertainment:January 25th A showing of the Korean movie “Wedding Day,” at the OPI Theater, Studio B. The proceeds of this showing were used to make a new print of this film for the Society.March 20th Simchong-jon, a Korean folk opera, at the City Municipal Theater.April 26th A showing of “Romance Papa,” the Korean movie which won Kim Sung-ho the award of best male actor in the 1960 Asian Film Festival. This also was at the OPI Theater, Studio B.May 9th Again at the OPI Theater, Studio B, five 16mm films, each lasting abount twenty minutes, were shown. These films “Tapisseries du XX e Siecle” (in English), “Les Gisants” (in English), “Matisse” (in French), “Bernard Buffet” (in French), and “Assaut de la Tour Eiffel” (in English), were lent by His Excellency Roger C. Chambard.

Guided tours of restaurants in Seoul proved to be a popular feature of the Society’s program of activities, and the following restaurants were visited, on the dates and with the number of participants indicated:January 27th & 28th Sudok, specializing in Japanese cuisine. 72February 10th Misong, a “yori-jip” (Kisaeng house).Although it was necessary to serve the dinner in the Music conservatory next door, it was supplied by the Misong Restaurant and was typical “yori-jip” food. Through the kind offices of Mr. Alan C. Heyman, a most enjoyable program of traditional music and dancing was presented. 80 [page51]March 3rd Uraeok, specializing in pulgogi. 124March 24th, 25th & 26th Samyang- A special menu of authentic Russian food was served on this tour. 135April 6th & 7th Tong-il-jang, sukiyaki in charming Korean surroundings. 70April 18th Catered by Korea House and served by kisaengs under the cherry blossoms at Changdok Palaca A program of superb Korean entertainment was presented under the direction of Miss Kim So-hi. 140May 11th & 12th Saemaul (New Village), a Japanese-style restaurant. 80September 7th Diplomat Club, serving Western cuisine. 65September 21st Yongsong, a typical “taepo” (cannon) restaurant. 70

September 26th National Medical Center, Scandinavi-an food. Dinner, which was necessarily limited to twenty, was followed by the regular meeting, at which Mrs. Inez Kong Pai spoke on Sijo. 20October 13th Dynasty Room, Bando Hotel. The dinner was preceded by a reception for Mrs. Agnes Davis Kim and followed by a talk by Mrs. Kim on her experiences in Korea in the 1930’s. 106October 26th Club Mandarin, under western management but specializing in Chinese cuisine. 94November 3rd Main dining room of the Choson Hotel. After the dinner, Mr. Frank W. Schofield spoke about some of his experiences and observations in Korea at the time of the Independence Movement in 1919. 135November 22nd Arirang House, a Korean-style restaurant in the grounds of the Choson Hotel. An address by Dr. Belle Boone Beard on “Longevity and Problems it Creates in Korea” followed the dinner. 98Also one of the high spots for gourmets was a [page52] pulgogi dinner on the Han River, on August 4th. Some 120 people distributed themselves in small boats on the Han at Kwangnaru and pulgogi (prepared up to this point by the Uraeok Restaurant) was cooked over braziers on each boat. The romantic atmosphere was enhanced by a delightful program of Korean music rendered by a boatload of musicians poled from boat to boat.

While it was not possible, primarily because of unsettled conditions, to adhere to the schedule arranged by the Tour Committee, fiteen domestic and three overseas tours were made. A recapitulation of the dates, places visited, and number of participants follows:

February 18-March 1 Southeast Asia 57March 11-16 Cheju-do 11April 6-10 Chinhae and Chinju 96April 14-17 Kyongju-Area 83April 30 Soyosan 60May 6-7 Suanbo Hot Springs and Mun’gyong

Area 19June 3-6 Cheju-do 5June 24-25 Sonun-sa and Popsong-p’o Area 14July 15-18 Mallip’o Beach 37August 26-27 Tongdo-sa, Pomo-sa and Haeundae 40August 30- Mallip’o Beach (three days) 60September 4 (six days) 8September 17 Suwon Area and Yongju Temple 90September 23-25 Remote Islands in the Yellow Sea 20October 7-9 Sorak-san 28October 20-21 Haein-sa,Pusok-sa and Tanyang Area 26November 4-9 Cheju-do 16November 23- Taiwan 14December 1December 21- Malaya and Indonesia 18January 12，1962For the first time since World War II two volumes of the Transactions were published in one

year, Volumes [page53] XXXVII and XXXVIII.Financial assistance was rendered by the Society in the following instances:A contribution of 10,000 won to the Korean Research Center.The balance of the Tomb Fund, 645,000 hwan, was turned over to Dr. Kim Che-won for

archaeological excavations.The sum of 150,000 won was advanced to Mr. Yun Se-taek for the publication oi the Chong

Tasan Chonso, in return for which the Society received fifty sets (in four volumes),

The sum of 100,000 won was advanced to Mr. Choe Sang-su for the publication of “A Study of the Korean Puppet Play.” in return for which the Society received 200 copies of this book. The Society now has for sale the Chong Tasan Chonso, at $ 32. 00 (or 4,160 won) a set, and “A Study of the Korean Puppet Play,” at $ 3. 90 (or 500 won) a copy. Orders for these books are solicited.

The Society now owns a print of the film “Wedding Day.” This film is available for rental.In accordance with the Society practice to confer honorary membership on the resident British

Ambassador, honorary membership was conferred on His Excellency Walter Godfrey, C.B.E., upon his assumption of the office of British Ambassador to Korea in early 1961.

The members of the Council for 1961 were:PRESIDENT ‘His Excellency M. Roger

C. Chambard, Ambassad¬or of the French RepublicVICE-PRESIDENT Dr. Lee Sun-keunTREASURER Mr. Carl MillerCORRESPONDINGSECRETARY Mr. Peter SmartRECORDINGSECRETARY Miss Grace HaskellLIBRARIAN Fr. Richard Rutt [page54]COUNCILLORS Mr- Ch’oe Sang-su

Mr. Gregory Henderson Mr. Alan HeymanDr. Lee Sangun

In the absence of Mr Peter Smart during the latter half of 1961, the position of Corresponding Secretary was most ably filled by Mr. Stephen J. Whitwell, M.C., First Secretary, British Embassy.

[page 55]ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY KOREA BRANCHLIST OF OFFICERS FOR 1962

Elected at the annual meeting on 6 th December 1961

PRESIDENT His Excellency M. Roger C. ChambardVICE-PRESIDENT His Excellency Gabriele ParesceTREASURER Mr. Carl Ferris MillerCORRESPONDINGSECRETARY Mr. Peter SmartRECORDINGSECRETARY Miss Grace HaskellLIBRARIAN Father Richard RuttCOUNCILLORS

Dr. Dong ChonMr. Gregory HendersonDr. Kim Che-wonDr. Lee Sun-keunMrs. Inez Kong PaiCol. Waldemar SolfMr. Stephen John

Whitwell

[page 56]Honorary MembersName Korean Address Overseas AddressGODFREY, His Excellency Walter,Esq,CBE British Embassy YUN, Her Majesty Queen Naksonjae, Changdok Palace, Seoul

Life MembersCARROLL.The Rt Rev. Msgr George M,M.M. Catholic Relief Services CPO Box 69, Seoul

Maryknoll P.O., New YorkCURLL, Mr Daniel B. III Matthew 21 Harvard Univ.Cambridge,Mass.DANIELS, Miss Mamie Mildred Naeja Apts , Seoul Commodore Hotel, N.Y., N.Y.GOODWIN, The Rev. Charles 3 Chong Dong, Seoul c/o Goodwin Offices, 15 Lewis St.Hartford3, ConnHALL.Mrs (M.D.)R.S. Liberty, New YorkHENDERSON, Mr Gregory American Embassy 19 Brewster St., Cambridge 38, Mass.KOLL, Miss Gertrude 3411 Pillsbury Ave., Minneapolis, Minn.MILLER, Mr Carl 46-1728 Hyonjo Dong, Sodaemun Ku, Seoul 30 Washington Terrace, Pittston, Penna.PAI, Mrs Inez Kong Korean Embassy, Tokyo 1852 Iwi Way, Honolulu, HawaiiPETTUS, The Rev. W.B. 1700 Spruce St. Berkeley, Cal.ROSE, Miss A.M. Canadian MissionBOX 461 Middleton N.S., CanadaRUCKER, Mr Robert D. 1845 Summit Place, N. W. Washington, D.C

