Stichproben.WienerZeitschriftfrkritischeAfrikastudienNr.20/2011,11.Jg.,115.

SocialmovementsinAfrica

NikolaiBrandes&BettinaEngels1Tunisia,Egypt,Libya,Morocco:sinceearly2011,televisionnewsworldwidehas shownpeopleprotesting against theirgovernmentson anearlydailybasis.Notonly is the frequencyofmediareportson theprotestsnew,butalso that the demonstrations are explicitly presented as political movements.Whentensofthousandsofpeoplemarchedinnumerouscities(suchasOuagadougouinBurkinaFaso,DoualainCameroon,orPortauPrinceinHaiti)aroundtheglobeagainstthehighcostsoflivingin2008,theirprotestswerecalledfoodriotsandputinthesocioeconomicframeofhungerandpoverty.Thisisnottosaythatsocioeconomicgrievanceswerenotbehindthe2008demonstrationsbut those foodriotsequallyaimedatbringingdowngovernments and initiatingpolitical change, andhighpricesmightalsohavebeenatriggerofwhatisnowcalledtheArabspring.Wecurrentlyobservethatpoliticalresistanceisperceivedassomethingpositive:mediaandWesternpoliticsdonolongercallforanalmostapoliticalcivilsocietybutappreciatesocialmovementsthataimatbringingdowntheirrespectivegovernments.Wearguethatinsomerespect,thereisanewqualityinhowAfrican socialmovements are presented in Westernmedia and politics:Recently, trying tobringdowngovernments ispresented inpositivewayswhereasintheyearsbefore,socialmovementsweresupposedtobeacivilsocietyalmost stabilizing the state.Speculationscirculate that thecurrentprotestswillnotstopinNorthernAfricaandtheMiddleEast:WilltheArabUprisingSpread toSubSaharanAfrica?,NairobisDailyNationheadlines2,referringtoZimbabwe,UgandaandSenegal.Nevertheless, the studyofAfrican socialmovements so far isaneglectedfieldofresearchinAfricanStudiesandSocialSciences.NotonlydoesAfrica

1Wewould liketothankBirgitEnglertandtheeditorsofStichprobenfortheirconstantsupportandhelpfulfeedbackduringthecompilationofthiseditionofStichproben,andHannahFranzkiandNikkiGroutfor theirvaluableand insightfulcommentsonthis introduction.2DailyNation,8September2011

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remainlargelyabsentfromsocialscienceresearchusingasocialmovementperspective. Social movement theory largely focuses on sociopoliticalmovements inEurope,North and SouthAmerica (cf.Tilly 1978;Tarrow1998;DellaPorta/Diani1999).InadditionthesocialmovementtheoryliteraturehassofarhardlybeenexploredwithinAfricanstudies,eventhoughagrowing number of empirical studies aredealingwithdifferent forms ofcivilactionandpoliticalmobilization inAfricancontexts.3Especiallycompared to LatinAmerican Studieswhere labour unions, landlessworkersmovements or feministmovements are central terrains of both empiricaland theoretical investigation (cf.Eckstein1989;Escobar/Alvarez1992), social movements in Africa largely remain underresearched and undertheorised.This isparticularly true forAfricanstudies inGermanspeakingcountries,whereanyattempt to takea critical inventory in this respect ismissing.However,tosomeextenttheneglectofasocialmovementperspectiveappliestoAfricanStudiesmoregenerally.ThoughsocialmovementsarenowalsorecognizedbyWesternacademics,politicsandmediaasactorsofsocialandpoliticalchangeinAfrica,therearefewrecentstudiesinthesocialsciencesonthesubject.Forthisreason,ouraim is toexplorehow farcurrentsocialmovements insubSaharanAfricaareactorsthattakeacriticalstancetowardssocialandpoliticaldomination.WhichsocialmovementsshapethepoliticallandscapeofcontemporaryAfrican societies?Whatare the strategies theyuse to intervene in socialdebatesandinfluencepolitics?HowdosocialmovementsinAfricamobilize,given thecontextofongoing resource scarcity?Finally, inwhichwaysdoAfricansocialmovementsparticipateinglobalalliances?Researchonsocialmovementsiscloselylinkedtotheempiricalphenomenastudied inEuropeandNorthernAmerica: oldsocialmovements,notablyworkersmovementsandunionism;civilrightsmovements(inparticulartheUS Black Power Movement); and the socalled new social movementsemerginginthe1980ssuchasmovementsagainstnuclearpower,forgender3Cf.Klopp/Orina2002;Leslie2006;Polet2007;Halim2009;Harsch2009;OdionAkhaine2009.Aparticularlywellstudiedcase is theRepublicofSouthAfrica.Scholarshaveexplored the struggle against Apartheid (van Kessel 2000) as well as a broad range ofmovements in postApartheid South Africa: against privatisation and liberalisation ofbasic social services (e.g.water andhealth services)ordiscrimination related to sexualidentity;for landrightsorgenderequality(cf.Bond1999;Ballardetal.2005;Alexander2010;Celik2010).

