zeri i camerise 2 - february 2015

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  • 8/9/2019 Zeri i Camerise 2 - February 2015

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    Nr. 2- New York - Shkurt 2015 - $2.00

    The Cham Issue - The Next Stage

    Shqiptart

    n themelimine shtetit grek

    faqe 8 - 10 faqe 12 - 13

    faqe 2 - 4faqe 5 - 7

    MIRANDA VICKERS AND JAMES PETTIFER:

    I. IRMSCHER:

    Problemi am n kontekstinBallkanik (1945-1946)

    HAMIT KABA:

    Kng arbroreANASTAS KULLURIOTI:

    Vshtrim mbi

    shqiptart amt Greqis

    ROBERT ELSIE:

    faqe 14 - 18

    The word Chameria is synonymous with tragedy. It means burnings, slayings at ones doorstep, tears,misery, terror and torture, young men tied up with barbed wire and thrown into prison, bloodied old men,women and children; families driven out of their homes into exile PETER PRIFTI: Chameria, a Land of Tears

    faqe 11

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    Shkurt 2015, Nr. 22

    Kryeredaktor:Kristo Sotiri

    Zvends-kryeredaktor: Ilir Ademaj

    Redaktor: Endri Merxhushi

    Art Design: Thoma Nasi

    [email protected]

    Adress:PO BOX 452 Addison, IL 60101

    amt, t njohur greqisht si Tsamides,

    jan shqiptar, t cil t banojn

    n pjesn m jugore t trevaveshqipfolse. Krahina e tyre, amria,sht nj zon malore n kurin

    greko-shqiptar. Pjesa m e madhe e amrisndodhet n rajonin e Epirit grek, i cili prfshinpak a shum prefekturat e Thesprotis dhe tPrevezs, por amria prfshin edhe pjesn mugore t Shqipris , d.m.th. zonn e Konispolit.

    Kur forcat greke morn amrin dhe Epirin gjatLufts Ballkanike t vitit 1912, amt prfunduanpapritmas n Greqi, t shkputur nga pjesa tjetre Shqipris. Kuri i ri midis Greqis n zgjerimdhe Shqipris s sapolindur mbeti i pacaktuarpr nj koh dhe kjo shkaktoi pa qndrueshmripolitike afatgjat n rajon. Ngacmime t vogla

    radicionale mes t krishterve dhe myslimanve,mes grekve dhe shqiptarve, u shndrruan n njkrdi t llahtarshme. Kaosi mbretroi n jug tShqipris dhe n Epir, dhe u derdh shum gjak.N memorandumin e tij shtja e Epiri t ijimi

    nj populli Midhat bej Frashri (1880-1949)denoncoi karakterin njerzor t sulmeve greke mbiugun e Shqipris, por sigurisht q u kryen krime tnda nga t gjitha palt. Mijra refugjat shqiptar

    u dyndn pr n Vlor ku mbetn t pastrehn kushte t mjerueshme. Shum njerz vdiqnnga tifoja apo thjesht nga mungesa e ushqimit.Gjat Konferencs s Ambasadorve n Londrn pranver t vitit 1913, prfaqsuesit e Fuqive Mdha (Britania e Madhe, Franca, Gjermania,

    talia, Austro-Hungaria dhe Rusia) nuk arritn tmerreshin vesh pr shtjen nse Epiri ti jepejShqipris apo Greqis dhe, nse t ndahej, se kudo t caktohej kuri. Pr kt arsye, n gusht 1913,Konferenca ngriti nj Komision NdrkombtarKuri (International Border Commission) i cili udrgua n rajon n vjesht t atij viti pr t ndar tPandashmen. Roli vendimtar n caktimin e kuritduhej t ishte identiteti etnik i popullsis, por umorn parasysh edhe faktor t tjer. Rezultatet e

    Robert Elsie

    Vshtrim mbi shqiptart

    Me vendosjen e diktaturs

    s Ionnis Metakss (1871-

    1941) kur u morn masa t

    hapta shtypse. U ndalua

    prdorimi i gjuhs shqipe

    publikisht dhe privatisht, dhe

    nuk u lejuan m libra dhe

    gazeta n gjuhn shqipe.

    Arsimi shqip kishte qenrreptsisht i ndaluar n

    amri q prej vitit 1913.

    Me pretekstin e krkimit t

    armve, polict rregullisht

    bastisn shtpi shqiptare dhe

    rrahn banort, shpesh duke

    i arrestuar pa shkak.

    puns s Komisionit u shpalln n Protokollin e

    Firences, t nnshkruar n dhjetor 1913, i cili e laamrin, me popullatn e saj shumice shqiptare,n ann greke t kurit. Protokolli i Firences lagjithashtu nj pakic t dukshme greke n annshqiptare. Qeveria e re shqiptare nuk ishte n gjendje

    pr t ushtruar ndikimin e saj n jug t vendi t dhe,me gjith Protokollin e Korfuzit t majit 1914, i cilikonrmoi statuskuon, kontrollin n pjesn m tmadhe t jugut t Shqipris e kishin de facto forcatgreke, n rajonin q tanim quhej Vorioepiri.

    Pas sulmit t vitit 1913, amria n ann jugoret kurit u prfshi drejtprsdrejti n shtetin grek.

    N ver t viti t 1914, gjat llimit t Lufts s ParBotrore, shteti i ri shqiptar pushoi s ekzistuari

    kshtu q askush nuk mendonte m pr kthimin eamris Shqipris. U vendos nj administrat ere greke, pr t ciln popullata ortodokse greke ugzua shum. Por q prej llimit, veprimet e sajarmiqsuan banort shqiptar mysliman, mbaseqllimisht. Gradualisht u b e qart se synimi ishteasimilimi i shqiptarve ortodoks dhe dbimi ishqiptarve mysliman. Gjat viteve n vijim,

    prfshir periudhn e Lufts s Par Botrore dhemenjher pas asaj, u ushtrua presion n mnyrat ndryshme, si i padukshm, po ashtu edhe idhunshm, pr t inkurajuar, edhe madje pr tdetyruar shqiptart mysliman t largoheshin ngaamria. eta paramilitare, si ajo e Deli Janakis,sulmuan fshatra shqiptare, friksuan banort dhe

    qindra t rinj u dbuan pr n kampet n ishujte Detit Egje. Treva t mdha u konskuan mepretekst t nj reforme agrare dhe ishpronarve,kryesisht familjeve t pasura shqiptare myslimane

    iu pagua shum pak ose aspak kompensim, t cilatnuk shihnin mundsi tjetr prve emigrimit. N

    janar 1917, trupa italiane pushtuan pr nj kohKonicn, Delvinakin dhe Sajadn dhe zvendsuanadministratn greke me nj administrat vendoreshqiptare. Pas viteve t shtypjes, situata u prmbys,dhe shqiptart morn hak mbi fshatra greke, tcilat u plakitn dhe u drrmuan. Pas Lufts sPar Botrore erdhi lufta greko-turke e viteve

    1919-1922, po aq e prgjakshme, rezultati i tcils ishte nj shkmbin i madh popullate. SipasKonvents pr shkmbimin e popullsive greke dheturke, nnshkruar n Lozan m 30 janar 1923,t krishtert ortodoks n Turqi, m shum se njmilion sish, duhej t rivendoseshin/dboheshin prn Greqi, kursi myslimant me banim n Greqiduhej t rivendoseshin/dboheshin n mas pr nTurqi. Prjashtime u lejuan vetm pr banort grekt Stambollit dhe pr turqit e Trakis perndimore.Popullata myslimane shqiptare e amris dhe tEpirit nuk u prmend fare n Konvent. N amriu prhapn shum shpejt thashetheme dhe frikderisa m 19 janar 1923 qeveria greke deklaroise myslimant shqiptar do t prjashtoheshin

    nga shkmbimi i parashikuar. N rajon u drguanj komision i przier i Lidhjes s Kombeve, aprfaqsim shqiptar, pr t prcaktuar prejardhjene popullats myslimane. Detyra e komisionit ishte

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    Shkurt 2015, Nr. 24

    Sali Bollati, i mbijetuar nga masakra e Paramithis:

    i kan vrar gjyshin, gjyshen, babain, nnn, dy

    vllezrit (13 dhe 5 vjear) dhe nj motr (2 vjeare)

    M 27 qershor 1944, forcat

    e Zervasit hyn n qytetin

    e Paramithis dhe vranrreth 600 am mysliman

    burra, gra, dhe fmij n

    nj krdi t papar. Shum

    viktima u prdhunuan dhe u

    torturuan para se t thereshin.

    Nj batalion tjetr i EDES-it

    pushtoi Pargn t nesrmen

    ku u vran 52 shqiptar.

    Me 23 shtator 1944, fshati i

    Spatarit t Filatit u plakit dhe

    157 persona u vran. Shum

    gra dhe vajza u prdhunuan,dhe u kryen shum krime t

    tjera t llahtarshme.

    italiane n amri, dhe gjermant q pasuan nshtator 1943, bn mos pr t theksuar dhe prt prforcuar armiqsit tradicionale etnike midisshqiptarve, grekve dhe vllehve. Shqiptartdhe vlleht, m par t nnshtruar dhe kokulur,u ngritn, dhe u krijuan njsi policore ame prt sunduar mbi popullatn greke. Gjat pushtimitgjerman, erdhi fshehurazi nj mision ushtarakbritanik pr t bindur udhheqsit am tluftonin kundr Gjermanis, por amt refuzuan,jo pse donin Gjermanin nazis te, por thjesht,sepse e vetmja gj q u ofronin britanikt ishtekthimi i sundimit grek. Me trheqjen e forcavegjermane n ver dhe n llim t vjeshts t vitit1944, Greqia ndodhej n fazn e par t nj luftet prgjakshme civile. Pr t siguruar bregdetinjonian pr furnizimet e tyre ushtarake, forcatbritanike lejuan q njsi t e nj komandantivendas grek, gjenerali Napoleon Zervas (1891-1957), t pushtonin rajonin. Zervasi, themeluesidhe udhheqsi i Lidhjes Kombtare RepublikaneGreke (Ethniks Demokratiks ElleniksSndesmos EDES) u b i njohur pr spastriminbrutal etnik t shqiptarve t amris ngaqershori 1944 deri n mars 1945.

    Njerzit e tij i shikonin amt si bashkpuntort italianve dhe t gjermanve, dhe krkonint merrnin hak. Gjat sulmeve t tyre, gjetnvdekjen disa mijra burra, gra dhe fmij namri. M 27 qershor 1944, forcat e Zervasithyn n qytetin e Paramithis dhe vran rreth 600am mysliman burra, gra, dhe fmij nnj krdi t papar. Shum viktima u prdhunuandhe u torturuan para se t thereshin. Nj bataliontjetr i EDES-it pushtoi Pargn t nesrmen kuu vran 52 shqiptar. Me 23 shtator 1944, fshatii Spatarit t Filatit u plakit dhe 157 persona uvran. Shum gra dhe vajza u prdhunuan, dhe ukryen shum krime t tjera t llahtarshme. Sipasprllogaritjes s shoqats ame t Tirans gjatsulmeve t viteve 1944-1945, u vran gjithsej2771 civil shqiptar. Menjher pas ktyrengjarjeve, tr popullata ame, e pambrojtur dhee tmerruar, mori arratin dhe iku pr n Shqipripr t shptuar. Ktu dshiroj t prmend faktinse n vitin 1947, pas Lufts s Dyt Botrore, megjith prgjegjsin pr krime lufte dhe me gjithfaktin se ishte vet i dyshuar pr bashkpunimme nazistt, Napoleon Zervas u emrua ministri Rendit Publik n qeverin greke! Spastrimi iamve mysliman t Greqis n fund t Lufts sDyt Botrore shnoi prfundimin e nj kapitullit dhimbshm t historis ame dhe llimin e njtjetri. Vendi ku arritn amt e rraskapitur dhet uritur, pra Shqipria, ishte pushtuar pak kohpara ardhjes s tyre, nga Enver Hoxha (1908-1985) dhe forcat e tij komuniste. Udhheqsite rinj marksist nuk u treguan shum mikpritsapo trsisht t predispozuar pr t ndihmuarbashkatdhetart e tyre am sepse, edhe ata ikonsideronin si bashkpuntor me fashistt.Megjithat, amve u dhan status si refugjatdhe u lejuan t qndronin n Shqipri. amtmorn ndihm jo nga regjimi i Enver Hoxhs,por nga administrata e Kombeve t Bashkuarapr Ndihm dhe Rehabilit im (United NationsRelief and Rehabilitation Administration,UNRRA), e cila shprndau adra, ushqime dheilae n kampet e mjeruara ame n Vlor, Fier,

    Durrs, Kavaj, Delvin dhe Tiran. Refugjattam u inkuadruan llimisht n t ashtuquajturinKomiteti Antifashist i Emigrantve am, krijuarn vitin 1944 si pjes e Frontit Antifashist

    Nacionall irimtar, udhhequr nga komunistt.Gjat viteve pas Lufts s Dyt Botrore, Komiteti

    Antifashist i Emigrantve am bri fushat prkthimin e amve n vendlindjen e tyre.