Local Members

ADAMS, The Rev & Mrs Edward Kemyong Christian College 2345 Taemyong Dong, Taegu German EmbassyPres Board, 157 5th Ave, N.Y., N.Y.AHLMEYER, Miss Margarete Agnesstr 58, Beuel b/Bonn, Germany

[page 57]Name Present Address Home AddressAHN Ho-sam, Mr 3-61-4 Myongnyun Dong, SeoulALEXANDER, Miss Jean USAEDFE APO 301ANDRESS, Mr LouisF. I Corps G-l APO 358 PO Box 726 Vicksburg, Miss.ARMSTRONG, Mr Rodney E. American Enbassy Foreign Service Mail Room Dept of State Wash. 25, D.C.ARREDONDO, Mr. F. Ferdinand FEES, APO 971 1139 West Mistletoe Ave. San Antonio, TexasAYERS,Capt Theodore F. EUSA Signal Sec. APO 301 200 East Bergen Place, Red Bank. N.JBAKER, Mr & Mrs R. H. YMCA 2323 N. 3rd St. Harrisburg Pa.BALDWIN, Mr & Mrs Richard USOM, RD-PBAILEY, Mr & Mrs James British Embassy Foreign Office Lond-on, S.W. 1, EnglandBARTLING, The Revd & Mrs L. Paul KoreaLutheran Mission Toksu Bldg 502 6358 Wash. Cr. Milwaukee,WisBARBER, Miss NancyV. American Embassy Route 1, Bx 450 Bauxite, ArkansasBAUMAN, Mr Roy PO Box 5, TaeguBELL, Mr Chester S.,Jr. USOM, PE-PL 251 East Wisconsin Ave. Neenah, Wis.BENEDICT, Mrs Edith M.AG 7 th Log Comd, APO 612 7825 Belfast St. New Orleans 18, La.BENNETT, Mrs Maxine T. Naeja Apts G-3 EUSA APO 301 10722 Wiatt Way, La Habra, Cal.BERGER, His Excellency & Mrs Samuel D. American Embassy Foreign Service Mail Rm., Dept. of State, Wash. 25 DCBERGH, Miss Beth Marie Crafts, Camp Red Cloud, APO 358 1461 Pompey Dr. San Jose, 28, Cal.BESSEY, Miss Doris ARC 43 Surgical Hosp. 698 Robinwood Ave., Columbus 13, Ohio.BEVERIDGE, MrsWilson USOM, TC-AG-L 321 West A. Ave., Glendale, Ariz.BIGGS, Miss DorothyL G-3 EUSA APO 301 6739 Forestdale Ave, Hammond, Ind.BOURNS, Miss Beulah Severance Hospital Box 123 Somerset Manitoba, CanadaBOWMAN, Mrs Betty EUSA Engr, APO 3012451 256th St. Lomita, Cal.

[page 58]Name Present Address Home AddressBOUCHEZ, Father D. Holy Ghost College, 290 Hehwa Dong 62 Rue Sadi Carnot Armentieres, FranceBRADLEY, Mr Ivan G. Bando 642 Auckland, New ZealandBRALEY, Cmdr & Mrs Gerald N. SUSLAK, c/o G-2, EUSA APO 30111206 Healy St. Silver Spring, Md.BRENNAN, Miss Dorothee Naeja AptsBRIGGS,2nd Lt.Duncan D., Jr 567th Ambulance Co.

1690 W. Paces Ferry Rd. NW. Atlanta 5,Ga.

BROOKS, Miss Loretta D.USOM, RD-PDBROWNE, Miss Mary Lilla Sp Svcs Sec Hq 1st Cav Div.C.C.•l, APO 24 1401 Lyon St. Raleigh N.C.BROWN, Mrs Travis c/o Brig. Gen. Travis Brown Sr. Log, Adv. KMAG, APO 102 Leicaster, Mass.BUNGER, His Excellency Karl German Embassy Auswartiges AmtBonn, GermanyBURGESS, Mr Robert S. USOM, Peabody c/o State Univ College For Teachers, Albany3, N.Y.BURNS, Miss Barbara USOM, EO 96 Loring St. Hyde Park, Mass,BUSER, Miss Carolyn Hq EUSA Engr APO 301 611 Robinson Ave, Webster Groves, Mo.CARNEY, Miss Elizabeth Army Service Club Corps APO 358 7309 Constance Ave., Chicago, Ill.CATO, Col Raymond L. J-3 Div,Hq UNC/USFK APO 301 c/o Adjutant Gen. USA. Washington, D.C.CHAMBARD. His Excellency Roger French Embassy 4 Rue de Villersexel Paris VII, FranceCHAMBERS, Miss Faye J. 37 Engr Det. Area Engr. ASCOM APO 20CHANG Chull Mr 85 Anguk Dong, Chongno Ku, Seoul •CHANG Ik-dong, Mr 128-4 KeDong,Chongno Ku, SeoulCHERRY, Miss Hazel Protocol UNC/USF/ EUSA APO 301CHOE Sang-su, Mr. 407-1 Shindang Dong, Seoul

[page 59]CHOI Sangmie, Miss 333-1 Shindang Dong, SeoulCHUN Mi-wah, Miss 15-102 Hehwa Dong, SeoulCHUN, Miss Peggy Y.I. Transp. Sec, Hq EUSA APO 301CLARK, Mr Allen D. Presbyterian Mission

c/o Board of Miss. Presb. Church 476 Riverside Dr. N.Y.,CLOUD, Mr F.P. USA EDFE Box 154 APO 301CLAYTON, Mr Fred W. USOM, RDPW Carson City, NevadaCOBB, Mrs Emma B.L. 565 th Engr Bn Hq ASCOM City Engr, APO 20 4411 South 4th St. Arlington Va,COLLIER, Miss NormaJ. USOM, SRC 1813 No. Cedar, Yankton, S.Dak.COLLINGWOOD, Mr Tom Sp Svcs, Camp Kaiser, 7 th Inf Div, APO 7 Tropic Seas Apt 405, 2943 Kalakaua, Honolulu, HawaiiCONLEY, Lt Col & Mrs William H. Hq KMAG APO 102 c/o TJAG Wash., D.C.CONLEY, Miss Elizabeth A. American Embassy 215 Hiilawe St, Honolulu 13, HawaiiCONN, Rev Harvie M. 3-88 Chungjongno 3-ka, Sodaemun Ku, SeoulCONOVER, Miss Katherine O. USOM, RD-MD c/o F.N. Baldwin, 1825 While Lane, Meadow- brook Forest, Norfolk, Va.CONROW,Miss Marion L. Methodist Mission

1155 N.River Blvd, Wichita 3, Kan.COOLIDGE, Mr Thomas, Jr. Back Bay Orient Enter. Inc. Seoul 35 Lapland St,Brooklyn Mass.CORREL. Mr & Mrs Frank D. USOM, RE-PLCOX, Miss Helen Elizabeth SAC Service Club, APO 301CRIM, Dr. Keith R. Presbyterian Mission, Ojongni, TaejonCROSSLEY, Miss Helen M. USOM, TC-TT 21 Battle Rd.Princeton,N.J.