Introduction 3

equality, forsexual identityrights,andothers.Starting from the1960s,socialmovementstudieswere fundeduponMancurOlsons logicofcollectiveaction(Olson1965)andtriedtoexplainwhypeopleparticipateinpublic protest even though free riding seems to bemore rational for them.Buildingupontheassumptionofrationalistlogicsofaction,resourcemobilizationtheoryarguesthatprotestdependonwhichmaterial,idealandpersonnel resources can be mobilized (McCarthy/Zald 1977; Jenkins 1983).CharlesTillywasamongthefirsttoshiftthefocusfrompuremobilizationto the political system social movements act in (Tilly 1978; cf. Kitschelt1986).Accordingly,politicalstructuralconditions(forinstance,institutionalopenness,abilityandwillforrepression)explainwhyprotestdoesordoesnot occur.The focus thereby is on formalpolitical institutions and structures. Scholars from different theoretical perspectives agree that socialmovementsandprotestbasicallycome fromsocial,politicalandeconomicgrievances.Butgrievancesassuchdonotnecessarilyresultincollectiveaction.Whereasthefirststudies,focussingonthecostsandbenefitsofprotestparticipation and onpolitical opportunity structures, aimed at explainingwhy people join social movements and protests, from the 1980s on, researchershavestartedtoaskwhysomeissuesseemtobemoresuitableforprotestthanothersandtriedtoexplainthedynamicsofmobilization(ratherthan thesimplereasonwhypeopledoordonotprotest).Theyargue thatframinghowgrievancesare interpreted isadecisive factorofprotestandmobilization (McAdam 2001; Snow 2004;Polletta/Ho 2006).Thus far,there is hardly any research combining socialmovement theory and thestudyofprotestinAfrica.4SocialmovementsintheAfricancontext:anupcomingfieldofresearch?ThehithertomostinfluentialbookonsocialmovementsinAfricaingeneralisavolumeeditedbyMahmoodMamdaniandErnestWambadiaWamba(Mamdani/WambadiaWamba1995).AfricanStudiesinSocialMovementsandDemocracywaspublishedbyCODESRIA5 in1995andonly sparselyreferred to in the European debate. Mamdani and WambadiaWamba4 Some authors in this issue try to bridge the gap and critically assess how far socialmovement theorycanhelp todevelopabetterunderstandingofcontemporarypoliticalcontentioninAfrica(cf.contributionsbyAlexVeitandElsioMacamo).5 The Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa, seewww.codesria.org