    Duhet theksuar se shumica e tyre nuk donin trrinin n Shqipri, veanrisht duke marr parasyshspastrimet e tipit stalinist q po zhvilloheshin aty.Komiteti mbajti dy kongrese n vitin 1945, njn Konispol dhe tjetri n Vlor. Komiteti hartoimemorandume dhe drgoi telegrame n mbshtetjene qllimeve t tij. N vitin 1946, prfaqsuesi iShqipris ngriti shtjen ame n Konferencn ePaqes t Parisit, por t gjitha veprimet rezultuant pafrytshme. Prpjekjet pr t ndrkombtarizuarshtjen ame ran kryesisht n vesh t shurdhr.Pr vite m radh, amt vazhduan t shpresonin

    se situata politike do t qetsohej dhe se ata do tmund t ktheheshin n Greqi. Por kjo nuk u b.Edhe sot, n shekullin e 21-t, amt e moshuar qkrkojn t hyjn n Greqi pr nj vizit kthehenn ku nga zyrtart kutar grek. Pasaportat e tyrestampohen me persona non grata ose madje grisen

    para syve t tyre. N llim t viteve 50, shtjaame u konsiderua e mbyllur. Qeveria shqiptare udha amve nnshtetsin e detyruar shqiptare dhee shprndau komitetin. N vitet 1953 dhe 1954,qeveria greke miratoi ligje sipas t cilve, pronaame konsiderohej e braktisur dhe kshtu ligjrishte konskuar. Nuk kishte pr t pasur kthim. Q

    prej ngjarjeve tragjike t Lufts s Dyt Botrorekan kaluar shum dhjetvjear. Megjithat,

    ndr amt mbetet nj ndjenj padrejtsie dheviktimizimi. Me gjith marrdhniet shum tmira midis Greqis dhe Shqipris dhe me tgjitha marrdhniet prgjithsisht miqsore midis

    popullit grek dhe popullit shqiptar, sht pikrishtkjo, arsyeja pse shtja ame nuk zhduket. Sotnuk ka pretendime serioze pr ndryshimin e kuritapo pr kthimin e rajonit am Shqipris. Pas njshekulli, kuri i sotm sht botrisht i pranuarsi realitet. Ather, far duan amt? Pas Luftss Dyt Botrore, amve iu mohua kolektivishtnnshtetsia greke. Humbn pronn dhe u dbuannga vendlindja e tyre. At q krkojn sht njohja e

    padrejtsis s kryer. Ata duan gjithashtu kthimin eprons apo t paktn nj kompensim pr humbjet,

    dhe shum prej tyre duan t kthehen n atdheune tyre am, pra kthimin e nnshtetsis greke.Pengesa kryesore n arritjen e ktyre qllimevemodeste mbetet ligji grek i lufts i vit it 1940, i cilifaktikisht sht ende n fuqi. Pr dhjetvjearme radh, autoritetet greke kan futur kokn sistruci n rr dhe kan refuzuar t diskutonin

    problemet. Ata thjesht mohojn ekzis tencn eshtjes ame, madje edhe ekzistencn e nj

    pakice shqiptare n Greqi.

    N nj perspektiv afatgjat, Europa duhet tkontribuoj n gjetjen e nj zgjidhjeje t shtjesame. Shpresoj se n t ardhmen, sipas shembullitt Europs Perndimore, kuri midis Greqis dhe

    Shqipris do t fshihet dhe bhet i padukshmdhe se popujt e t dyja vendeve do t mund tvijn dhe t shkojn si duan, duke ln pas hijete s shkuars.

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    5Shkurt 2015, Nr. 2

    Dihet botrisht se gjer nshekullin ton, jo vetmn krahinat kutaret Epirit, por edhe nkrahinat qendrore si

    Atika, Beotia dhe Peleponezi, n Greqinmoderne, ka ekzistuar nj minoritet jo ivogl shqiptar dhe dihet gjithashtu senjerz t ktij minoriteti kan marrpjes n luftn lirimtare greke n vitet1821 deri m 1830. sht e rastit tbhet pyetja se far qndrimi mori kyshtet i formuar rishtas i popullit grekt liruar nga zgjedha turke, kundrejtshqiptarve q banonin n territorin e

    tij, ose n far forme e ngritn kta tfundit zrin pr t krkuar t drejtat etyre politike nga bashkshtetasit e tyre.Pr t br t qart kt problem, shte nevojshme t kthehemi tek rrnjt e tijhistorike.

    N lidhje me kolonizmin shqiptar nterritorin grek duhen dalluar disa faza.Hapat e para pak a shum t rndsishm prkasin fazs s fundit bizantine, kur

    despoti i talentuar i Mores ManuelKantakuzeni (vdiq m 1380) i drejtoipr n Poleponez turmat e shqiptarveq dyndenin drejt jugut dhe i vendosi nkt trev t shpopulluar nga grindjet e

    brendshme. Po me kt qllim, pr tforcuar fuqin demograke t shtetit ttij, nj pasardhs i Manuelit, Teodori I-r Paleologu (1384-1407), thirri

    dhjet mij familje shqiptare n vendine tij. Dobsia e sundimit bizantin dheo m pak edhe fama e Sknderbeut shtyri kolonistt t ngrenin krye m

    1453 nn udhheqjen e Pjetr Buas; dheme t vrtet despoti vetm me ndihmnturke qe n gjendje t mposhtte ktkryengritje, fakt ky q u dha mundsinshqiptarve, t cilt kishin psuar njdisfat m 1454, t prtonin disa kushtet favorshme kapitullimi. Sidoqoft,

    kolonistt e ndjenin veten tashm aq tidhur me elementin grek, sa q mbajtnn prgjithsi besimin e tyre ortodoksedhe pas rnjes s sundimit bizantindhe me kt i hapn domosdo rrugnedhe ndikimit t gjuhs greke dhedeologjis politike t Patrikans. Vetm

    Vardhunohoria, tek kmbt e masivitmalor t Taigetit dhe n disa pak vendet tjera, shqiptart prqafuan islamin, ubn Turkallvani, dhe armiq t betuart grekve n luftn e mvonshme prlirimin kombtar, gj q shkaktoi edhezhdukjen e tyre.

    Nj val t dyt kolonizimi shqiptar

    solli viti 1770. Lufta ruso-turke e vitit1768-74, n t ciln prkrah carinsKaterina e II-t mori pjes edhe njkompani emigrantsh shqiptar nga

    principatat danubiane i nxiti grekt qshihnin prej kohe n Rusin lirimtarendhe mesian e tyre, t bnin njkryengritje, e cila u shtyp prej osmanven mnyr mizore. Kjo kryengritjeu shtyp kryesisht me ndihmn e

    mercenarve shqiptar, numri i t cilvellogaritet afrsisht me 60.000. shte vrtet se kryengritja greke dshtoi,

    por vazhdimi i mtejshm i lufts si

    .Irmscher

    Kio Xhavella

    Shqiptart n themelimin e shtetit grek

    dhe paqja e arritur n Kycyk Kainarxhie dobsuan n mnyr t ndjeshmefuqin e Turqis, dhe kt dobsim eshfrytzuan shqiptart e zbritur n More.Ata vendosn banesat e tyre n ktvend t pushtuar dhe u bn t pavaruarkundrejt zotrive t tyre turq. Sundimii tyre ishte aq i egr sa q dhe armiqt

    pr vdekje t turqve, mainott, m 1776vendosn nj marrveshje me Portne Lart pr veprime t prbashkta

    kundr shqiptarve, prej t cilvekishin m tepr frik se sa nga turqit.Porta e Lart ngarkoi komandantin etalentuar Hasan Gazi (vdiq m 1790)

    pr t dnuar rebelt, t cilt ai i drmoikrejtsisht m 1779 afr Tripolics dhe,si kapudan pasha, pr t riorganizuarotn turke. Kjo ot prbhej n

    pjesn m t madhe nga shqiptar tgreqizuar prej ishujve Hidra, Spece dhePsara, gj q prforconte n mnyrt ndjeshme krenarin e tyre. Dhe mn fund ekzistonin lidhje her m tngushta dhe her m t largta midisgrekve dhe popullsis s Shqipris s

    mirllt, popullsi e cila n shumicne saj n shek. e XVII kishte prqafuarislamin, me disa prjashtime, si prshembull suljott e famshm t cilt po

    n kt shekull kishin themeluar nj far

    republike qytetare, e cila u sigurontekundrejt turqve nj pavarsi mjaft tmadhe q ata dijtn ta mbronin me luftt vazhdueshme.

    Kshtu n llim t shekullit XIX-t, n periudhn e prgatitjes s luftslirimtare greke, kemi nj simbiozgreksh dhe shqiptarsh n territorin eGreqis, por jo nj simbioz q kishteforma t ndryshme, sociale-ekonomike(pr shembull formimi i iigjeve)n territorin grek dhe shqiptar nkushte t barabarta t sundimit t huajosman, s dyti nga besimi i prbashkt,feja ortodokse ose prkatsisht, nn

    aspektin turk, nga fakti se t dy popujtishin raja; shqiptart muhemedankonsideroheshin pothuajse gjithmonsi t huaj, madje si armiq. Procesi igreqizimit si duket kishte prparuarm shum n ishujt e siprprmendur,t ashtuquajturit ishuj lundrtarHydra, Spece dhe Psara. Sipas disa

    prshkrimeve udhtimi, burrat kuptonint gjith greqisht, ndonse shqipjakishte mbetur si gjuh e prdorimit t

    prditshm, kurse pr shembull grathidriote vetm pas vitit 1821 lluan tmsonin greqishten, n qoft se shtme vend dshmia e helenofagut

    Fallmerajer. Shqiptart ishin dalluarjo vetm si lundrtar t guximshmdhe tregtar t sukseshm, por edhesi bujqr t zot, si n Poleponez, nkrahinn e Argolit, n disa krahinat Lakonis, Elidhs dhe Ahais osen Rumeli n krahinat Beoti, Atikdhe Megar n mjaft raste shqiptart,arumunt dhe sllavt prfshihen meemrin e prgjithshm Vlleh. Ktushqiptart formonin masa kompaktemidis popullsis s vendit dhe mbetnn prgjithsi t patrazuar prangrekve, ndonse burrat n marrdhnie

    publike prdorinin gjersisht gjuhn

    greke. Udhtart bashkkohs theksojnvazhdimisht se pikrisht qendra klasikesi Athina, Del, Olimpia, Nemea ishin

    br tani vendbanime shqiptare, gj

    Udhtart bashkkohstheksojn vazhdimisht se

    pikrisht qendra klasikesi Athina, Delfi, Olimpia,Nemea ishin br tanivendbanime shqiptare,

    gj q nga nj her uaprishte edhe qejfin

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    Shkurt 2015, Nr. 26

    q nga nj her ua prishte edhe qejn. Turqit n ktokrahina formonin aristokracin rurale, ndrsa grektpjesrisht ishin trhequr n viset malore, dhe pjesrishtmbaheshin n qytete si zejtar dhe tregtar t vegjl(gjuha e tyre e prditshme ishte ndikuar m mnyrt shumanshme nga t folurat e huaja, duke prfshirktu edhe shqipen). N krahinat fqinje me Shqiprin,si p. sh. n Epir, gjendja qe ndryshe. Ktu mbizotroninshqiptart, t cilt ishin lidhur me grekt me an tbesimit t prbashkt ortodoks dhe prandaj psonin t

    njjtat ndjekje si grekt, gj q i bri t kalonin n plant dyt ndryshimet etnike.