[page 60]

CUTTING, Miss Grace E. UNC/USFK J-3 Div. Operation Branch,APO 301 35 E. St. N.W. Wash. 1, D.C.DAMON, Mr G.Huntington American Embassy 6200 Garnett Drive, Chevy Chase 15, Md.DARBY, Miss Betsy F. Hq EUSA Eng. Sec. APO 301 1130 Rural S.E., Salem, Ore.DAVIS, Mrs Margaret Area Engr, ASCOM APO 20 Elko, NevadaDAUBENSPECK, Rev & Mrs Wayne Martel Korea Lutheran Mission Toksu Bldg 502 220 Broadway, Meyersdale, Pa.DAVIS, Miss Marcia K. Hq 7 th Log Comd Civ. Pers. See. S & W Div. APO 47 c/o R.L. Davis 124 Sumit St.Thorsby,Ala.DAVISON, Miss Anne Canadian MissionRR #2 Upper Middle Rd. Burlington, Ont., CanadaDE LONG, Mrs Hilda E. Hq Det. 13 th QM Bn APO 301 Emmet Co. Levering Mich.DENNING, Mrs Viola S. Chemical Sec, 13th Log Comd APO 612 3394 Springhill Rd. Lafayette, Cal.DICKEY,Miss Elizabeth Naeja AptsDILLER, Mr & Mrs Wayne R. Naeja AptsDION, Miss Dora E. Sp Svcs 7th Inf Div APO 78 Stonehenge, Albany,N.Y.DIVINE, Miss Susan M. Hq 55 QM Depot APO St. 20 1657 31st N.W. Wash.D.C.DONG Chon, Dr DONOVAN, Col Harold F. Korea Research Center Hq 1st Corps GP APO358 c/o Martin, 946 Argonne Dr Baltimore 18, Md.DOROW, Rev Mayn-ard W. Toksu Bldg 601 Korea Lutheran Missions Board for World Missions 210 N. Broadway, St. Louis 2 Mo.DRAKE, Mrs Elsie M. Hq AMFPA, Box 1479 APO 323DROIVOLDSMO, Miss Marit Moe American Embassy Med, Div, Dept of State, Wash. 25 D.C.DRUMMOND, Mr Wil-liam Henry USOM, Peabody 223 N. 9th St. Cheney, Wash.DONOGHUE,Dr JohnD. Box 34, APO 143DUDLEY, Miss Lillian B. Office of Surgeon EUSA APO 301 3600-16 Ave, Kenosha, Wis.

[page 61]DUNHAM, Miss R. Lucile USA Engr Dist. FE APO 301 5783 Florence Terrace, Oakland 11. Cal.DUSTIN, Mr Frederic H. Seoul Club Mt. Baker Highway Bellingham Wash.EARLY, Miss Bertha E. 55 th QM Depot APO 20 Zanesfield, OhioEELS, Mrs Lyra T. Dependent School APO 301 5724 Maryland Ave. Chicago 37, Ill.EGAN, Miss .Elizabeth A. G-3 EUSA APO 301 305 Ninth St. Laurel, Md.EISBERG, Mrs Mildred M. Naeja Apts 1039 Wiseburn, Hawthorne, Cal.ELLIS, Mrs Ruth J. American Dependents School APO 301 Latour, Mo.ENEMARK,Mr Charles R. 7 th Log Comptroller APO 47 3030 Carey Ave, Davenport, Iowa.FENNELL, Mr Chester Civ, Pers. 7 th Log. Comd APO 47 21475 Hillsdale Ave, Fairview Park 26 OhioFIEDOROWICZ, Miss Martha J. Hq EUSA, Engr Sec APO 301 2610 Lake Shore Dr. St. Joseph Mich.FISCHER, Mrs Amelia A. Hq EUSA Off. of. Surgeon, Med Sec Rm APO 301 % Mrs Edward P. Fis--cher, 5721 Forest Rd. Cheverly, Md.FISHER, Mr & Mrs Daniel USOM, RD-PW-H Marlinton, W. Va.FOOSE, Miss Helen F. American Embassy

1824 No. Vine St. Hollywood, Cal.

FRANK,Miss GeraldineS. American High SchoolAPO 301 180 E. 42 nd St. Hialeah, Fla.FRAREY, Mr Melvin E. USOM TC-CD-I (NEF)FREASE, Mr ForrestW. 192-10 Tongsung Dong, Seoul 1822-13 th St. Greeley, Colo.FULTON, Miss Frances Methodist Mission 123 Wilson St. Carlisle Pa.FUNK, Mr W.C. USOM, RD-PD Idaho Fall, IdahoGARBUTT, Miss Beth Staff Officers Mess Hq 7 th Inf Div.APO 7 420 South Thursmond, Sheridan WyomingGABRIEL, Mr Karl F.W. Bando 320 12 Esplanade, Gmunden, AustriaGARVER, Mr Richard A. Chungang University 240 Roche St,Huntington, Ind.GEISLER, Miss LenoraJ. EUSA Sp Svcs Sec APO 301 R2. Lake City. Minn.

[page 62]GILMORE, Mr George Hq PROVMAAG-K APO 301GILL, Mr & Mrs John C. Comptroller Hq EUSA APO 301 c/o Mrs Norton Fox, City Park Dr. Gresbeck, Tex.GLOVER, Miss Miriam Y. American Dependent School, APO 301GORDON, Mr Edgar J. c/o American Embassy

2710 Univ, Ave., Bronx 53, N.Y.GRANZER, MissLoretta M. CPS Hq 7 th Log Comd APO 47 c/o Joe. F. Granzer, Buckaroo Motel Newcastle, WyomingGRABBER, Mr George Conrad USOM, TC-ED 3823 Woodley Rd, N. W., Wash, 16 D.C.GREENHOLT, Mrs Tibbie H. AG Sec. EUSA APO 301 2518 Rio Linda Blvd, N. Sacramento 15 Calif.GREET, Miss Joan B. CPS, Hq 7 th Log Comd ABO 47 PO Box 44, Richmond Beach, Wash.HAGELEE, Mrs Elsie G. USOM, Minn. 3108 E. Hwy. 1169 Grand Rapids, Mich.HALL, Mrs Winifred T. American Embassy9 c/o Van Etten 24 Kimball Rd,Lakewood, N.J.HAMILTON, Capt Elinor 121 Evac Hosp APO 20HAN Kap-su, Mr 100-48 Hoehyon DongHAN Nak-won, Mr Hanguk Heagwan 500HANLEY, Miss Dorothy transportation Sec, 7th Log APO 47HARRIS, Maj Catherine 121 Evac Hosp APO 20 1600 Elizabeth Blvd., Ft Worth, Tex.HARRIS, Capt Willard S. 121 Evac Hosp. APO 20 4 Summit Avenue, Albany, N.Y.HARRIS, Mr E. Richard USAPAK APO 301 1796 Sycamore St. N. W. Wash, D.C.HAUG, Miss Helen L. Hq EUSA Chemical Sec APO 301HASKELL, Miss Grace JA EUSA APO 301HEIKES, Mr & Mrs George C. USOM, RD-MD PO Box 795 Los Gatos, Cal.HESTER, Maj Sue I. 548 th Gen Dispensary APO 301 1081 Helena Dr, Calif.HEYMAN, Mr & Mrs Alan C. 45 Sagan Dong, Chnongno Ku 211 West 106 St. N.Y.25 N.Y.