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aimedatrevealinghowtheoriesanddebateswithinAfricanstudiesignoresocialmovements.Theyarguethatscholarsreproduceanallegedlyuniversal ideaof civilsocietythat isdeeplyrootedthedualismoftraditionandmodernityemergingfrommodernisationtheory.OnlyrecentlyhaveEuropean scholars started to look atAfrican socialmovements both from theperspectiveofAfricanandsocialmovementstudies.ThevolumeeditedbyStephenEllisandInekevanKessel(Ellis/vanKessel2009b)compriseseightcasestudies,mostlyonAnglophoneAfricanstates(Nigeria,Malawi,SouthAfrica,Liberia,SierraLeone;MauretaniaandSomaliawithArabic respectivelySomaliastheofficiallanguagearetheonlyexceptions).EllisandvanKesseldonotstartwithadefinitionofsocialmovementsbasedontheliterature.TheirideaisrathertolookatdifferentexamplesofAfricanmovementsinordertocompareempiricalfindingswithexistingtheoreticalperspectivesafterwards.EllisandvanKesselraisethegeneralquestionofwhethersocialmovementsaretobeunderstoodasaglobalphenomenonorwhetherAfricanmovementsratherdofundamentallydifferfromthoseinEuropeortheAmericas.In2010,theReviewofAfricanPoliticalEconomypublishedaspecial issueonSocialmovementstruggles inAfrica (Vol.37, Iss.125).This issue iscomplementary toEllis andvanKessels editedvolume as itpresents severalcasestudiesmostly fromFrenchspeakingcountriessuchasBurkinaFaso,Niger,Senegaland theDRC.Thearticleswere firstpresentedataconferenceheld inParis inearly2010. Interestingly, thisconferencewasnotexplicitlyonsocialmovementsat least, thenamedidnotsuggest it: lutterdanslesAfrique6(strugglesintheAfricas).ApplyingabroadconceptofAfrican socialmovements including tradeunions, religiousorganizationsandNGOs,ROAPEseditorMilesLarmerarguesthatatalltimes,socialmovementsinAfricahavebeenfirmlyinfluencedbyexternal,notablyWesternactors,conceptsandnorms.

[S]ocialmovementsactuallyexistinginAfricaareunavoidablyhybridinnature,utilisingandadaptingWestern ideas, funding, formsoforganisationandmethodsofactivism.Consequently,theenduringinfluenceofuniversalistmodelsthathavetheiroriginsintheWest,andtheprofound inequalitiesandpower relationsbetweenWesternagencies

6Cf.alsoGensesNo.4/2010(81),Bangasetal.2010

Introduction 5

andAfricansocialmovements,shouldbepartoftheanalysisofsocialmovements(Larmer2010:257;vgl.Pommerolle/Simant2008).

EllisandvanKesselargueequallythatfinancialdependencyfromexternaldonors,directlyor indirectlyvia localNGOs, isa characteristic featureofseveralsocialmovementsinAfrica(Ellis/vanKessel2009a).Researchersandactivistfrequentlydiscussthisinfluencecontroversially.WeagreewithLarmer that,withoutdoubt, internationaland inparticularWestern actors, ideas andnormsdo influenceAfrican socialmovementsand struggles.Beyond that,we stress twoaspects: first, socialmovementsdo exist inAfricawhich less reflect Western ideas and that, therefore,theyarehardly recognizedas socialmovements fromaWesternperspective,neitheracademicnoractivist.Theseare,forinstance,religiousorganizationssuchastheNasrAllahalFatihSocietyofNigeria,describedbyBenjaminSoares (Soares2009)or ethnonationalistmovementsasportrayedbyKehindeOlayode in this issue. Second, rather than seeingAfricanmovementsonesidedly shapedbyglobaland Western influences,weemphasizethathistoriesandconceptsofAfricaandtheWestareinseparablyinterlinkedandinterwoven(cf.Randeria1999).WecanonlyimagineAfricansocialmovements by necessarily comparing them to an imaginedNorthern/Westerncounterpart;atthesametime,theseWesternactors,scholars,concepts, ideas and norms only become Western through the polarizedconstruction of theWest and the rest, as StuartHall put it (Hall 1992),meaningthattheyaredefinedagainstanOrientalorAfricanOther.ThisStichproben issueaimsatcontinuing thedebateonsocialmovementsinAfricathatwasstartedbyMamdaniandWambadiaWambainthe1990sandrestartedincontemporarytimesbyEllisandvanKesselaswellastheROAPE issue.Several importantquestionsstillremain tobediscussed, including the ambivalent relationshipofAfrican socialmovements towardsthecolonialandpostcolonialstateandvisvisexternalactors, includingtheriskofbeingcontrolledbydonorsandinternationalNGOs.ContemporarysocialmovementsinAfricaaselsewherecanonlybeunderstood against thebackground of thehistorical and socialpolitical surroundingstheyemergedfrom.Regardingthehistoricalemergenceofmacroeconomicstructures,Larmerdistinguishes fourhistoricalperiodsofsocialmovement struggles inAfrica:nationalismand liberation struggles inthe1950sand60s, suppressionand incorporation from196075, economic