    Duke prmbledhur, mund t konstatojm seemigracioni shqiptar n territoret greke q u zhvilluan disa val, duke lluar nga fundi i mesjets gjer nllim t kohs s re, mund t krahasohet fare mirme kolonizmin sllav n territorin shtetror bizantin,q u zhvillua n shekullin e VI-t dhe n shekujt emtejshm. Ndryshimi themelor qndron vetm nrezultatet e ktyre dyndjeve. Ndrsa sllavt u shkrinplotsisht n elemntin grek, dhe me kt rast atakontribuan n mnyr vendimtare pr formimin eshtetit bizantin, shqiptart edhe ata ndihmuan pr tprtrir gjakun grek, veanrisht me cilsit e tyreushtarake, por elementi grek prpara lufts s lirimit

    dhe para themelimit t shtetit t tij nuk qe ende aq ifuqishm sa ta asimilonte kt minoritet t fort.Kshtu procesi i greqizimit arriti shkall t ndryshme,q nga bashkjetesa e veuar gjer n shkrirje pothuajset plot, q mund t konstatohet pikrisht atje kuzhvillimi ekonomik kishte prparuar m tepr: n tashtuquajturit ishuj lundrtar.

    Kryengritja greke nuk lindi spontanisht, por qerezultati i proceseve t gjata historike. N ngapremisat e saja ishin kleftt, t cilt nga ana e tyrekrijuan si nj shkall paraprake t heterive m tmdha, vllamrit. N kto vllamri manifestohejshpesh her komuniteti shqiptaro-grek i bazuar mbifen ortodokse. N rast largimi, klefti grek i besontevllamit shqiptar mbrojtjen e familjes dhe t pasuris

    s tij dhe anasjelltas. Gjat kohs n kto vllamrilloi t toj rndsi krahas mbrojtjes s interesavepersonale, mbrojtja e shtjeve t prbashkta politikedhe njkohsisht po braktisej nga ana tjetr kuzimi

    i antarve t ktyre vllamrive n dy vet. Dihet sekryengritja, si e prgatiste i formuar nga i zjarrti RigaVeleshtinliu, nuk do t kuzohej vetm n grekt, pordo t prmblidhte gjith popujt e krishter q vuaninnn zgjedhn otomane, madje edhe klasat e shtypurat popullit turk. Si dshmi un po citoj hymnin e tijluftarak, jehona e gjer e t cilit njihet:

    Bullgar dhe shqiptar

    Serb dhe romej,Banor t ishujve dhe t steres,

    Me nj vrull t prbashkt,

    Pr lirinT zhveshim shpatat.

    Edhe shoqria e miqeve, e cila vazhdoi veprne Rigs dshmor, ndoqi, ndonse me nj qartsi mt pakt se Riga vet, qllimin politik t lirimit

    t prgjithshm ballkanik q do t shpinte n njfederat t shteteve t popujve t liruar. Kisha, por

    jo kombsia, do t formonte bazn e saj dhe heteristt zellshm ishin gati ti propozonin shqiptarit AliPasha fronin e Konstandinit mjaft q ai t pagzohej.Pikpamje t tilla, q ahere ishin prparimtare dheq rimorn, si dihet, disa dhjetra vjet m von nga

    prfaqsuesit e Ides s Madhe greke dhe u kthye tkundrten e tyre, kaluan n plan t dyt, po ashtu si e

    humbn hegjemonin antart e heteris, e cila kaloi nduart e fanariotve dhe t fuqive t tjera reaksionare.Kta n llim kishin mbajtur nj qndrim shum trezervuar ndaj kryengritjes, por tani shpallnin me z sam t lart dogmn e huajtur nga lohelent e huaj tvazhdimsis direkte t helenizmit antik; natyrisht nkt dogm nuk kishte vend, pr iden e t drejtave t

    barabarta t popujve t tjer ballkanas, krahas popullitgrek.

    Ngjarjet e vitit 1821 nuk mund t ndahen ngakryengritja e feudalit t madh shqiptar Ali Pasha q u

    prmend m sipr, sundimi i t cilit n kulmin e fuqisprfshinte krahas Shqipris pothuajse gjith Greqinkontinentale dhe kishte m 1812 1,5 milion banor.

    Vzhgueseve t huaj n ato vite mund tu dukej

    sikur rilindja e Shqipris do t pengonte prtritjene Greqis, sepse pashai i Janins kishte arritur timposhte madje edhe suljott, t cilt me qndresn

    plot sukses kundr turqve kishin lluar nj famlegjendare; por nn sundimin e tij mund t lulzoninshkollat greke dhe t rinjt grek mund t merrnin

    prgatitje t rregullt ushtarake. Dhe kur Ali Pasha,pothuajse 80 vjear, u rrethua m 1820 nga forcat esulltanit n Janin, u ngritn s bashku kundr turqvemadje edhe shqiptart muhamedan, edhe suljottq ishin thirruar nga ishujt jonian ku kishin gjeturstrehim, edhe grekt. Vetm kjo rrethan e bri tmundur fushatn e Ipsilantit m 1821; Porta e Lartnga ana tjetr, ndonse e paralajmruar nga vet AliPasha, n kryengritjen greke nuk shihte vese dorn

    e Aliut, t cilin mendonte ta asgjsonte bashk mekryengritjen. Mbi grmadhat e tiranis shqiptaretriumfoi liria greke: me kt formul t mpreht

    prmblodhi Karl Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, nj historiani kohs, rezultatin e ngjarjeve t prmendura. Q ky akti par i lufts lirimtare qndronte gjithmon akomann ndikimin e ideve t Rigs, kt e tregon thirrjaq i drejtoi m 24 shkurt 1821 Aleksandr Ypsilantinga Jashi popullit grek. Heteristi Ypsilanti, q kishteqen m par ocer n shrbim t carit AleksandrI, e ftonte popullin n luft pr fen dhe atdheun mekt radhitje - dhe vinte n dukje se vllezr dhe miqishin gati t bashkpunonin kudo, serb dhe suliot, igjith Epiri.

    Ndonse kryengritja e prgjithshme ballkanike,

    si e ndrronin Riga dhe shokt e tij, nuk u relizua,megjithat vllezrit dhe miqt shqiptar kontribuann mnyr vendimtare pr toren e lufts lirimtaregreke. Shqiptari Marko Boari, nga nj familje suljote,antart e s cils jan shquar deri n shekullin tonsi ushtarak, u b nj hero i vrtet popullor q ekndojn kngt popullore, veprat e t cilit kanfrymzuar poet dhe shkrimtar. Ai ra m 9 gusht 1823si dshmor pr shtjen e liris. Luftn e tij e vazhdoi iungji Noti Boari, q emrua m von nga mbreti Ottosi gjeneralmajor, ndrsa e bija e Markos, Katerina, rarobnesh n duart turke dhe u tregua e denj pr t atine saj heroik. Udhheqs t tjer epiriot qen shqiptarii fuqishm Odise Andruci si edhe shoku i armve iBoarit Kio Xhavella, i cili, ndonse analfabet, m

    von ushtroi funksionet e ministrit t lufts dhe m1847-48 madje dhe ato t kryeministrit. N mnyrt veant duhen prmendur ktu banort e ishujve tzn n goj disa her m lart, Hidra, Spece dhe Psara,

    Bajroni dhe Ali Pasha. Akuarel nga K. Kodneli, 1900.

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    kta tregtar aktiv, lundrtar krenar dhe kapedant guximshm prej origjine shqiptare, q u shquan siufttar entuziast pr fen e krishter dhe shtjen

    e liris dhe q mbajtn ekonomikisht dhe ushtarakishtbarrn kryesore t lufts n det. Admirali hydriotAndrea Miauli u b hero kombtar. Por edhe atherkur situata e grekve nuk qe shum e mir, shqiptartortodoks u mbetn besnik vllezrve t tyre t njfeje. Kshtu oceri austriak Anton Prokesh fon Osten

    konstaton m 1825 me nj far cinizmi: Qeveria luftonme an mercenarsh: arnautt dhe suljott duhet tiatojn Greqis lirin. sht e vrtet se till shembujka plot, si i ka vn n dukje Jakop Ph. Fallmerayerpr t mbshtetur tezn e tij t njohur se elementi greksht zhdukur; por krahas nj indiference t till ngaana shqiptare kemi fenomene analoge n ann greke -lohelen t desiluzionuar i kan shprehur ankesat etyre mbi kt shtje gjersisht.

    Por nuk duhet harruar se fronti i lufts kalonte mespr mes popullit shqiptar, se shprthimi i ndjenjskombtare greke, se lufta lirimtare greke ishte kthyernjkohsisht n nj nj luft vllavrasse shqiptare, ecila i hodhi shqiptart ortodoks, q e quanin vetenmadje helen dhe romej, n ann greke, ndrsa

    bashkatdhetart e tyre mysliman n an turke. Dhekjo nuk ishte pr tu uditur; shqiptart prej nj kohet gjat gzonin n Perandorin Osmane nj fam tmadhe ushtarake dhe prbnin m shum provinca,madje edhe n Egjipt dhe Siri, pothuajse rregullishtgardn e pashallarve dhe brthamn kryesore ttrupave t tyre. Jo vetm i shpeshprmenduri Ali Pasha Janins, por edhe mkmbsi i Egjiptit Mehemet

    Aliu, i cili me ndrhyrjen e tij n Poleponez i vurigrekt m 1824 n nj gjendje shum t vshtir,shte (nga ana e t atit) prej origjine shqiptare dhe

    ushtria q zbarkoi qysh n vern e vitit 1822 n Kretnnkomandn e t dhndrit Hasan Pasha, prbhejgjithashtu nga 5.000 lufttar. Po ashtu edhe HasanPasha, kur u vrsul nga mezi i vitit 1826 n Atik,

    mbshtetej kryesisht n ushtar shqiptar. Por sa mtepr ylli turk kishte marr tatpjetn, aq m pak mundtu besonte Porta edhe shqiptarve mysliman. Qyshn vjesht t vitit 1821 ushtart shqiptar, t rrethuarn Tripolic, kishin br nj marrveshje t veantme Teodor Kolokotronin, marrveshje q u siguroishqiptarve shptimin, kurse udhheqsit t kleftve solli qortime t shumta. Pak koh m von - nanar 1822 - dezertimi i lufttarve shqiptar e detyroi

    garnizonin turk t Akrokorintit t dorzonte armt. Nmnyr t veant u lkund besnikria e shqiptarveq qndronin n shrbim t turqve pas betejs sNavarinos (1827). Pak koh pas disfats s otsturko-egjiptiane garnizoni shqiptar i kalas Korone nMesseni hyr n traktativa me armikun. Nj pjes e

    reparteve shqiptare t Ibrahim Pashs birit t MehemetAliut, q mbante komandn mbi trupat e ndrhyrjesn Peloponez, dezertuan. Edhe Reshit Pasha duhej tuftonte n Rumeli, dhe veanrisht n Shqiprin e

    Jugut, me t tilla vshtirsi, ndonse kto veprime tveanta spontane nuk ndikuan n mnyr vendimtarembi zhvillimin e lufts.

    Por ndonse shqiptart muarn pjes t rndsishmen ngjarjet e 21-it, duhet konstatuar se prgjithsishtn literatur - dhe jo vetm n literaturn greke - bhetfjal vetm pr luftn lirimtare greke, ndrsa pjesashqiptare n kt luft nuk prmendet. Shkaqet prkt, sipas mendimit tim, duhet krkuar n dy drejtime:S pari duhet vn n dukje se inuenca gjithmon me madhe e lohelenizmit perndimor, s bashku me

    at t fanariotve t Konstantinopojs, e mnjanuanndikimin e ideve t Rigs ose edhe t heteris. Tanimnuk ishte fjala pr lirimin e popujve t krishter tBallkanit, por vetm pr lirimin e popullit helenik.