[page 63]HILL, Mr Daniel A. USOM RD-PD 1633 Compton Rd, Cleveland Heights 18, Ohio

HO AG, Mr C. Leonard USIS, Taegu Box 468 Middleburg, VermontHODGSON, Miss Mary Alice Sp. Svcs Sec 7 th Log Comd APO 47 403 Atlantic Ave. York, Pa.HOHENSTEIN, Dr Walter V. Assistant Director For Korea, Univ. of Maryland G-I EUSA APO 301 Lake City, Minn.HOLDCROFT, Mrs Lane USOM, TC-CD South Colby, Wash.HOLTON, Mrs Earl Sen Adv. KMA, KMAG Hq APO 102 c/o Mrs Inez B. Holton, Homer, IllinoisHONG Won-ja, Miss 364-9， Ahyon Dong, MapoHOSTETLER, Mr James Christian Children’s Fund, Rt 1, Louisville, OhioHYDE, Mr & Mrs Earl M., Jr. American Embassy 5008 Brookeway Dr, Summer, Md.HYUN Yong-won, Mr & Mrs 35-35 Tongui Dong, Chongno, SeoulINMAN, Mr Jerry L.IRWIN, The Revd M.M. American Embassy(USIS)Canadian Mission771 Hamilton Ave, Palo Alto, Cal.JAMESON, Miss Gloria English House, Ehwa Women’s University 131 N. Pine, San Antonio, Tex.JERRED, Miss DorisR. Engr Dist F.E. APO 301 512 Pacific Ave. Syracuse, N.Y.JOHNSON, Mrs Virginia C. ASCOM Library Hq APO 20 622 Wash. Ave. Wilmette, Ill.JONES, Col Gordon C. Hq I Corps (Group) APO 358 One Winding Way, Mount Holly, N.J.JONES, Mrs Mary G. G-4 Section Hq I Corps APO 358KATZ, Capt Ernest 15 Medical Bn, APO 24 9012 Monte Mar Dr. Los Angeles 35 Cal.KAUH Kwang-man, Mr Fulbright Commission 31-5 1-ka Changchung DongKAYE, Mrs Merwin USOM, Leg.

[page 64]KELLY, Miss Marilyn R. American Embassy 2033 Valentine Ave, Bronx 57, N.Y.KEY, Mrs William D. PROVMAAG-K APO 301 2901 W. 93 rd Terrace, Leawood KansasKIACHKO, Mr & Mrs Leo Bando 320

CPO Box 572 TokyoKILLOREN, The Revd Kenneth E., SJ. Sogang Jesuit College PO Box 1142 3109 N. Lake Park, Milwaukee 11, Wis.KIM, Mrs Agnes Davis Seoul Women’s CollegeKIM Byung-hak, Mr 366-58 Shindang Dong, SeoulKIM, Dr Chong-hak Korea University 421-12 Chongnung DongKIM Ji-ran, Mrs 24 Sangdo Dong, SeoulKIM Quee-young, Mr 175-3 Anguk Dong, Chongno ku, SeoulKIM, Mrs Naomi Am, Dependent School APO 301 2389 E. Manoa Rd, Honolulu, HawaiiKIM Suck-ho, Mrs 4-423 Sangdo Dong SeoulKIM Hyong-min, Mr 40-1 1st Ka, Hoehyon Dong Samil-sa, SeoulKIM Ki-chan, Lt. Office of Secretary, Air Staff Hq ROKAFKIM Young-ai, Miss Bank of KoreaKISRAY, Mr & Mrs Rene Mac Bando 531 31 Via Cavalier d,Arpino, Rome, ItalyKOH Whang-kyung, Dr 184 Wonhyo-ro 3-KaKRISTENSEN, Miss Elna National Medical Center Katrinedalsvej 3 A III Copenhagen, DenmarkKUBAL, Miss Gene J. Library Svc Center,Sp Svcs Sec, Hq EUSA APO 301 306 W. Goldsboro St, Crown Point, Ind.KUREK, Miss Helen F. G-l Hq EUSA APO 301LAURSEN, Dr & Mrs Lauritz

National Medical Center 141 Gothersgade, Copenhagen K. DenmarkLEE Bom-sun, Dr Yongdungpo Yonhap Hosp, 93 4-ka Yongdungpo DongLEE Chung-hak, Mr Diplomat Club, Seoul

[page 65]LEE Sun-keun, Dr 98-14 1st Street Ch’ongp’a DongLEE Young-ha, Dr 2-22 Tongsong Dong, SeoulLEE Po-hyong, Mr 2-5, 3-ka Myongnyun Dong,Chongo Ku,SeoulLEE Won-sun, Mr Korean-American Trading Co Bando 206 473 2nd Ave, N.Y. 16 N.Y.LEWIS, Miss M. Elizabeth Naeja Apts 4407 Wakefield Rd, Baltimore 16 Md.LEWIS, Miss Jeanette

Hq PROVMAAG-K APO 301 2395 Chaison St. Beaumont, Tex.LENSSEN, Mr J.J. Bando 624 c/o Clothier, Harrison Rd. Villanova, Penna.LIBRARY Svc Center Sp Svcs Sec. Hq EUSA APO 301LIM, Mr Keun-soo 36-7 Nogosan Dong, Sodaemun, SeoulLTTLE, Mr & Mrs James G. Ministry of Public Information Worcester, Mass.LOBASZ, Miss Josephine S. Army Service Club Camp Beavers 7 th Inf. Div. APO 7 442 Lexington Ave., New Haven, Conn.LOTTRIDGE, Miss Ruth M. American EmbassyLUHMAN, Mrs Margaret E. USA Eng. Dist. F.E. APO 301 1321 12 th St. Rockford, Ill.LUONGO, CaptDorothy Seoul Military Hospital APO 301 2031 S. 23 St, Philadelphia 45, Penna.LANIER, Miss Mary M. 4 th Finance Disbursing Sec, APO 358 Box 1044 Porterville, Cal.MARTIN, Mrsyuanita R. Ord Sec EUSA APO 301 Route 1, Box 277 Vicksburg, Miss.MATTIELLI, Mr & Mrs Robert E. EUSA Sp Svcs APO 301 7225 SE 32 nd Mercer Island, Wash.MATTUSCH, Dr & Mrs Kurt 123 2-ka Namdaemun No, Seoul Pope’s Head, Clifton, Va.MAUCK, Dr & Mrs Elwyn A. USOM, Minn. One Circle Ave, Potomac Heights, Indian Head, Md.MAURER, Mr Frederick G-l Sec Safety Div. 1st Cav Div. APO 24 Carrolltown, Penna.MAXWELL, Mr & Mrs Lloyd W. 34 Chong Dong Sodaemun Ku, Seoul 4679 Homer Ave. S.E. Wash. 23 D.C.

[page 66]McClelland, MissMary A. American Embassy 1807 Vincent Street, Brownwood, Tex.McDONALD, Miss Jessie Hq PROVMAAG-K APO 301 1530 E. 59 th St. Chicago 37, IllMcEACHERN, Miss Carolyn Army Svc Club, 4 th US Army Missile Comd APO 8 *McGILL,Miss Theodora Sp. Svcs 1st Cav Div, APO 24 3909 17 th St. N.E. Wash, D.C.McGOVERN, Mr Melvin Hq I Corps G-l APO 358 1167 Walnut Dubuque, IowaMcLAREN, Mr DouglasM. KCWC Central PO Box 63Bears, Chailey Green, Lewes, Sussex, EnglandMclaughlin, MissVirginia J-6 Div, UNC APO 301 195 Jewett Pkwy, Buffalo 14, N.Y.MELODY, Mr Ward B. USOM, TC-AV 25129 W. Roycourt, Huntington Woods, Mich.MELOY, Mrs G.S., Jr. c/o CinC UNC APO 301 222 Genesco Rd, San Antonio, Tex.MERRIAM, MissVreni Korea Journal, UNESCO 112 East Taylor Ave, Phoebus, Va.MERRIFIELD, Mrs Leslie R. Hq PROVMAAG-K APO 301 245-24 th St, Pitts¬burgh, Fla.MEYER, Mr. Dorald

J. Box 301-6000 APO 301 1902 Benz Ave., Cincinnati 38, OhioMILLER, Mr. & Mrs Albert 196 Wonnam Dong, Seoul 30 Wash. Terrace Pittston, Pa.MILLER, Mrs Edna Finance & Accounting, EUSA APO 301 30 Wash. Terrace Pittston, Pa.MILLER, Miss E. Margaret EUSA G-l APO 301 612 Wayside Drive, Charleston, W. Va.MILLER, Missᅳ Suzanne M. Hq Det KMAG G-3 APO 102 1615 N.W. 14 th Ave, Gainesville, Fla.MILLERD, Miss Ruth L. 20 th Fin Dish. Sec APO 20 230 Coolidge St. Chicago Hgts, Ill.MILLS, Mrs Joy B. USOM, RDDC 4933 Granada Ave. Riverside, CalMIN Yong-gyu, Mr Yonsei UniversityMIN Yong-kih, Miss 93-4 Kahoe Dong, SeoulMIN Sung-kih, Miss MOFFETT, Mr. Samuel H.Presbyterian Mission Bd.of Foreign Missions 156 th Ave-N.Y., N.Y.