Stichproben6

crisis and structural adjustment from 197589, and prodemocracymovementsfrom19902010.UnlikeLarmer,wefocusonthedimensionofpowerand(state)dominationandidentifyfour(slightlydifferent)overlappinghistoricalphases thatarerelevant for theunderstandingofsocialmovementsincontemporaryAfrica.Indoingso,wedonotdenythatlocalandregionalcontextsareshapedbyaveryspecifichistoricityandbynomeansthatAfricaasawholecouldbeascribedauniformhistory.HoweverwedoassumethatsomehistoricalmacrotrendscanbeidentifiedthatarerelevantatleastforseveralAfricancountries.Thefourhistoricalphasesweidentifyarethefollowing:firstly,thephaseofcolonizationanddecolonization:anticolonialliberationmovementsarehistoricallyrelevantsocialmovements.Secondly,in several countries a period followed when liberation movements heldstatepower andoftenperformedmuchmore repressively than a lot ofsupporterslocallyandinternationallyhadhoped.Thirdly,intheearly1990saphaseofpoliticalsystem transformationstarted innumerousstates,andenormousdemocratichopeswereputon the respective civil societies.Afourthperiodfollowed,itscharacteristicbeingthecooptationofcivilsocietiesby internationalagenciesanddonorssuchas theWorldBank. In thisperiod, for instance, thePovertyReductionStrategyPlansemergedandanumberofcivilsocietyactorstransformedthemselvesintoprofessionaldevelopment agencies. These agencies partly substitute the state insofar astheyfulfiltasksthatstateagenciesaresupposedtocarryout.Formostpeople(inAfricaaselsewhere),oneofthestatesmaintasksistoguaranteeaccess tobasic social services,notablyhealthandeducation.Without reproducing neoliberal allegations of state failure, from a basic social serviceprovisionperspective,thecoverageofseveralstatesinAfricaislimited.Innumerous cases, the state happens to be authoritarian and aggressive.7However, for socialmovements inAfrica, their relationship visvis thestateisacorequestion.CivilsocietyandsocialmovementsInourview, the term socialmovementsprovidesadifferentapproach tosocietaldevelopmentsthanthetermcivilsocietydoes.Althoughbothcan

7Needlesstosay,thatbothfeatureslimitedbasicsocialservicesandauthoritarianstates arenot to be observed exclusively inAfrica but in allhistorical and spatial contextsaroundtheglobe.