    Nn kontin Joan Kapodistria, i cili qe kryetar i qeverisprej 1827-1831, baz e politiks shtetrore u b vija earrogancs kombtare dhe e shtypjes s minoriteteve;dhe me t drejt Kapodistrian, i cili kishte dshtuar sakoh q qe gjall, e mburrnin m von si martir t

    Ides s Madhe. Ideja e Madhe thoshte se Greqia e re na qenka

    n do pikpame edhe n pikpamje politike,trashgimtare e natyrshme dhe vazhduese legjitimee Helads klasike, e perandoris s Aleksandrit dhe

    para s gjithash e perandoris romako-bizantine, sena qenka amurtarja e ortodoksis dhe e destinuar t

    bashkonte t gjitha elementet e ksaj tradite n njshtet m t madh. Ideja e madhe e zhvesh popullingrek nga e folura e tij e rritur organikisht, dhe iimponoi t ushtuquajturn gjuh t pastr, q msohejnn ndikimin e ksaj ideologjie si gjuh vetme nprshkolla. Kuptohet vetvetiu se n kto kushte nuk kishtevend pr lvrimin e kulturs popullore shqiptare e aqm pak t gjuhs shqipe. Si nj fenomen pr t vn

    n dukje duhet shnuar se prfaqsuesi politik maktiv i ides s madhe, Jani Koleti (1774-1844), icili qe pr shum vjet ministr, nuk ishte prej origjinefanarjote ose n prgjithsi greke, po na ishte nj vllah

    prej Pindit t greqizuar.Me kt ne i afrohemi arsyes s dyt pr nnmimin

    e pjesmarrjes shqiptare n luftn lirimtare greke.Ndrsa ndrgjejgjia kombtare greke q ishte duke uformuar, ndizej duke u kapur pas tradits bizantine-antike dhe gjente tek kishat ortodokse si dhe nvazhdimsin e gjuhs dhe n msimin e gjuhs njmbshtetje t rndsishme, tek shqiptart mungoninkto kushte t favorshme, madje vendin e tyre e zinindisa momente penguese: n pikpamje fetare populliishte i prar, n fushn e kulturs mbi t rndonte

    ndikimi i trfuqishm grek, krijimtaria letrare ishte nllimet e saj dhe atje ku kishte lluar shkrimi i gjuhs

    popullore, kjo bhej me grma greke ose turke t cilatpr kt qllim ishin krejtsisht t paprshtatshme.

    Po t shtojm se lufta kundr pushtuesve turq pr njpjes t mir ishte zhvilluar nn shenjn e ortodoksiss krishter dhe se ky fakt q prej shekujsh dhe nshum vende kishte faviorizuar simbiozn e grekvedhe shqiptarve, ather do t bhet e kuptueshmese n shprpjestime ishte prgatitur terreni prgreqizimin, i cili aspirohej n nj shkall t gjer

    prej shum shqiptarve (si edhe prej pjestarve tminoriteteve t tjera).

    Ky zhvillim e bn t kuptushm pse nj vzhguesit huaj, si ishte lozo Kristian Aguat Brandi,mardhniet midis grekve dhe shqiptarve mund tidukeshin si marrdhnie midis dy seve vllezr tt njjtit atdhe, midis t cilve nuk ekzistonin marmiqsi, e bn t kuptueshm faktin q u formuanemrtime si shqiptart grek, grekt shqiptar,fshatar greko-shqiptar (me kt rast shqiptartortodoks pak a shum t greqizuar u kundrviheshin

    besimtarve t fes muhamedane si turqit shqiptar).Vetm kshtu mund t shpjegohet pse grekt q prejkohsh i konsideronin veprat e suljotve shqiptarsi pjes t historis s tyre dhe i krahasonin atame spartant dhe athinasit e kohs antike, bheti kuptushm edhe fakti, n llim i uditshm, q

    delegacioni i cili vajti m 1832 pr t marr nMynhen mbretin Otto, prbehej nga 3 grek, t ciltka shum t ngjar t ishin prej origjine shqiptare: prejhidriotit Miauli, prej suliotit Kosta Boari dhe prej

    poleponezasit Plaputas. Nj shembull tjetr se sa largkishte shkuar procesi i greqizimit t shqiptarve na

    jep shkputja e hidriotve nga qeveria e Kapodistriasn vitin 1831. Pr kt jan dhn arsye t ndryshme,

    por arsyeja shum afr mendjes se popullsia e ktijishulli ishte n pjesn m t madhe prej origjineshqiptare dhe prandaj i bnte qndres centralizmitgrek t diktuar nga ideja e madhe, kjo arsye nuk shtdhn. N nj memorandum t diplomatit austriak t

    prmendur m sipr, t kontit Prokesh Osten, paraqiturmbretit Ludvig t Baviers n vitin 1835, n t ciln

    rrjeshtohen problemet politike kryesore t qeveris smbretit Otto, gj q nuk u bn shum nder njohurive

    politike t autorit t saj.Nj gj sht e sigurt se shqiptart e shtetit grek

    mund t kishin prbr nj potenc politike trndsishme, po t kishin pasur ndrgjegjen e fuqiss tyre. Vet udhtart lohelen e llogarisnin ende

    pas lufts lirimtare raportin midis popullit grek dhektij minoriteti kombtar jo m mir se tre me nj,dhe regjistrimi i popullsis m 1861 jepte shifrn etrsis s popullsis me 1.096810 frym, ndrsasasin e shqiptarve me 200,000. Kjo do t thot seshqiptart n krahina t tra, t paktn n fshatra,

    prbnin shumicn e popullsis, si p.sh. n Atik, nMegara, n vise t gjra t Beotis dhe t Lokrit, n

    jug t Eubes, n ishujt e sipr prmendur lundrtarsi dhe n ishujt e tjer dhe m n fund n Korint dheSikoyni, n vise t rndsishme t Arkadis, Lakonis,Mesenis, t Elids. Rndsia e elementit shqiptarshprehej nga ana e jashtme n faktin se gjer prtejmezit t shekullit t kaluar edhe vet n kryeqytet,n Athin, mbizotronte kostumi shqiptar, madje

    pas ngjarjeve t 1843-s kto kostume i mbanin memburrje edhe m t madhe, sepse i konsideronin siveshje specike kombtare.

    Shqiptart n themelimin e shtetit grek shtbotuar pr her t par n Konferencn e par tStudimeve albanologjike, Tiran 1965, 506-516.

    Q t dyja palt qen shqiptar. E njjta gj pranohetbotrisht pr pjesmarrjen aktive t shqiptarve n luftn pr

    pavarsin greke shih John A. Petropullos, Hellenism andthe rst greek war of liberation (1821-1830), f. 35.

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    Shprngulja me dhune minoritetit am ngaterritoret e tyre etnike nGreqi n mbarim t Lufts sDyt Botrore dhe masakrat

    mbi popullsin e pafajshme, jan njngjarje e dhimbshme dhe njkohsishtnj njoll n historin e re t Greqis.Greqia humbi dy komunitete historiket saj, hebrenjt dhe amt1, duke ihequr ata nga lista e pakicave n kt

    vend dhe duke krijuar nj plag e cilanuk sht mbyllur edhe sot e ksajdite.

    Masakrat dhe spastrimi etnik ipopullsis ame n vitet 1944-1945shin pjes e zhvendosjeve t mdha

    e t dhimbshme, q ndodhn nmbarim t Lufts s Dyt Botrore nEvrop. Por n dallim nga nj pjese tyre, dbimi i minoritetit am ngaGreqia u krye tinzisht nga forcatnacionaliste greke, t cilat shfrytzuanrrethanat lokale e ndrkombtare, pa umbshtetur n ndonj akt ndrkombtart Fuqive t Mdha, sikurse ndodhi me

    shprngu-ljen e miliona gjermanven mbarim t Lufts s Dyt Botrore.N largimin e detyruar t mijrashqiptarve am nga territoret e tyreetnike, ka pasur rolin e vet politika epushtuesi t gjerman, por edhe qndrimisodits e nxits i misioneve ushtarakebritanike n Greqi . Britania e Madhee shihte Greqin si pjes t sfers svet t inuencs n Ballkan, ndrsaShqiprin dhe shqiptart n funksiont politiks s saj ballkanike. Prpolitikn e aleatit tjetr t madh tufts, SHBA, mund ta themi pa

    hezituar se Shqipria nuk prbnte

    ndonj objektiv pr interesat e saj.Megjithkt, politika amerikane shtndrtuar mbi bazn e disa parimeve tprgji thshme t njohura dhe nj traditepozit ive e mirdashse ndaj Shqiprisdhe shqiptarve. Shprngulja medhun e minoritetit am nga territorete tyre etnike n Greqi n mbarim tLufts s Dyt Botrore dhe masakratmbi popullsin e pafajshme, jan njngjarje e dhimbshme dhe njkohsishtnj njoll n historin e re t Greqis.Greqia humbi dy komunitete historiket saj, hebrenjt dhe amt, duke ihequr ata nga lista e pakicave n kt

    vend dhe duke krijuar nj plag e cilanuk sht mbyllur edhe sot e ksajdite.

    Studiues shqiptar e t huaj jan

    prpjekur t hedhin drit mbi kto

    ngjarje, duke u mbshtetur nburime t ndryshme e veanrisht ndokumentacionin arkivor. N ktkumtes jam prpjekur t analizoj e tu

    jap prgjigje disa pyetjeve, q kan tbjn me shqetsimet e t mdhenjvepr rajonin e Ballkanit dhe pr vendinq zinte Shqipria dhe problemi amn mikro-kozmosin ballkanik; prmundsit apo pamundsit e kthimitt popullsis ame n trojet e veta nGreqi dhe pr qndrimin e qeverisshqiptare, por edhe t britanikve eamerikanve ndaj ktij opsioni.

    Zgjidhja e problemit am n

    mbarim t Lufts s Dyt Botrore,por edhe gjat Lufts s Ftoht, kishtepak pr t mos thn aspak shanse prtu zgjidhur. Ndarja e ish Aleatve

    t Mdhenj t Lufts; prfshirja e

    Greqis n sfern perndimore tinteresave; rreshtimi i Shqiprisn Lindjen komuniste dhe pozita esaj e dobt ndrkombtare; presionidhe tensioni shqiptaro-grek mbiShqiprin, i shkaktuar nga krkesat eqeveris greke pr Shqiprin e Jugut;legjitimimi i spastrimeve etnike nBallkan e Evrop, duke prdorur si

    pretekst bashkpunimin me pushtuesit,ishin disa nga faktort q e penguanseriozisht zgjidhjen e problemit am.

    N reali tet nuk pati ndonj prpjekjeserioze pr rikthimin e amve ntrojet e tyre etnike n Greqi. Thjesht

    u ofruan disa opsione nga misionetbritanike e amerikane n Shqipri, tcilat nuk patn impakt tek qeverite tyre. Problemi am mbeti brenda

    kuadrit t nj zgjidhjeje humanitare,duke ofruar ndihma pr popullsinmuhaxhire dhe t masakruar tamris, prmes NdrlidhjesUshtarake pr Shqiprin (MilitaryLiaison of Albania) dhe Administratss Kombeve t Bashkuara pr

    Ndihm dhe Rimkmbje (UnitedNations Relief and RehabilitationAdministration-UNRRA).

    Pas Konferencs s Potsdamitndrmjet Fuqive t Mdha Aleatedoln n pah mosmarrveshje t mdha

    pr probleme t rndsishme rajonalee botrore, t cilat u diskutuan nKombet e Bashkuara, n Konferencne Paqes t Parisit, n Kshillin eMinistrave t Jashtm etj. Fuqit eMdha Aleate t Lufts, si Britaniae Madhe, SHBA nuk kishin ndonjinteres t veant pr Shqiprin.

    N t kundrt, Greqia ishte pjes esfers perndimore t inuencs, dhesigurisht q gzonte mbshtetjen dhembrojtjen e tyre. Shqipria, nga anatjetr, jo vetm q ishte n periferi tinteresave britanik e amerikan nBallkan, por ajo nuk prbnte ndonj

    objektiv t veant edhe pr interesate Bashkimit Sovjetik. Ky i fundit nvitet 1945-1947 e shihte Shqiprin tlidhur ngusht me Jugosllavin e Titos

    Problemi am n kontekstin Ballkanik(1945-1946)

    Hamit Kaba

    Pra, qeveria shqiptare nuk paraqiti pretendime

    as pr bashkimin e amris me Shqiprin dhe

    nuk kishte planifikuar gjithashtu ndonj sulm

    kundr shtetit grek. Maksimumi i krkesave

    t saj ishte n fakt kthimi i popullsis ame n

    territoret e veta etnike n Greqi.