[page 67]MOORE,Miss Dolores Jean USOM, EO 1307 69th Ave. NE., Wash. 27, D.C.MORGAN, Miss Jean Verone American Dependent School APO 301 9335 Sunny Brook Lane, Dallas 20, Tex.MORROW, Mr & Mrs Lynden Naeja Apts 9401 S.W. 95 th Ct. Miami, Fla.MURPHY, Miss Sunshine Sp. Svcs Hq EUSA APO 301 101 Hollingsworth St. Leaksville, N.C.NAGORSKI, Mr ZygmuntUSIS, American Embassy 5604 Wilson Lane, Bethesda, Md.NASON, Miss Natalie E. Education Center Camp Hovey APO 7 RFD #1, Stetson, MaineNEWMAN, Miss Laura W. Hq EUSA Provost Marshal Sec. APO 301 3310 Crane St. Lemon Grove, Cal.NISSEN, Miss Dorothy J. J-l Division Hq UNC/ USFK APO 301OH Woon-kyung Kang Mrs Central POB 93, SeoulOWENS, Mr Walter KMA, KMAG, DET APO 102 63 Center St. West Haven, Conn.PARHAM, Miss Imogene Sp. Svcs Hq EUSA APO 301 PO Box 555 Henderson, N.C.PARK Jin-nam, Mr Sogang University PO Box 1142PARK, Miss Esther• Y.W.C.A. 600 Lexington Ave. N. Y., N.Y.PARKER,Miss Olive B. PATE, Mr Elvin E. Naeja Apts USOM, RD-SPO Dover, New JerseyPEARSON, Capt Warren T. 121 Evac Hospital APO 20800 North Sixth St. Burlington, IowaPERERA, Miss Olive Bando 839 83 Oxford Rd. Denham Bucks, EnglandPI Chyun-deuk, Prof College of Education, SNUPOPE. Miss M. Canadian MissionPRESCOTT, Miss Marcaret USAED FE APO 301 5059 W. Wait St. Seattle, Wash.PRESSEY, Adm & Mrs George W. Commander, Naval Forces,Korea APO 301 3406 Ala. Ave. Alexandria, Va.PRESSLER, Mr & Mrs Jean USOM, RD-MD 643 Calapooia St. Albany, Ore.PRYOR, Mrs Helen S. USOM, ED-P PO Box PO Box 14 Cranbury.N.J.

[page 68]PURDY, Mr & Mrs Stephen S. 132 Itaewon, Yongsan Ku Seoul 480 W. Gonzales St. Pensacola. Fla.QUICK, Miss Elsie M. American Embassy c/o Mrs J.S. Garzick, Box 124 Southern Pines, N.C.RHEE Jihong, Mr. Cathay Pacific Airways, 222-A BandoRHODES, Miss Gladys Z. Information Sec, Hq

EUSA APO 301 c/o Hoverson.Old Baltimore Pike, Beltsville Md.RICHARDS, Miss Florence EUSA G-2 APO 301 Overseas Press Club, 34 E. 39 th St. N.Y., N.Y.ROBB, Dr Ian S. Canadian MissionROBB, The Rev Dale Presbyterian Mission 410 E. High St. Oxford, OhioROBINSON, Dr J. Courtland Presbyterian Mission “Burnside” Stevensen, Md.ROLPH, Mrs Sylvia E. EUSA Q.M. Div APO 301 4325 N.E. Failing S. Portland, Ore.ROSA, Mr & Mrs Joseph American Embassy Washington, D.C.

ROWEN, Miss Mary Judith Hovey Service Club,, 7 th Inf Div APO 7 530 Shriver Drive, Des Moines, IowaROWEN, Mr Paul R. 91-7 Chongpa Dong %RUTT, The Rev Richard 32 Yon’gon Dong, Seoul

Korean Miss. 55 Bedford Gardens, London W. 8 Eng.SAVAREID, Mr & Mrs LorisYongdungpo PO Box 3 Oslo, NorwaySHANNON, Mr. Donald E. SJA Sec Hq EUSA APO 301 3526 Stettinius Ave, Cincinnati, OhioSHANES, Miss Judith CPO 7 th Log Comd APO 47 1229 E. 28 th St, Brooklyn 10, N.Y.SHAPIRO, Mr David Fulbright Commission 20 Hawthorne Terrace, Leonia, N.J.SHAVER, Miss Mildred A. American Dependents School, APO 301 68 Williamson Ave. Hillside, N.J.SHELAMER, Dr & Mrs Arthur M. USOM, TC-HS Athens, Tenn.SHIN Tai-whan, Mr & Mrs 132 Songbuk Dong, SeoulSMART, Mr Alexander B. British Embassy Foreign Off. London S.W. Eng.

[page 69]SMITH. Mr James H. Naeja Apts R.R- I, Roodhouse, Ill.SMITH, Mr Robert L. CPO 7 th Log APO 47 Monica, Ill.SNYDER, Miss AJice 8 th Army Ord APO 301 Charleston Village RD 1, Malvern, Pa.SOMERVILLE, Mr John Nottingham 1-1 Yonji Dong, Chongno Ku, Seoul Montreat, NorthCarolinaSONG Keinam, Mr PO Box 440 Seoul Cent¬ral P.O.Special Svcs Library SAC, APO 301SPOFFORD, Miss Polly US Sig Spt Det APO 301 1401 S.W. 20 St.Miami 45, Fla.STEELE, Mr & Mrs E.R. Signal Section, 7 th Log APO 47, Local 842 Orlando Blvd Winter Park, Fla.STEELE, Miss Marion Sp Svcs Lib 7 th Log Comd APO 612 23 Crooked Trail Rowayton, Conn,STEENSMA, MrsJulianne Church World Service Taejon Grand Rapids Mich.STEPHENS, Dr DarJeen B. USOM, Peabody 3716 Crestview Drive, Nashville, Tenn.STOCKTON, Miss Elsie Methodist Mission 2211 Ash Ave. Las Vegas, Nev.STONE, Miss Grace Sp, Svcs. EUSA APO 301 Calder Place,Beaumont, Tex.STRACHAN, MrsJames G. USOM, CON.STRUTHERS, Dr & Mrs E.B. Canadian MissionEdinburgh, Scotland, United Church of CanadaSTRUTHMANK Mr Axel Naju, PO Box 1,

Chonnam Siemens-Bauunion GMBHSUK, Mrs Sonia S. F. 67-1 2ᅳ ka Chungmu Ro, Seoul 251 Clay St., S.F., Cal.SUNDEAN, Miss Carol L.High School APO 301 11 Avalon 131 Blvd W.E. Jamestown. N.Y.SWANTON, Miss Mary Alice Hq EUSA AG Sec APO 305 27 George St, Newton 58, Mass.SWARTZ, Miss HazelL. Office of AreaCommander, USAASCOM AREACOMMAND APO 301 14 So. Victor Tulsa 4, Okla.SZCZESNIAK. Miss Cecilia M. CPS ASCOM Area Comd APO 20 5854 W. Floussant Ave. St Louis 20, Mo.TARANTINO, Mr Paul A.USOM. SSM 855 Wool St. Duquesne, Pa.

[page 70]TEPPING, MR Benjamin L. USOM, PE-S & RTHEIS, Mr & Mrs Jack Methodist Mission 745 Commonwealth Ave, Boston, Mass.THOMPSON, Miss Aleene C. Judge Advocate Sec 7 th Log Comd APO 47 Tupelo, Miss.THOMPSON, Mr John R. Hq I Corps Ord Sec APO 358 207 Austin Ave, Maqueketa, IowaTIESZEN, Miss HelenR. Christian Children’s Fund Marion, S.D.TODD, Miss Viola Naeja Apts c/o Col C.P.Westpheling 15 Hunt St. Ft. Bragg, N.C.TOPP, Mr J. Laurence Bando 642

21 Eulabah Ave. Earlwood NSW AustraliaTREMPER, Mrs Edith S. Hq 55 QM Depot APO 20UNDERWOOD, Miss Ramona Canadian Mission299 Queens St. W.’Toronto, Ont. CanadaUNDERWOOD, Mr Richard Yonsei University James Underwood Pres. Church Oakfield, N.Y., N.Y.VARGAS, Miss Grace Judith US Army Seoul Military Hospital APO 301 •VAN LIEROP, The Rev Peter Presbyterian Mission Kennedy Apts 47 Claremont Ave. N.Y. 27, N.Y.VERDOLAGA, Miss Lourdes Philippine Embassy 19ᅳB Pedro Ladia Project 4 Quezon City, PhilippinesVESTAL, Mr & Mrs Edgar A. USOM, RDDVINCENT, Miss Vera L. Sp. Svcs EUSA APO 301 5436 Granada Ave. Riverside Cal.WADE, Mr James American-Korean Foundation 2519 Madison Ave. Granite City, Ill.WALKER, Miss AnneI. USOM, EO-C 192 Griswold St, Glastonbury, Conn.WADSLEY, Mrs Leonard T. USADE F/E APO 301 PO Box 593 Kailua, Hawaii

[page 71]WEEKS,Mrs Geraldine L. Protoco Office, UNC APO 301WEEMS, Mr William R. USOM, RD-ID-I 4 Eustis St. Lexington, Mass.WEST, Miss Patricia USOM, SMWHITAKER, Mr & Mrs Donald P. c/o American Embassy 1018 High St. Millville, N.J.WHITNEY, Col CarlL. Hq I Corps APO 358 51 S. College St.Carlisle,

Penna.WHITWELL, MrStephen John British Embassy c/o The Foreign Office, London S.W.l, EnglandWILLNER, Mr Robert American Embassy 123 Pendleton St. New Haven Conn.WOOD, Mrs Katherine A. YWCA, Myong Dong, 1st St., Seoul Rt #1 Mt. Carmel, Ill.WOODRUFF, Miss Virginia R. American DependentSchool APO 301 PO Box 665, Bloomington, Cal.YI Nam-jik, Mr Bank of Korea, Foreign Dept. SeoulYI Sang-un, Dr 1-63 Kahoe Dong, SeoulYO Un-Hong, Mr140-8 Ke Dong, SeoulYUN Sae-taek, Mr. 110-35 Kyonji Dong, SeoulZINK, Manfred, Mr. Naju, P.O. Box 1,Chon-nam Muenchen, Germany Steinhauserstrasse 14

OVERSEAS MEMBERS Present Address Home AddressADAMS, Mrs Lucy W. 3634 Happy Valley Rd., Lafayette, CalADAMS, Miss Mildred P.Div. of Nursing Education, IndianaUniv., Bloomington,Ind. 924 So. Hawthorne Dr. Bloomington, Ind.ADAMS, Miss SybleE. 1005 Country Club Rd. North Little Rock, Ark.AHN, Miss Angela ALLEN, Miss EleanorL. 7 West Ottawa St.Logansport, Ind.ANNIS, Mr & Mrs Fred c/o American Embassy, Kabul Afghanistan c/o Mr George H. Annis, Rt. 8 Chillicothe. Ohio.APPENZELLER, Mrs Ruth 1088 Calore Rd. La Mesa, Cal.APPLEGATE, Miss Jean M. Hosp. Branch Lib. Ft. George G. Meade Md. 545 E. Main St. Lancaster, Ohio

[page72]Name Present Address Home AddressBABBITT, Mr Harold E. •

Civ. Eng. Dept. Univ. of Illinois, Urbana, Ill.BACON, Mr Wilbur 43 Wellsboro Rd. Valley Stream, N.Y.BAKER, Dr & Mrs John M. 3116 Woodley Rd. N.W. Wash. D.C.BAKER, Mr. & Mrs Russell C. Box 1693 Hawthorne, Nev.BALCHEN, Miss Cecilie Srkedalsveien 1, Oslo, NorwayBARRETT, Mrs Margaret 129 Ne 451th St.Miami, Fla.BAUMGARDNER, Mrs Emma M. 1222 North Wall, Tracy, Cal.BEARD, Dr. Belle Boone Sweet Briar, Va.BERLIN, Mr & Mrs Ragnar O.M. Falkoping, SwedenBERRY, CWO Eva I. 8324 2nd Ave, So. Birmingham 6, Ala.BERRYHILL, Mr & Mrs John H. c/o AID Wash., D.C.BIRRER, Miss Mary BLAIR, Miss Dorothy L. Yellville, Arkansas, 63 1/2 West 5 th St. Corning, N.Y.BLUM, Mr Paul C. 22 Kamiyama-cho Shibuya-KuTokyo, JapanBORIN, Mr Robert B. 625 So. 25 th St. Lincoln, Neb.BRAA, Mrs Ulrich Bad Homburg V.D. Hoehe, Germany, Mariannenweg 4BRADNER, Mr Stephen 12 Laurel Court Providence, R.I.BROWN, Maj James W. 1579 Westover Ave. Petersburg, Va.

BROWN. Mr Thatcher M., III 42 Forest Ave. Rye, N.Y.BUCK,Mrs Pearl BURKHOLDER, Mr Olin c/o Dr. G.M. Curry, 3525 Pleasant Valley, Nashville 4, Tenn.

[page 73] CAGLE, Miss Bessie Alene 325 Worth St.Asheboro,N.C.CAMPBELL, MissCecelie Ann1202 Floral St., N.W.CARR, Mr Harry L. c/o AID Dept ofState, Wash., D.C.CARTMEL, Mrs Elizabeth B. 3 Cedar St.Wallingford,ConCHAMBERLIN, Mrs Lucille c/o Am Emb Bangkok Thailand 143 Willow St.BrooklynHeights, N.Y.CHEWNING, Mr Broadus E.J. 2801 S. Jefferson, Roanoke, Va.CHIEF Librarian, Mr. James Humphry, III Fifth Ave and 82 ndSt., N.Y. 28 N.Y.Metropolitan Museum of Art.CLEMENS, Mr Clive C. Foreign Office, Whitehall London S.W.1. EnglandULEMONS, Mrs William L. 6042 S. Alameda, Corpus Chrst, TexasCAMPBELL, Mr. Leland Oomachi, Kamamura, Kanagawa, Japan 722 N. Vandeventer, Favetville. Ark.COMPTON, Mr Beverley C., Jr. ‘

1110 Rolandvue Ave. Roxton 4, Md.CONANT, Mr & Mrs Ted Randoph, N.H.CONNER, Miss Louise 3778 North Blvd, Baton Rouge 6, La.COOPER, Miss Joyce Univ. of Fla.,Gainesville, Fla.CRAM Dr,. William Arthur ICA, WashingtonCRANE, Dr & MrsP. S. 906 Weatherbee Rd. Baltimore 4, Md.CURLL, Mr & Mrs Daniel B., Jr. 20 Maher Ave. Greenwich, Conn.DASKALOFF, Miss Elena Atanasova 971 Paloma Rd. Del Rey Oaks, Monterey,Cal.DAVIDSON,Mr Arthur M. Rt. 2, Tippecanoe Harrison County, OhioDAVIS, Miss Mary S. c/o Le Francois 42 FitasAve, So. Attleboro,Mass.