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    9Shkurt 2015, Nr. 2

    dhe politikn e saj, ndonse i ofroiasaj mbshtetje pr disa problemet rndsishme n disa organizmandrkombtare. Problemi am prBashkimin Sovjetik dhe aleatt e tijshte nj shtje e dors s fundit dhe

    ai u trajtua si i till, thjesht n planinpropagandistik.

    sht e njohur tashm politika

    progreke e Britanis s Madhe dhembrojtja e interesave t saj n ktvend. Ballkani, i parcelizuar n zonanuence ngrthente n vetvete shum

    shtje q krkonin zgjidhje. TMdhenjt, sidomos pas Konferencss Potsdami, shqetsoheshin mshum pr zonat e veta t inuencsdhe krijimin e nj lloj stabiliteti,n rajonin e trazuar t Ballkanit.Bashkimi Sovjetik n kundrshtim meDeklaratn e Konferencs s Jalts,nuk lejoi mbajtjen e zgjedhjeve t liran vendet evropiane q ai kontrollonte.Prkundrazi, ai ndikoi dhe prcaktoi

    rrjedhn e ngjarjeve n kto vende,prmes zgjedhjeve jo t lira edemokratike, dhe bri t mundur qn pushtet t vinin gradualisht qeverikomuniste prosovjetike. Shqipriaprbnte n j rast fatlum pr BS, sepseatashimi i saj drejt tij, u arrit pa ndonjinvestim t veant. Shqipria u

    orientua drejt BS dhe Jugosllavis pandonj mdyshje.

    Problemi am u trajtua si nj shtjee vogl n krahasim me problemete mdha q kishte Ballkani pasmbarimit t Lufts. Britania e Madhedhe SHBA, n kushtet e dominancs

    sovjetike n shumicn e vendevet Ballkanit, ndoqn politikn ekrijimit t nj Greqie dhe Turqie tfort, t lidhur ngusht me interesate tyre. Vmendja e dy demokracivet mdha perndimore (veanrishte Britanis s Madhe n vitet 1945-46) u prqendrua tek ruajtja dheforcimi i shtetit grek dhe shtetit turk.N funksion t ksaj ideje politikabritanike e amerikane u prpoq mesukses, t mos lejonte interferencat eBS n ngushticat turke, t shmangtekrijimin e nj federate bullgaro-ugosllave, t ndalte bashkimin e

    Maqedonis Greke me Jugosllavin, tmos lejonte bashkimin e Maqedonisme Bullgarin dhe ndryshimin ekujve jugosllavo-bullgar. Krijimi nj shteti federativ jugosllavo-

    bullgar, si dshmon nj dokument iMinistris Britanike s Lufts, i dats5 dhjetor 1944, me titull: Politikambi Maqedonin, kishte si qllimforcimin e dominancs s popujvesllav n Ballkan dhe krijimin e njshteti, q do t shtrihej nga Adriatikun Detin e Zi. Greqia, theksonteky dokument, virtualisht, do t jete pazonja t ruaj pavarsin e saj

    prball nj shteti t bashkuar sllav, icili hert apo von do t krkoj daljen detin Egje. Krijimi i nj shteti ttill do ta paksonte vlern strategjike

    t Turqis mbi ngushticat dhe do tushtronte trysni t fort mbi Greqin.

    Aleatt e Mdhenj Perndimort lufts u prpoqn t siguronin egarantonin ekzistencn e shtetit grekdhe e shihnin me shqetsim kordonine vendeve fqinje t atashuar pas

    politiks s Bashkimit Sovjetik. Nqershor 1945, Shtabi Aleat i Mesdheut

    dhe gjenerali Alexander ndiqte mevmendje zhvillimet n Ballkan dhesituatn q mund t krijohej n Greqi,n rast se ajo sulmohej bashkrishtnga Jugosllavia, Bullgaria e Shqipria.Sipas dokumentit q po citojm, ttre shtetet e lartprmendura kishin

    paraqitur pretendime terri torialendaj Greqis. N rast t nj sulmit till, britanikt pretendonin tishin kshilltar t qeveris grekedhe organizator t ushtris s saj,

    por ata nuk merrnin prsipr tangazhoheshin direkt n mbrojtjene Greqis. Shqetsimi britanik pr

    Greqin z vend edhe n nj njoftimq Feldmarshalli Alexander i drgontekryeministrit britanik m 23 korrik1945. Ushtaraku i lart i ShtabitAleat t Forcave t Mesdheut i bntet ditur kryeministrit t vet, se rrethkujve t Greqis gjendeshin 3-4divizione bullgare, 7-8 jugosllavedhe 2 shqiptare. Greqia, sipas tij,kishte vetm nj divizion, ndrsat tjert ishin n formim e sipr. N

    ushqen ndonj ide irredentiste kundrGreqis. Por, prmendte ai m tej,nse Greqia vazhdon me pretendimete saj pr Shqiprin e Jugut, mundt shfaqet ndonj pretendim pramrin, por kjo, do t ishte nj pike debatueshme, n vshtrim t faktitq ata [shqiptart] jan t knaqurme kujt e vitit 1939. Pra, qeveria

    shqiptare nuk paraqiti pretendimeas pr bashkimin e amris meShqiprin dhe nuk kishte planikuargjithashtu ndonj sulm kundr shtetitgrek. Maksimumi i krkesave t sajishte n fakt kthimi i popullsis amen territoret e veta etnike n Greqi.

    Pr politikn britanike e amerikaneprbnte shqetsim problemi iMaqedonis Greke dhe qytetarvegrek t zhvendosur n Jugosllavi,

    pr t cilt u krkua q t ktheheshinn atdheun e tyre, Greqin, ose t

    bheshin shkmbime t popullsivegreke e jugosllave. Por, qeveria greke

    nuk pranoi asnj nga rekomandimete aleatve t saj, duke u prpjekurt argumentonte se n Greqi nukkishte minoritet sllav dhe as popullsit persekutuar. Qeveria greke irefuzoi edhe rekomandimet e miqveanglez e amerikan pr shkmbimine popullsive. Maqedonia Greke nkt koh ishte shndrruar n bazt fort mbshtetjeje pr PartinKomuniste Greke dhe pr forcat e

    Bullgaris e Shqipris n koniktin ebrendshm n Greqi dhe pr rrezikunq ato paraqitnin pr sigurin e ktijvendi. Nga ana tjetr, propaganda evendeve komuniste prsriste idene nj agresioni t Greqis kundrBullgaris e Shqipris. Ministrii Jashtm i Republiks SocialisteSovjetike t Ukrains, Dimitri

    Zakharovi Manuilski paraqiti disaakuza ndaj qeveris greke n Kshilline Sigurimit, duke e fajsuar at pr

    provokacionet ndaj terri torit shqiptar,pr persekutimin e minoritetevedhe gjoja pr ligjin e lufts qekzistonte ndrmjet dy vendeve.Duke iu prgjigjur atij m 5 shtator1946, sekretari i Shtetit n detyr,Dean Acheson do t instruktonte

    prfaqsuesin e SHBA-s n Kombete Bashkuara, Johnson, ti konsideronteakuzat ukrainase vese si nj pjes ts vrtets. Ai do t vinte n dukje seqeveria greke gjithashtu pretendonte

    se shqiptart po kryejn provokacionen kurin shqiptaro-grek. Akuza ndajGreqis do t bnte edhe Tuk Jakova,

    prfaqsuesi i Shqipris n Kshilline Sigurimit, m 9 shtator 1946. Ai foli

    pr incidente t monarko-fashis tvegrek n kurin shqiptar dhe pr terrorine ushtruar prej tyre mbi minoritetinam t Greqis, t cilat kishin siobjektiv ndezjen e nj koniktit armatosur nga ana e qeveris sAthins kundr Republiks Populloret Shqipris.

    SHBA dhe Britania e Madhejo vetm q i mbrojtn me forc

    interesat e shtetit grek n arennndrkombtare, por u munduan q ttrhiqnin n ann e tyre edhe BS. Dyish aleatt perndimor krkuan prejtij, q t tre s bashku, tu bnin nj

    paralajmrim t fort Jugosllavis,Bullgaris dhe Shqipris, q duke

    prdorur mjetet diplomatike, t moslejonin ndrhyrjen e tyre n zhvillimete brendshme t Greqis. N kt rastata iu referuan eksperiencs pozitive t

    bashkpunimit t tyre, n qndrimin embajtur ndaj pretendimeve jugosllaven rajonin e Venecia Xhulias.

    Shqetsimi britanik pr sigurin

    e Greqis duket qart edhe ndisa udhzime q Foreign Ofce[FO] u transmetoi m mars 1946

    prfaqsuesve t vet n Caserta e nAthin, duke marr shkak nga protestae Enver Hoxhs me diplomatt e huajn Tiran (m 19 mars 1945) prmasakrat greke ndaj popullsis ame.FO u krkoi misioneve t veta nTiran e Athin q t angazhoheshine kryenin hetime pr kto ngjarje. Sirezultat, n prill 1946 u kryen hetimenga Kryetari i Misionit UshtarakBritanik, gjenerali Hodgson nShqiprin e Jugut dhe nga koloneli

    Palmer n zonn e amris greke.Palmer iu ngarkuan dy detyra, s pari,t hetonte pr masakrat e kryera ndaj

    popullsis ame n Filat nga forcat e

    dokument prmendej se fqinjt eGreqis rrezikonin ta sulmonin ktvend.8 Pjesmarrja e Shqipris nnj sulm t mundshm kundr Greqisduket e pabaz dhe e pambshteturnga dokumentet shqiptare e t huaja.Shqipria n pranver t vitit 1945kishte dislokuar n zonn kutare meGreqin 4 brigada t ushtris shqiptare,t cilat kishin marr prsipr tmbronin kujt e vendit n rast rrezikunga Greqia, por nuk ka dshmi se ato

    do t sulmonin Greqin. Kt realitete pranonte edhe koloneli Palmer n

    prill 1945, kur u relatonte autoritetevebritanike se qeveria shqiptare nuk

    saj t armatosura. Pr t stabilizuarsituatn n Greqi dhe pr t respektuarvendimet e Konferencs s Jalts dheMarrveshjen e Varkizs, SHBA dheBritania e Madhe krkuan nga BS qt drgonte n Greqi vzhguesit e vet,

    pr t ndjekur zgjedhjet e prgjithshmen kt vend. Por BS e la n heshtjekrkesn e tyre.

    Siguria e Greqis nga fqinjte saj u b objekt diskutimesh emosmarrveshjesh n takimet e t

    Mdhenjve pas Lufts. SHBA, Britaniae Madhe me aleatt e tyre ngritn

    pretendime e krijuan komisionepr ndrhyrjet e Jugosllavis,

    CPh026: Cham Congress in Vlora on 23 September 1945. UNRRA.S-0800-0001-13-22. United Nations Archives (Photo: Ristani)

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    Chameria is what the Albanians call theregion in southern Epirus inhabited

    by ethnic Albanians (but not only byAlbanians). It is the region that wasceded to Greece in 1913 by the Great

    Powers of Europe (Great Britain, France, Italy, Austro-Hungary, Germany and Russia), as a consequence of theBalkan War against the Turks. The area that came underGreek control is about 4,000 sq. km. (1,538 sq. mi.),which amounts to 14 percent of the area of contemporaryAlbania (28,000 sq. km. or 10,770 sq. mi.). The largestconcentrations of Albanians in Chameria have beenn the area of Janina (now Ioannina), regarded as the

    administrative capital of the six surrounding districtshat make up the region of Chameria, namely: Filati,

    Paramithia, Pogoni, Margellii, Filipiadhe, and Preveza.There have been no accurate gures on the population ofhe Chams in the past, nor are there any reliable gures

    on their number in Greece at present. Greek authoritieshave consistently denied the existence of an Albanianminority in Greece; consequently, they have labored toconceal rather than reveal the number of Chams in thecountry. Nonetheless, estimates of their number haveanged from about 90,000 to 200,000.One has to resort to the bleakest, harshest terms in the

    dictionary to adequately describe the Greek treatmentof the Chams. It is a pattern of behavior that began in913, when they took over Chameria; recurred in 1922-

    24 during the exchange of Greek and Turk nationals,and was re-enacted again in World War II. We takeno pleasure in incriminating the Greeks for what theyhave done to the Chams. We would rather dwell on themmortal achievements of their illustrious ancestors.

    But while remembering the glory that was Greece! wecannot shut our eyes to the dark deeds of the Greeks ofour time in dealing with the Chams.