[page 74]DEVINE, Miss Dorothy 12465 E. Randall Pk, Dr. Miami, Fla.De HAAN, Mr & Mrs Norman c/o Anderson 500 W. St. Chicago, all.DELMARTER, Miss Jean 236 Chilverton St.Santa Cruz, Cal.DETLING, Miss Dorothy M. 4131 Campbell, Kansas City, Mo.DOELZ Mrs F.W.DOWLING, Mrs Walter Sea Island, Ga.ECKHART, MrRobert H. 2904 Adams St. Alameda, Cal.

EDMAN, Dr Marion L.ELROD„Mr J. McRee Library, Central College, Fayette, Mo. Rt #1 Athens, Ga.ELWELL, Miss RuthL. 951 Millville Ave, Hami ton, OhioEVANS, Miss Loise P. c/o Mrs Jewel Johnson, Box 4533, Sebastopol, MississipiFANG, Mr Chao-ying c/o Australian National University Library Canberra, A.C.T.FARLEY, Mr & Mrs Hugh D. 4901 Dorset Ave. Chevy Chase 15, Md.FAULKER, Mr. Maurice Assoc. Prof. of Music, Univ. of Cal. Goleta, Cal.FEAREY, Mrs Robert State Dept., Wash., D.C.FIELD, Mr & Mrs Philip Office of AID Repre-sentative c/o US Consulate General Nairobi, Kenya

403 Sycamore St, Shenandoah, IowaFLOECK, Miss Marilyn FONTAINE, Mr C.L. 1625 Eye St, NW.Wah. 6, D.C.FORNER, Maj, Herschel W. 651 W. Locust St, York Pa.FOWLER, Mrs Lucile M. 933-80 Patton Ave, San Pedro, Cal.FREI, The Rev ErnestJ. c/o Philippines Interboard office, POB 461, Manila,Philippines Commission of Ecumenical Mission 475, Riverside Dr. N.Y.

[page75]27, N.Y.

GARD, Dr Richard A. Dept of Religion, Yale Univ., New Haven, Conn.GAULT. Dr & Mrs N. L. Jr. 1360 Mayo Memorial Bldg, University of Minn. Minneapolis 14, MinnesotaGILLIAM, Mr Richard Jr. College of Law, Univ. of Ky. Lexintgon, Ky.GINSBURG, Capt & Mrs ArthurGOLDEN, Dr Archie S. Wellsville Ave. New Milford, Conn.GRANDCHAMP, Mrs Jacqueline 20 Bis Ave.Foch-Saint- Cloud(Seine Et Oise), France.GREEN, Mrs Marshall American Consulate General Hong Kong Dept of State, Wash., D.C.HALL, Mr Walter Vance warsow. va.HAMILTON, Miss Durlene Mae - Box 161 Stanwood, Wash.HANLEY, Mrs ColetteJ. 1146 Chestnut Hill Dr. Erie, Pa.HAZARD,Mr Benjamin H. Jr. 1808 Chestnut St. Berkeley 2, Cal.HELMICK, Maj. Gen. C.G. 4748 Old Dominion Dr. Arlington, Va.HENTHORN, Mr William Univ of Leyden Nether- land Cedar Bay Rd, Jacksonvill Fla.HEUSER, Dr & Mrs Henry K. ICA Wash. 25, D.C. 5607 Chester Brrok Rd N.W. Wash. 16, D.C.HILDEBRAND, Miss Kathryn 1068 Roxburgh Rd, East Lansing, Mich.HOLDORF. Mr WilliamJ. 2633 W. Wilson Ave. Chicago 25, Ill.HOLMES, Miss Ruth S. R #1 Box 794, Venice. FlaHOMOKAY, Sp5 Duane L. Buffalo St. Silver Creek, N.Y.HOWER, Miss Mary Lou R.R. 3 Bluffton, Ind.

[page 76]HUGHES, Mr Gwyn M. American International Insurance Co. Hong Kong c/o Mrs Hugh P. Hughes 67 Seaver St. Stoughton, Mass.HULEN, Mr ElmerHUSDAL, MissRagnhild Skanselien 31, Bergen, Norway

INGLE, Mr & Mrs Marcus G. Hayes House, Braddock Heights, Md.INSTITUTE for Far Eastern Languages Yale University, New Haven 11 Conn.JARMAN, Dr & Mrs Burnice H. • 4830 24 th St. N. Arlington, Va.JENSEN, Miss Odeena M. 2957 Shasta Rd Berkeley, Cal.JERNIGAN, Miss Dorothy 757 9th Ave, Yuma Ariz, c/o Mrs Hazel PhillipsJEWISH Nat’l Univ. Lib. Jerusalem POB 503 IsraelJOHNSON. Miss Barbara K. 3 Londergan Place, East Longmeadow, Mass.JOHNSON, Mr. Thomas E.KAMP, Miss Elizabeth • Rheingasse 12 Bonn, GermanyKARAYANIS, Miss Adamantia 2077 Center Ave. Ft. Lee, New JerseyKEENAN, Mr Edward A. 39-C Franklin Park, Chew & Duval St. Philadelphia, Pa.KINNEY, Miss HelenJ. c/o Am Emb, New Delhi, India 1430 Louisiana St, Lawrence, MassKIM, Won-ae MissKIRCHHOFF, MrsA.A. 2314 61 st St, Lubbock, Tex.KNEE, Miss Roma D. c/o Am Emb Bangkok, Thailand c/o Mrs M.H. Hamstead,8702 Gilbert Place, Takoma Park12, Md.KNEZ, Dr Eugene I. Smithsonian Inst. Wash., D.C.KNORR,Lt Col. Ernest A. Jr 9 Whitegate Rd., Clarksville, Md.

[page 77]KNOWLTON, Mr Edgar C. George Hall 116, Univ. of Hawaii, Honolulu 14, HawaiiKO Yuel-sum, Miss c/o David H. Keller, 2212 Charleston PI Hyattsville, Md.KOO, Miss GraceKOREAN Research & Information Office 1828 Jefferson Place N.W.. Wash. 6. D.C.KOSKI, Mrs WilliamKOUNS, Col Charles W. 2505 Central Ave. Alexandria, Va.LADY, Mr Harold W. 4101 West Bradley Lane, Wash. 15 D.C.LANE, Lt. Col. Mary C. 17 Round Hill Rd, Williamsport, Pa.LARSEN, Miss Louise c/o M.E. Boles 3426 Mentone Ave. Los Angeles 34, Cal.LARSEN. Prof. WilliamF. New York Univ. Wash.Sq, N.Y. 3, N.Y.LEAVITT,Mr Richard 33 Woodman Rd., Durham, N.H.LEE, Mr Arthur Randall c/o Idaho First, National Bank, Idaho Falls, IdahoLEISTER, Capt. Howard A. #Glenn-Ashton Farms, Croydon, Pa.LEVINSEN, Miss Julie T. Birkhom Guldbjerg St. Nordfyn, DenmarkLofgren, Mrs Ruth H. 1421 Farnam St. La Crosse, Wis.LUCK, Miss Mary Lou 638 North Prospect St. Tacoma, Wash,LUTZ, Dr & Mrs Dexter 18403 Plymouth Dr. Castro Valley, Cal.LYON, Capt David K. 35 Ramsdell Ave, Rsolindale 31 Mass.MAGRUDER, Mrs Carter 2331 S. Pierce St. Arlington, Va.MAITA, Lt. Col Winifred Z.MANN, Mrs EverettJ. 247 Springfield Ave. Rochester N.Y. Rm. 424 State Annex #1, AID, Wash. 25,

[page 78]D.C.