    A writer on this subject has said that the word Chamerias synonymous with tragedy. It means burnings, slayingsat ones doorstep, tears, misery, terror and torture, youngmen tied up with barbed wire and thrown into prison,bloodied old men, women and children; families drivenout of their homes into exile One hears the sameorrowful tale from other writers. Consider the account

    given by Albanian diplomat, Mehdi Frashri. After takingpossession of Chameria, he says, Greece instituted apolicy of force and repression of ethnic Albanians in thategion. Assassinations of Albanians were the order ofhe day. No Albanian could feel safe. In one particularlyavage incident, planned by the Greeks with malicious

    forethought, 72 Albanian notables lost their lives. Theprivate property of Albanians was violated with impunity.Possession of books and other literature in Albanian wasconsidered a crime, and the guilty were deported to thesland of Crete. It is clear, Frashri concludes, that thepolicy of the Greek government as far as the Albaniansin Chameria) were concerned, aimed at eliminating the

    Moslem element and Hellenizing completely the Orthodoxelement. In other words, the Hellenic government used all

    means to change once and for all the [ethnic] physiognomyof southern Epirus.

    Following the Greek-Turkish war in 1922, Greeceand Turkey were obliged by the Treaty of Lausanne

    to exchange their nationals respectively; that is, Turksliving on Greek territory were to return to Turkey, whileGreeks living in Turkey were to come back to Greece.The exchange turned into tragedy for the Chams.Reportedly, 62,000 of them were forcibly deported toTurkey, on the pretext that they were Turks, despiteassurances by the Greek government to the international

    community that Albanians were not going to be affectedby the exchange. In the years that followed, repressionof the remaining Chams increased. Men disappearedwithout a trace. Hundreds were interned. Many weresent to prison for crimes they did not commit. Manymore ed the country to escape imprisonment on falsecharges or because they feared for their lives.

    As in the Greek War of Independence in the 1820s,as in the Balkan War of 1912, as in the aftermath ofthe Greek-Turkish war of 1922, so also during WorldWar II the latent hostility of the Greeks towardAlbanian Moslems surfaced once again with horribleconsequences. Taking advantage of the chaos of thewar, they fell upon Moslem Chams like beasts of preyon a ock of sheep, terrorizing them and hunting them

    down to the very borders of Albania, where they edpanic-stricken in search of refuge. It is reported thatsome 5,000 Chams perished at the hands of Greekirregulars, while about 30,000 others crossed over intoAlbania. Chief among the perpetrators of those crimeswas the notorious General Napoleon Zervas, but close

    behind him in their ferocity toward the Chams wereCol. Evitis, Delijanaqi, and Harillagoj.

    In our time Chameria survives in a condition ofanonymity, as Greek authorities continue to denyits existence as the home of a distinct ethnic group.Although Greece has dutifully signed the UN Charter, theUniversal Declaration of Human Rights, the InternationalGenocide Convention and other international accords onthe rights of minorities, it has not honored those accords

    relative to the Albanian minority. The ethnic rights ofthe Chams continue to be violated. The Chams live inan atmosphere of intimidation which effectively inhibitsthem from speaking Albanian in public. In the words of

    an Albanian-American scholar, in Chameria today, thereis not a single school for Albanian speaking children, not a

    book, a newspaper, a radio program or a cultural center.Such is the reality of the Chams, about whom Athensmaintains a policy of silence, for the obvious reasonthat it is an embarrassing political skeleton in its closet.Recent evidence of this is seen in Athens refusal to allow

    entry to Greece to an ofcial of CESC (Conference forEuropean Security and Cooperation), who was interestedin investigating the human rights situation of Albanianinhabitants in that country.

    Chameria, a Land of TearsPeter Prifti

    Stefanaq Pollo, ed.-in-chief, History of Albania, Vol. III,

    Tiran, 1984, p. 46. We might note at this point that our studydiscusses the Albanians in Chamuria, which is adjacent toAlbania. But there are many other settlements of Albanians

    in Greece, dating from Medieval times as in: Attica, (in thevicinity of Athens), Megara, Boeotia (in the vicinity of the

    town of Thebes), parts of Peloponnesus, and the Aegeanislands of Hydra, Spetsia, Poros, Eubea, Andros, Kranidi,and Koulouri (Salamina).

    Mexhit Kokalari, Martyred Chamuria, Illyria semi-

    weekly, Bronx , NY , Dec. 4.. 1991, p. 3.

    Sami Repishti, Letter to the Hon. Andrea Papandreou,Prime Minister of Greece, Sept. . 20,1984, published in Dielli,

    Boston , Oct. 16, 1984 .

    Notes: This article exhibits the status of the issue

    in the early 1990s. After communism collapsed in

    Albania, several associations and a political party in

    Albania and Western countries were organized to

    raise awareness and to peacefully resolve the issue

    that had been enigmatically silent for almost 50 years.

    Their main mission is to ensure the basic human rights

    of the Chams and the safe return to their homes and

    properties. In 1994, the Albanian president declared

    June 27 as ofcial day of remembrance of genocide

    against the Chams. Greek politicians have continued to

    claim that the Cham issue is nonexistent. After Kosovadeclared its independence from Serbia, in order to

    repair the Greek-Albanian relations, the pending Cham

    issue requires serious immediate consideration.

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    Shkurt 2015, Nr. 212

    Tr punojm nd ki dh

    S ashtu sht na ka hie.

    Ca me duar, ca me mnt,

    Ca me pnd, ca me parmnd.

    Ti punon me plor me qe,

    Qron arn glmbkuqe.

    U punonj me ngjidh marr,

    Sipr mb nj kart bardh.

    Ti avlaqe bn glat,

    U aradhaz nd kart.

    Ti mbjell farn mb lasht,E pret t bsh buk e kasht.

    U fjala shkruanj mb kart

    T prjer mnt t mart:

    Me djers arn ti e vadis,

    Me gjak pemn ti e skalis.

    Nd kart u grmonj syrtuqe

    Grma zeza grma kuqe.

    Tr punojm nd ki dh

    Sashtu duhet, mere.

    Nuk shihni bletn,

    Si prpjekn vethen?

    Msuam me helm t madhvdekjen e nj t vrtetishqiptar, nga gjaku, ngazemra e nga atdhesia,

    zoti kalors Ciko, suliot, i cili embaroi jetn e tij n ansuj St-Leger(Lago Maggiore), ku e kish qndrimine vers. M 10 t korrikut isha prdark, n Queens Hotel, LeicesterSquare, t Londrs, me kalorsinCiko edhe me zonjn e tij; m 21 tkorrikut, i ndjeri bashkatdhetari yn

    ipte shpir tin n ansuj St-Leger. Ashtusht jeta...

    Kalorsi Ciko zbriste nga njshtpi kapedansh t Sulit. Historiae tij sht si nj prrall. Kur ra Suli,gjyshi i tij, pr t shptuar nga mriae Ali Pashs, u fsheh n nj karsell tmadhe, e me an t ca miqve karsellau drgua jasht Shqipris. I lir,kapedani suliot bri udhn e tij nbot, u martua me nj kontesh frnge,edhe themeloi prsri n dhe t huaj,shtpin e prishur n vend t tij.

    I nipi i tij, kalorsi Perikli Cikua,pr t cilin asim, lindi n Londr

    m 1851. N kto vjet t fundit,prpiqej me punra t mbdha: kishmarr pr barr t godit e kishgoditur disa udhra t hekurta; kishpasur nj grop vaj-guri; e ish i zoti m tepr se 30 patentash. Kto pun kushtojin shum mundime edhe

    t holla: kishte n shrbim t tij,si kshilltar, gjasht avokat, dynxhiner, edhe dy kimist; mbante

    shtpi n Padov-Vendik, n Milan,n Paris, e tani m n fund edhe nLondr, t ciln e kish bler disa vjetm par. Po mendja e tij ish kthyer ngjra m t holla se punt. Mendjen

    t lruar me dije, shien t mprehur meetrat, kish themeluar, n Rom, m

    par se t u vihet punve, nj t bukurt prkohshme anglisht t quajturMinerva, si edhe nj gazet, prapanglisht, me emrin Roman News.Kujdesej shum pr t mbaruar njprtoge (collection) armsh tvjetra, nga t cilat kish disa qindra,nr kto ca t bukura t shekullit XV.Mund t themi duke shkruar se ishshum i shndosh n escrimee n tprdorur t kordhs.

    Asgj nuk dfton m teprmendjegjrsin e kalorsit Ciko

    se mnyra me t ciln e gjykonteAli pash Tepelenn. Si suliot ishkryelart pr trimrin e suliotveedhe i dhmbej pr fatin e Sulit.

    PERIKLI

    CIKO

    Faik Konica

    Po, thosh, po t gjykohet puna met drejt, Ali Pasha kish arsye. krkonte Ali Pasha? urdhr edhe paq. ishin suliott? kryengrits, rrebel.Ali Pasha krkonte t mbaroj njsine Shqipris; Suli ish n udh t tij:ahere, e vetmja gj q nj i vrtet

    burr i shtet it kish pr t br, ishta gremiste Sulin. Q Ali Pasha nuke bri kt pun pr tjatr arsye senga nevoja politike, u dftua, shtontekalorsi Ciko, nga miqsia q u dftoj

    pastaj suliotve. Kalorsi Ciko kishnj dij t gjr n historin lokale,vendore, t Toskris, e as njeri nukdinte m mir se ai historin e veant

    t shtpive t vjetra t bejlerve tosk. Bir kapedansh, i lruar e i rriturmir, kuptonte se ka gjra q jan msipr se argjendi.

    Vdekja e ktij atdhetari sht nj

    dm i madh pr kombin shqiptar. Sim thosh nj mik i tij e imi, kalorsiCiko bnte t mirn pa ngritur toz.

    N Angli vetm njihte qindra vetame m shum e m pak rndsi, ndrt cilt disa pjestar t Kuvndit, egjithnj prpiqej t u vr prpara syveshtjen shqiptare nn drit t vrtetate saj. Kish ndr mend n nj a dy vjet thiqej nga punt, e t niste n Londonnj gazet anglisht, pr t ndihur lirinkombtare, nn titullin The AlbanianStandard. Vdekja e tij e preu n rrnjkt qllim. I drgojm Zonjs Cikongushllime nga zemra.

    sht botuar pr her t par teAlbania m 1906. Ansuj sht fjal

    e re e Konics pr ishull. Ribotohetme disa ndryshme n gjuh.

    Kng arbrore

    Anastas I. Kullurioti

    (1822-1887)

    T gjith

    bashkpunonjn

    Asgj nuk dfton m

    tepr mendjegjrsin e

    kalorsit Ciko se mnyra

    me t ciln e gjykonte Ali

    pash Tepelenn. Si suliot

    ish kryelart pr trimrin

    e suliotve edhe i dhmbej

    pr fatin e Sulit

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    13Shkurt 2015, Nr. 2

    V. 6. Glmbkuqe, d. m. th. gjmbkuqe

    7. Me ngjidh marr, d. m. th. me nj

    spice t marr, me nj pen q nget

    posi e marr.

    9. Avlaqe t glat, d. m. th. vija t gjata.

    10. Ardhza, vija t vogla.

    11. Mb lasht, me t gdhir

    14. T kthej mnt t mart; n t

    tjera fjal, Kulluritoti krkon t

    thot se prpiqet tu mbush fykat

    shqiptarve.

    17. Syrtuqe shoqrohet me kart. D. m.

    th. karta ku shkruhen gjra me mend

    sht vn nj gj e paarsye.

    20. mere- more

    25. Grethi, ndryshe: brumbulli

    30. Kufar-i, d. m. th. kufoma.

    32. Dhrom, fjal greke pr rrug. Edhe

    pse n ishullin e Kullurit prdoret

    edhe rrug.

    35. Mbleth togje e bn thesare. Soronj

    sht fjal greke, kurse hazne turke.

    38. Qi kcen kcen pa mblaket. pra

    Kullurioti e shqiptart e Mores e

    prdorin pr pa

    43. T indura, d. m. th. t qndisura.

    Kolore fjal italiane pr ngjyra.

    44. Po ti shohsh.

    46. Pa ln kujtim.

    51. Dgjoni trima t zihur.

    53. Dunja, fjal turke pr bot.

    61. Fore thuhet ndr arbror pr fuqin,

    kurse grapem pr kapem.