MARTIN, Dr Samuel Yale Graduate School, New Haven, Conn.MASTON, Mr Robert Edward 233-17 th. St. Wilmetter. Ill.MAUCK, Dr & Mrs Elwyne A. One Circle Ave, Potomac Hghts, Indian Head, Md.McBRIDE, Mr John Wesley 3504-3 rd St. No. Arlington 1, Va.McCARRON, Mr & Mrs James W.McCAUSLAND, Capt Muriel J. 1115 Cortland St. Peekshill, New YorkMCCONAUGHY, Ambassador & Mrs Walter P. Am Emb Karachi, Pakistan Dept of State, Wash., D.C.2601 Virginia St. Berkeley 9, Cal.McCUNE, Mrs EvelynMcGRANE, Mr George Ochanomizu Univ., 35 Otsuka-machi, Bunkyo-ku, TokyoMENDELSOHN, Mr & Mrs Isador William 5430 30 th St. N.W. Wash. 15, D.C.MERCER, Col. A.E.E. c/o Lloyds Bank Ltd 6 Pall Mall, London S.W. 1MICKLAUTZ, Mr Ferdinand c/o Robert Lau 522 B.Halela St. Kailua Oahu, HawaiiMILES, Miss Luby H. c/o Dept of State, Wash., 25, D.CMILLER, Mrs Mary J. 3221 Vista St. N.E. Wash. D.C.MONKS, Miss Kathryn American Red Cross, Lindsey Air Station,APO 533 N.Y. N.Y. 800 Grampian Blvd, Williamsport, Pa.MOORE, Pfc Harold E. 120-41 197 th St. Albans 12, N.Y.MORTSON, Mr William Port POBox 4102 Kobe, Japan 1915 Filbert St., S.F., Cal.MYSTAD, Miss MaritMUELLER, Mr Heinz E. 146 Shimo-uma,l-Chome, Setagaya-ku, Tokyo P.A. Hamburg-Altona, Rolandsworth 34MURPHY, Miss Mary Rita 5320 Lowell Ave. Indianapolis 19, Ind.

[page 79]NADAL, Col Carlos A. 1204 Ash ford Ave. Santurce, Puerto RicoNEIRBY, Miss Gladys Hawley, Minn.NEWTON, Mr Peter B. 42 Elm Ave. Eastcote Ruslip Middx,EnglandNICHOLS, Miss Susan LeeOXFORD Book and Stationary Co. 17 Park Street. Calcutta 14, IndiaO’BRIEN. Miss Olivia Jonesboro, Ark.PAETOW, Mr. Wolfgang Finkenau 15, Hamburg21, GermanyPEPPIATT, Col. M.E.PERSELLIN, Capt. & Mrs Robert H. 7412 Pearl St. New Orleans 18. Louisina.PHILLIPS,Dr Elizabeth Wake Forest College, Winston, Salem, N.C.PILTZ, Dr Arne C.G. Tulevaden 91, Kjursholm, SwedenPITT, Mr & Mrs Bernard 1662 Waterloo St. Los Angeles, Cal.PITTS, Dr Forrest Ralph 1993 Onyx, Eugene Ore.READ, Miss Dorrien c/o Regional Informa¬tion Office, British Embassy, Bangkok, ThailandREISCHAUER, Dr Edwin O. American Embassy Tokyo, Japan Harvard-Yenching Institute 2 Divinity Ave. Cambridge 38, Mass.RICH, Mrs Robert G. Jr. 1123 N.W. 14 th Ave. Gainesville, Fla.RICHMOND, Mr Alfred L. 4392 1/2 Point Comfort Dr. Akron 19, Ohio.

RICHMOND, Miss Charlotte Korean Research & Information Office 1828 Jefferson PI. N.W.Wash. D.C.RIDDERVOLD, Dr Hans Olav Lyschagan 14, Ovre Ullern, Oslo, NorwayRING, Dr & Mrs Carlyle 275 State St. Jamestown, N.Y.

[page 80]RINGSTED, Dr & Mrs Jorgen 9 Am Emb, Bzngkok, Thailand Rymarksvej 66, Hellerup, DenmarkROEHM, Miss Carol M. Straitsmouth Way, Rockport, Mass.ROWE Young-sil, Miss RUNNALLS, Miss Donna McGill Univ. 3625 Oxenden Ave .Montreal 18, Que, CanadaRUTH, Capt Fred c/o 1517 East 7 th St. Shawnee, Okla.SAENZ, Miss Delphine Albuquerque Dist. Engr. Albuquerque, N.M.SARGENT, Mr Galen Dept. of Chinese, Univ. of Hong Kong, Hong Kong 3815 Nail Court, South Bend 14, Ind.SAUER, The Rev. Charles A.SAUER, Mr Robert G. 234 E. Walnut St. Painesville, Ohio.SCHARER, Capt & Mrs Lawrence 63-89 Saunders St. Rego Park 74, N.Y.SCHNEIDER, Miss Edith M.SCOTT, Col & Mrs Emmett G. • 1364 Oakridge, Memphis, Tenn.SHAVER, Mr. James T. Management Branch, US Army Eng. Dist, Okinawa APO 331SHAW, Miss Marion A.SEIDENSTICKER, Mr. Edward 70 Hayashi Cho, Bunkyo Ku, Tokyo, Japan Castle Rock, Col.SHON, Miss Elizabeth 1576 Pensacola St. Honolulu 14, HawaiiSCOGGIN, Miss Ellen C. 4208 Opalocks Dr. McLean, Va,SPORN, Lt Col & Mrs MartinSTEINBERG, Capt & Mrs Frederick Crose St. Cedarhust,N.Y.STOREY, Mrs John POB 300, Yokohama, c/o D, Rovertson 3

[page 81]Japan Glenorchy Terrace.

STOREY, Mrs Charles P. 5342 Wateka, Dallas 9,TexasSTRAUSS, Mr. Frederick G.SULLIVAN, Mr & Mrs Eugene U.S. Aid to China, Box 7, APO 63, Inter Area, c/o Mrs E.J. Corkin, 9733 Woodridge Lane, Omaha 24, Nebr.SWANSON, Mr & Mrs G. William 209 E. Washington Jackson, Mich.TAEUSCH, Mrs Frederich L. USS SKAGIT(AKA- 102), FPO San Diego, Calif c/o C.R. Taeusch 2415 Warring t. Berkeley 4，Cal.TOPP, Mr Anthony Lee c/o Elmhust College, Elmhurst, Ill.TUCKER, Mrs RobertTURNER, Miss Evelyn 41 Nichols St. Norwood. Mass.TURNER, Miss Patricia Ann Foreign Office London S.W. 1, EnglandUNDERWOOD, Prof & Mrs H.G. Kennedy Apt West 116th St. N.Y. 27, N.Y.UNIVERSITY of Illinois, Serials Department Urbana, Ill.VANDERVELD, Mr Leonard, Jr. 230 Mabel Ann Ave. FrankYin Lakes, N.J.VORAN, Mr Dallas USOM Thailand c/o American Embassy, BangkokVOS, Dr Frits Hazenboslaan 5, Oegstgeest Netherlands

WHEATON, Dr Philip D. University of Md., Hq Area Comd. APO 403, New York, N.Y. Putnam, Conn.WALSH, Dr John E. Jr 8215 Balson Ave. St. Louis 32, Mo.WESTRING, Gen Gustav Adolf Djuesholm, SwedenWHANG, Mr Harry 17083 Magnolia Parkway, Southfield,Mich.WILEY, Mrs Lucille S. c/o 1604 West Braddock Rd.

[page 82]Alexandria, Va.

WILSON, Mr Stanley F. 3434 E. Clarendon Ave., Phoenix, Ariz.WILLISTON, Mr. Frank G. 415 Thomson Hall, Univ of Wash, Seattle 5, Wash. 4047 19 th N.E., Seattle 5, WashingtonWEAVER, Mr Dale Rocky Mountain Mennonite Camp Divide, ColoradoWOMBLE, Capt Grace Rt 2 Box 18 Warthen, Ga.

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