    62. T preken, t ngjatjeton.

    63. Toka do vshtruar.

    64-65. T vaditur, sllavisht, t potisur

    greqisht t ujitur shqip

    66. Me shrbim ara zbukurohet

    79. Korra pr stinn e vers

    81. Linjt ullinjt.

    84. T mirat

    86. Ujza uria.

    Shnim

    Vjersha T gjith bashkpunonjn sht botuar pr her tpar n librin Kulluriotit Abavatar arbror, pas prgluhsarbrore si itet nd Elladh, e prqruar edh e prndrequr,

    ndihms printvet edhe dormbajtur dielmvet Arbrvet. N

    Athin, 1882, prej shtyp. Zr i Arbris; f. 142-146.

    Teodor Pangallos

    (ish-kryeministr i

    Greqis) takohet me

    antar t Shoqats

    Arbrore t Lloshs

    s Eprme Grizat cilt i knduan n

    arbrishte tek zyra e

    tij n shenj respekti.

    (Llosha ose Liosia

    n greqisht sht

    nj lagje n afrsi

    t Athins q e ka

    marr emrtimin nga

    princi arbror Pjetr

    Llosha, kryezoti i

    Arts dhe i Pargsn pjesn e dyt t

    shekullit 14-t.)

    Mb gjith lulez po rri

    E mbleth mjalt edhe qeri.

    Pra shihn edhe grethn e zi,

    gjuhet me mrzi,

    Pse sbn punaz t drejta

    Po vjeth mjaltt nga bleta,

    Edhe bleta e ze dh e vret

    Dhe kufar i a shtie nd dhet.Pra shihn edhe milingonn

    andej ktej na pret dhromn.

    Pra mbleth koqe, pra mbleth drudhe,

    Pra mbleth drith edhe marule.

    Mbleth soronj e bn hazne

    Pr dimr t i ket mere.

    Pra shihn edhe futurakn

    kcen kcen pra mblakn.

    Fluturon lyle mb lyle.

    Pra rri sipr nd mergule!

    Veshur rroba t mndafshta

    Shklqimdukura prjashta,

    T indura me shum kolore.Verbonen sit po t i shohe.

    Po shkon jetn pa qllim

    E pra ngorth pa lr kultim.

    Ashtu jan edh ata trima

    punonj si ajo krimva!

    Pse s punonjn dhe pra skan

    Kur mblaken edhe t han.

    Gjegjni trima t grdhim,

    Le t lm ate dim,

    Me pak pra le t rrojm,

    Qet qet qet jetn t shkojm,

    Se ktu nd ki dunja.

    T gjitha jan t mbrazta.

    Shpatat, thikat le t i bjm

    Plore, apa edhe drpnj.

    Njri njatrin mos vrasm,

    Me dor a m arm mos ngasm,

    Ke ti for? grap-u me dhn.

    Se sa e pret aq t prekn.Bota do prshurshurisur

    Me pleh e me uj vadisur.

    Me djers t n dheu potiset,

    Me shrbes ara stoliset.

    Me punim bukn t ham,

    T lodhur nd shtrat t e marm.

    M paqtim jetn t shkojm,

    T kqiat t i harrojm.

    Me shndet t jemi sa rrojm,

    Pa shrtor t na shronjn.

    Tr punonjn nd ki dh

    E ashtu sht u ka hie.

    Punon ara; punon deti,Punon dheu, punon qameti,

    Punon qelli me ilt,

    Punonjn gjith Zotrinjt.

    Punon Korra, punon Vjeshta,

    Vera, Dimri edhe vreshta;

    Linjt e pemat punonjn,

    Ve tembelet rkonjn.

    Kush punon ka dhe para,

    Ka gjith t mirata,

    Po tembeli e i pashrbieri

    Ngorth nga ujza i mjeri.

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    INTRODUCTION

    This paper focuses on recent developmentsaffecting the ethnic Albanian population of North-western Greece, known as Chams.1 The ChamAlbanian community has existed in this part of Greecesince antiquity, and for most of the period of its historyhas coexisted with Greek, Roma and Vlach neighbourswithout difculty, until in the period of Greek nationalexpansion and irredentism at the end of the OttomanEmpire when the Chams were subject to systematicdiscrimination and persecution. Greek nationalists

    sought to seize southern Albania as far north as theShkumbini River, regarding it as Northern Epirus,and theirs by right of conquest.

    During the Balkan Wars of 1912-1913 and laterunder the dictatorship of General Metaxas in the 1930s,many Chams were violently driven from their homes,along with other Albanians and resident minorities.2 Henceforth, the remaining non-Orthodox ChristianAlbanians in Greece were regarded by the Greeks asthe enemy within. Orthodox Albanian Chams weresubjected to forced cultural assimilation and identitydisplacement, and the original Albanian names ofmany towns and villages began to be graduallychanged to Greek names.

    The Cham issue is very much interlinked with

    Greek historical perceptions, which still persist today,about the vulnerability of Greeces northern border. Incontemporary Greek history, the north has always beena region of uncertainty and insecurity, and its futurehas often been determined by military action, as in theGreek Civil War period (1943-1949). There had beenmajor social conict during and after the period of ruleof Ali Pasha in the early nineteenth century, and thegeneral Chameria/Epirus region was both a theatre ofBritish-French imperial rivalries in the Mediterranean,and in connection with the long nineteen century crisesover the future of the Ionian Islands, principally Corfu,and the port town of Parga.

    Following Greeces annexation of Epirus in1913 and the area of present-day Greek Macedonia,

    and later (1920) Western Thrace, Greece acquireda large population of Albanians, Slavs, Turks andother non-Greek inhabitants. The presence of somany predominantly non-Greeks considered hostileto national interests near the frontier caused anxietyto Greek ofcials.3 Even the massive exchange ofpopulations between Greece and Turkey in 1922 didittle to reassure Athens of the security of Greeces

    northern border. The forced expulsions of the Chamsthat followed in the 1930s, and between 1944-45,was a bid to eradicate the Albanian population fromChameria/Epirus and replace it with Vlachs and Greek-speaking populations from other parts of Greece.

    During the Second World War, in an attempt toestablish an ethnically pure Greek border region,

    around 35-40,000 Chams were violently evicted fromnorthern Greece by the right-wing EDES guerillasforces of General Napoleon Zervas. Their eviction wasfollowed in June 1944 by the massacre of approximately

    600 Albanian Cham men, women and children in thedistrict of Paramithia. Other mass killings of Chamsoccurred in the towns of Parga, Spatar and Filiates. The

    Greek authorities then approved a law sanctioning theexpropriation of all Cham property and the Albanianlanguage was not allowed to be spoken in public, nortaught in Schools. Many more towns and villages hadtheir names forcibly Hellenised as the demographicstructure of northwesernt Greece was further altered

    by the introduction of settlers from other parts ofGreece, especially Vlachs who were encouraged tosettle in abandoned Cham villages without legal rightof ownership.

    For almost 70 years the Chams and their descendantshave sought recognition of these events and restitutionof their national and property rights in Greece.4 Overthe past 20 years the Chams have instigated variouscampaigns to try and prompt both the Greek and

    Albanian governments to address their problems. Todate, however, successive Albanian governments haveofcially avoided forcing Athens to face and discuss theCham issue and Greece has consistently refused to enterinto negotiations over the matter, arguing that there isno Cham issue. Greek government discrimination has

    become even more anomalous in contemporary Europe,where the European Union has granted Albanian citizensthe right of visa free travel, but as an EU memberfor many years, Greece still does not allow Albaniancitizens who were born in Greece of Cham origin, toenter the country. Thus elderly Chams are still unableto return to Greece to visit their old land and properties,with their passports being stamped persona non grata,or even on occasions being destroyed. Although the use

    of Albanian as a legal language has improved in Greece,many difculties still face Greek citizens of Albaniandescent, who are not recognized as an ethnic minority

    by the state.

    Today there are approximately 250,000 Chamsin Albania and an estimated 400,000 in the widerDiaspora. Despite being granted Albanian citizenship

    in 1953, the Chams still regard themselves as Greekas well as Albanian citizens, and therefore the legalowners of their valuable properties in Greece, whichinclude vineyards, forestry and grazing land, anddomestic and commercial property. Aside from their

    properties in the Epirus region, Chams also own landin the Greek districts of Trikala, Greek Macedoniaand Thessaly. Collectively, Cham-owned propertiesin Greece are, in their view, are valued at aroundUS$3 billion. Whilst diaspora Cham communitieshave managed to preserve their dialect, traditionsand folk songs, those Christian Orthodox Chams,now numbering around 40,000, who were allowed toremain in Greece, have suffered from assimilation andthe public suppression of their Albanian language and

    culture.The Chams are campaigning for the Greek

    government to acknowledge the violence perpetratedagainst them, and for the return of their conscated

    properties. They want the right to regain legal title tothose properties; the right to obtain Greek citizenship,whilst retaining the citizenship of the country in whichthey currently reside; and the right to live, work andtravel freely in Greece without having to obtain visas.A signicant proportion of Chams also want dualcitizenship Albanian and Greek, and want to berecognised as Greek citizens of Albanian nationality.

    POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTSSince the fall of communism in 1992, the Chams

    have gone to considerable lengths to encourage theAlbanian government to make a serious commitmentto address their grievances and objectives. Tiranainiatives have always been constrained by the vital

    THE CHAM ISSUEMiranda Vickers & James Pettifer

    Abandoned Cham village nearAsproklisi, Greece.

    Abandoned Cham village near Asproklisi, Greece.

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    mportance of emigrant workers from Albania in the

    Greek economy, giving Greece a lever to controlmost issues between the two nations. In 1997 thearmed uprising that developed in the spring of thatyear was initiated in the always sensitive southernborder region and Greek Minority areas where a highproportion of Albanian-resident Chams have alwaysived. Yet, despite several heated debates on the Chamssue in the Albanian parliament, there have been no

    new developments from an Albanian governmentperspective. Meanwhile, the Greek governmentcontinues to claim that the Cham issue does notexist and refuses to enter into a dialogue with Chamrepresentatives or to initiate talks on the Cham issue.Every June thousands of Chams march to the Greekborder to mark the anniversary of the massacre of Cham

    civilians which occurred on 27 June 1944 in the townof Paramithia. Although the Chams commemorate thisevent every year, their protest is always ignored inAlbania by both the ruling Democratic Party and theSocialist-led opposition unless it is prior to local orparliamentary elections, when the plight of the Chamss suddenly propelled into the limelight.

    Eventually in 2005, having realised that Tiranaspoliticians only really focus on the Cham questionduring election time, the Chams formed their owncentre-right political Party for Justice and Integration(PDI) to represent the Chams in politics. DuringAlbanias last parliamentary elections in July 2009,the PDI received around 14.477 (0,95%) votes, andone seat in the Albanian parliament. The Chams

    have also attempted to internationalize their problemby sending a delegation in October 2006 to theEuropean Parliament in Strasbourg where they metrepresentatives of various European political parties,who promised to look at the possibility of proposinga Parliamentary Resolution which would seek toopen a dialogue between Athens and Tirana, togetherwith the participation of representatives of the Champopulation in the presence of international mediators.To date nothing has happened.

    Despite their frustration at the lack of progress, theast few years have witnessed a growing condence and

    sophistication amongst the Chams. This has recentlyexpressed itself in the formation of a new politicalparty, which has combined the forces of previously

    opposing Cham groups. In February 2011 the ChamParty for Justice and Integration (PDI) merged withthe Party for Justice and Unity (PDU), which wasformed after the 2009 parliamentary elections. Themerger created a single political force named the Partyfor Justice, Integration and Unity [PDIU], in a moveaimed at pushing ahead with the Cham issue. ThePDI leader, Tahir Muhedini, was elected President ofthe new party, whilst the PDU leader, Shpetim Idrizi,was elected its chairman. Praising the merger of bothparties as an historic day for the Cham community,Muhedini said that the decision came at a crucialmoment for the national issue and that unication ofthe two parties was a signal to the Albanian politicalclass to move ahead with solving the Cham issue.5 A

    top priority of the new party is to unify not only thevarious Cham factions within Albania, but also thosen the large Cham Diaspora. With this aim, the Party

    for Justice, Integration and Unity has created a branch

    THE NEXT STAGE

    of the Chameria Association in Izmir in Turkey formembers of the Cham Albanian community there,

    who moved to Turkey 90 years ago.6At the end of 2012, the Chams presented a strongly

    worded Resolution to the Albanian parliament settingout their primary goals and requesting in the spiritof international human rights laws, the removal of

    barriers to the restoration of the rights of Albaniansin the Republic of Greece. These include requests fora number of changes to various Greek laws that affectthe ofcial status of Cham people, who, as formerGreek citizens, wish to be granted minority status.7

    In the run up to the recent (June 2013) election inAlbania, the Cham issue received increasing public

    to honour our innocent victims, the men, women and

    children who were evicted from their roots?, Idrizideclared.8 The PDIU declared that if their Resolutionwas not addressed by Greece, the Chams would appealto international institutions such as the InternationalCourt for Human Rights. There would appear to bestrong grounds for such a referral in the light of therecent evidence that has emerged in Greece about theexistence of mass graves of Chams dating from theWorld War II period which have been concealed inthe town of Paramithia by intervening construction

    projects.An earlier and somewhat less ambitious Cham

    Resolution presented to the Albanian parliament backin 2004, was not approved by the Albanian parliamentowing to Greek pressure. The very narrow defeat of the

    2004 Resolution in Parliament was almost certainlydue to pressure being exerted by Greek diplomaticcircles in Tirana. There had been tremendous pressure

    put on Albanian MPs to vote against the resolutionfrom the Greek authorities, and from particularindividuals within the Albanian parliament, such asthe chairman of the Union for Human Rights Party(UHRP), Vangjel Dule, who demanded that MPs didnot approve the draft as it could be a detrimental movefor Albanian foreign policy.9

    There are now ominous signs that similar pressureis again being exerted, as former Prime Minister Sali

    Recently, however, a few Chams are quietly

    re-establishing themselves in long abandoned

    family property, even trying to rebuild them.

    This has mostly taken place near the border,

    in remote mountain areas, and in coastal

    centers like Sivota, along with non-Cham origin

    Albanian and Kosovar Albanian investment in

    small tourist-oriented businesses.

    Berisha told a press conference in December 2012that the Cham issue will be settled on the basis of the1995 Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation betweenAlbania and Greece. The ruling majority in Albaniawill adopt the Resolution if it is consistent withFriendship Treaty, which recognizes the respective

    borders and is an excellent basis to settle issues.This Treaty contains a clause in which the issues ofownership of Albanians in Greece and of Greeks inAlbania are cited as technical issues and that thosewill be resolved.10 Given that 18 years have elapsedsince the signing of this infamous Friendship Treaty,

    and the question of Cham property ownership inGreece has certainly not been resolved, the Chamshave good reason to doubt the sincerity of Berishasremarks. In presenting their Resolution shortly before

    attention. On 20 February, 2013, the ParliamentaryCommission of Foreign Affairs began reviewingthe Cham Resolution. At a press conference, PDIUleaders Shpetim Idrizi and Tahir Muhedini explainedthe importance of the Resolution and how they

    believed it could bring justice to an historical matter.This is an historic Resolution that aims to present aclear platform to resolve not only the Cham issue, butalso the inequality between Albania and our southernneighbour. We cannot concede endlessly to Greece,

    pardoning debts, not standing for our dignity and notasking reciprocity. The Greeks have built cemeteries

    in Albania; they are searching in hundreds of locationsfor the remains of their soldiers, although they were

    part of a war that was occupying Albania in ourterritory. What reciprocity is there if we are not allowed

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    RBA also warned Golden Dawn to not attempt andopen their branches within Albanias borders. Duringsuch difcult and sensitive times in both Greece andAlbania, the Chams could be asking themselves thatwith friends like the RBA who needs enemies. With

    the rise of such aggressive nationalism the chance ofanything happening to resolve the Cham issue appearsremote, and in the growing threatening atmosphereagainst political dissenters in many Greek large cities,t remains to be seen how open and legal political

    organisation and activity will be possible for theAlbanians resident in Greece.

    THE NEW REALITY ON THE GROUNDWhilst Greek and Albanian nationalists hurl abuse

    at each other, deep in the former Cham-inhabited landssubtle changes are occurring. These principally benetthe numerous Albanian workers who have settled innorth-west Greece in the last generation since the endof communism. No longer, it seems, are people afraid

    of being thought of as Albanian. Although Greece hasdone nothing to address the Cham issue, the standingand cultural freedoms of local non-Cham Albanianshas improved somewhat, although Albanian civilsociety and cultural institution development has beenvery limited and almost all immigrants convert to ateast a nominal Greek Orthodox religious identity.

    All subjects interviewed in November 2012 duringthe research for this paper regarded this as essentialfor social acceptance and integration. Nowadays,throughout Cham Epiriot towns and villages, Albanians spoken openly in the streets this would have been

    unheard of a decade ago. Informal Saturday morningAlbanian language schools have opened in Greekcities with large Albanian populations such as Athens,

    Thessaloniki, Volos and Patras. Indeed, one man in thecoastal town of Vola (Greek Sivota) has come outpublicly as a Muslim Albanian. This is where someChams living in the Diaspora, including the TiranaChams, are, through no fault of their own given Greektravel restrictions and visa prohibitions, not alwaysup to date with the reality on the ground in the moretolerant parts of Greece.

    Anyone visiting north western Greece will noticethe vast emptiness of this once densely inhabitedregion, apart from the modest prosperity of the coastalfringe. The economic difculties of Corfu, with itstourist industry a major driver of the regional economy,are affecting Epirus/Chameria generally. Inhabitantshave always sold agricultural products to the Ionian

    Islands. Many young Greeks prefer emigration to hardagricultural work, and the number of small farmers andpastoralists is dropping. Farm work has a poor imageamong the Greek young and often land is being taken

    over informally (and illegally) by incoming Albanians.Inland, long abandoned villages and homesteads

    are slowly disappearing under overgrown vegetation.Land once used by Chams to graze their huge ocks, isnow reverting back to forest, due to the endless cycle

    of depopulation that has historically characterised thiscorner of South Eastern Europe. Thus the geographicaland architectural legacy of Cham occupation in northwestern Greece is gradually vanishing.18 Over the pastfew decades there have been signicant changes in the

    population composition of Epirus/Chameria as ruraldepopulation has escalated. Whereas forty years agoone would witness abandoned Cham villages, todaymany Greek villages have also lost their inhabitants tothe larger towns and cities.

    Recently, however, a few Chams are quietly re-establishing themselves in long abandoned family

    property, even trying to rebuild them. This has mostlytaken place near the border, in remote mountainareas, and in coastal centers like Sivota, along with

    non-Cham origin Albanian and Kosovar Albanianinvestment in small tourist-oriented businesses. Atthe same time, several hundred ethnic Greek minorityfamilies from Albania have settled in towns such asFiliates. This will have a long term political effect

    because it is gradually changing the demographicbalance in the region, which could lead to social andeconomic tensions developing.19

    The wider issue of the border is starting to appearas a destabilizing factor in the situation. As a resultof the deep economic crisis in Greece, both policeand particularly Greek military bases have beenclosed, and/or numbers of active personnel reduced.Customs controls at the already porous borders have

    been reduced.The Greek military has, however,

    succeeded in constructing a new road capable oftaking heavy vehicles up to the border in the centralsector north of Filiates, the town generally consideredto be the military key to the region. Local people of

    both ethnicities believe this has been done in order toprovide the Greek army with a rapid reaction capacityin the event of trouble affecting the Greek Minorityareas around Saranda and Gjirokastra in south westAlbania.

    This instability does not only affect the Cham/Epirus border but the entire length of the border fromEpirus to Thrace. Albanian incursions were debatedin the Athens Parliament in late February 2013, aftera TV programme secretly lmed Albanian illegalloggers driving across the border near Leskovic (in the

    central sector adjoining Greek Macedonia) each dayand harvesting the forests Smuggling has always been

    part of border life but now has an ideal environment todevelop further. EU pressure to stop mass migration

    across the Evros River in east Thrace on the borderwith Turkey has led to Greek security personneltransfers to that area, denuding other northern borderareas of resources. In these circumstances there is aclear danger that some random encounter betweenGreek security forces and Albanians could lead toserious violence and bloodshed, and further iname

    public opinion in both countries.

    CONCLUSIONEver since the Cham issue was opened up to

    national debate following the end of Communist rulein Albania, the Chams have persistently requested helpfrom the Albanian government, the Council of Europeand the European Union to help resolve their issues,

    but with no signicant results. They have also been toBrussels in an attempt to internationalize their case,again to no avail. Yet despite constant setbacks and

    broken promises, the Chams have acted with patienceand moderation and are still unanimous in theirinsistence that the matter be solved through dialogueand not violence, and without issues of possible borderrevision being raised. With their new Party for Justice,Integration and Unity (PDIU), the Chams have put aside

    their internal differences and placed themselves rmlyon the Tirana political map. The June 2013 election inTirana produced a major step forward for the Chams,with the election of ve Assembly representatives.The new Albanian government is likely to be seen asa moderate and pro-European force in Athens and inthis context a key priority must be the organizationof a major international diplomatic conference on theCham and associated issues, to move forward towardsthe solution of this long-standing Balkan issues.Theschool textbooks on the issue need modication, inGreece in particular, and the issue needs to be linkedwith the wider issues of Albanian minority andcultural rights in Greece, building on the atmosphereof growing local Greek tolerance of cultural pluralism.

    Finding a solution to the Cham issue is not aninsurmountable problem. It is an historical legacy thatrequires a sincere willingness on behalf of both theAlbanian and Greek governments to seek new politicalinitiatives to resolve it. A rst step must surely be theabolition of the totally unnecessary and obsolete Stateof War Law. A major failure of the Tirana leadership isnot to insist on the abolition of this law. It is no longer

    possible for Greece to continue to claim that there isno Cham issue, and that the 1996 Treaty of Friendshipsomehow abolished the need for the Greek parliamentto ratify the War Law.

    This ambiguous subject needs to be conclusivelysettled not only to assist solving the Cham issue, butalso in the interests of Albanian-Greek relations and

    Albanias future EU membership. Before long theChams will have exhausted all reasonable democraticchannels in which to call attention to their case. Giventhat the economic crisis in Greece showing no sign ofabating soon, nationalist tensions will inevitably risefurther. Thus, previous warnings that the Cham issuerisks being hijacked by radical Albanian or Greeknationalist elements are more pertinent than ever.All efforts to nd a peaceful solution to this problemshould be sought otherwise there is the real possibilityof armed groups emerging if no action is taken soon.

    Future relations between Greece and Albania willmost certainly be held hostage by failure to resolve theCham issue. This matter obviously cannot be resolvedsolely between Albania, Greece and organizations

    representing the Cham population. A fair and lastingsolution can only be achieved with internationalmediation and support from EU institutions and withclear leadership from the United States.

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    1. Recognizes and supports the restorationneed of all the rights of Albanians of Chameria,former Greek nationals, according to the newcircumstances, pursuant to the international legal

    principles on genocide, ethnic cleansing, and dueprocess, non discrimination based on ethnicity,other relevant principles, and the spirit of theTreaty of Friendship between the two countries.

    2. Claims the reinstatement of the fundamental

    rights of Albanian citizens, former Greekcitizens, including the return of their property,acknowledgment of their repatriation rights, theright of regaining the citizenship, and other rightsof national minorities.

    3. Asks for the abrogation of the Greek Lawof War no. 2636 and 2637/1940, enacted throughroyal decree on 1940, still into force, especiallythe part of the law that provides for seizure ofAlbanian property.

    4. Asks for the effects of the Greek law no.1540/1985 On refugees to extend to all Greekcitizens that departed as a consequence of the civil

    conict, without discrimination based on ethnicorigins. A law that contradicts many internationalacts against discrimination on the basis of ethnicity,race, religion etc.

    5. Asks the Government of the Republic ofAlbania that in cooperation with the Governmentof the Republic of Greece, to reactivate theBipartisan Special Commissions provided onthe Treaty of Friendship, to examine the issue,to recognize its dimensions, and to work on thenecessary solutions on the matter.

    6. Charges the Ministry of Foreign Affairs tosafeguard the rights of Albanians, not deported

    from their original land, and to demand therecognition of ethnic minority status for them.

    7. Demands the construction of two monumentsin Paramithia and Filates, to commemoratewomen, the elderly and children, innocent victimsof crimes perpetrated by the Greek militia.

    8. Demands the option to construct or maintaincemeteries of Chams, former Greek citizens,killed during the Greek genocide.

    9. Charges the Ministry of Education and

    Science to reect in an