Introduction 7

helptodescribethesameempiricalrealities,actors,andorganizations,theymakeitpossibletolookatthemfromdifferentangles.AsthetermcivilsocietyismuchmoreprevalentinAfricanStudiestoday,wewillbrieflyrecapitulate thechangingconnotationsof thiscontestedconcept.Thishelpsustodistinguishour approach to socialmovements frompresentdaymainstreamapproachestoAfricanpoliticsthatoftenrelyonaconstrictedunderstandingofcivilsocieties.AfterthedeclineofsinglepartyruleinEasternandCentralEurope,aprocess often associatedwith the successful impact of civil society,AfricanStudies in the early 1990swere characterisedbyhighly controversialperspectivesontheoutlooksandpotentialsofcivilsocietiesinsubSaharanAfrica.However,theheightofthisdebatewaslimitedtoafewyears.Asinliteratureon civil societies ingeneral,mostof the literatureonAfrican civilsocieties followsabasicconceptualdifferentiation.The term civil societyreferstoseveralconcepts.Inaratherdescriptiveway,itreferstoasocietalspherebetweenstateinstitutionsandfamilialstructures.Atthesametimeandinamorenormativewayitpictureseitherdynamicswhichcountervailatotalappropriationofasocietybyastateorthesiteofproductionofhegemonial discourses which provide a resource of legitimacy for statepower.8WhenfirstappearingprominentlywithinthefieldofAfricanStudiesinthemid1980s,thetermcivilsocietywasmainlyusedtoidentifyspacesofpoliticaloppositionandautonomy.InfluencedbythesuccessofcivilsocietiesinengagingauthoritarianstatesinEasternEurope,severalauthorsconceptualizedAfrican civil societiesasdefendersagainst themonopolisationofsociety by the state. JeanFranois Bayart describes how throughout the1980sgrassrootsorganizationstriedtoestablishindependentspacesagainstthepostcolonialAfricanPoliceystaat(Bayart1986).CrawfordYoungcaricatured this lateras the juxtapositionofaveritablysatanicstateandanangeliccivilsociety (Young1994:47). In the followingyears, thisbinaryconception of a totalitarian state and a rather monolithic civil societyfightingover rooms formanoeuvrewaspushedasidebyapproaches that8Mamdaniunderlinesthedifferencebetweenthelasttwocurrentsanddistinguishessocietycentrists,whichundertakethefosteringofcivilsocietiesagainstsocietysappropriationbythestate,andstatecentrists,whichimaginethestateasanautonomoussphereofuniversalrepresentationofinterestsandasanoutcomeofconflictswithincivilsociety(Mamdani1995).

Stichproben8

highlightedtheirinterdependency.Theearly1990swerecharacterisedbyachangeofperspectivefromthestatetosocietyasthemainsphereofpolitical negotiation, where the stateinsociety (Migdal 2003) became oneplayer amongst others (Kunz 1995: 183).As a result, civil societywasnolongerunderstoodasanapriorispaceofhomogenouspoliticalopposition,but as a ratherunpredictable factor (Fatton 1992) intrinsically infused byconflictingandevenpolitically conservative interestsbasedon sex,ethnicidentities,socialclass,etc.However,severalauthorsstartedtofocusonpoliticalnegotiationsbasedonthesedifferencesasaresourceoflegitimacyforstatepolitics(Harbeson1994).At thesame time, thegoodgovernanceparadigmbegan tooffernewprogrammaticperspectivesforthedutiesofcivilsocieties.Theideaofthestateasasetofneutralinstitutionsthat justneedsoundadministration(atransparentbudget, ruleof law, fight against corruption etc.)went alongwithstructuraladjustmentprogrammesandprivatisations thatallowed the implantationof former state responsibilitieswithin thewider society.Broadsocietalparticipationingovernanceissuesturnedintoamajorpointofreferenceforthedebateoncivilsocietyandraisedawarenessoftwodynamicsbetweencivilsocietyandthestate:Firstly,ongoingauthoritarianstructuresandthedismantlingofpublicsocialservicesmotivatedsomepoliticalactorstodigress fromstate institutions.Civilsocietybecameconceptualisedasashelterfordisadvantagedsocialstratumsthatturnawayfromthestate insteadofconfrontingit.OftensupportedbyNorthernNGOs,grassrootsorganizations started toorganize theirown supplywith social services andtherebystructurallyreplacedandsupportedthestate.Secondly,theideaofparticipationingovernanceissuesallowedfortheconceptualisationofcivilsocietyorganizationsas independentorgans for thecontrolof thegovernment,as intermediatestructurebetween thestateand localpopulationsorasmultiplicatorsofideasofhumanandcivilrightsorruleoflaw(Chazan1994;GyimahBoadi1996).9

9Thegoodgovernanceparadigmofastatewithneutral interests facedheavycriticism.AccordingtoRobertFatton,thisconceptignoresclassdifferencesthatrenderabalanceofintereststhroughauniversalparticipationofallcitizensinstateissuesimpossible.LiberaldemocracycouldnotbeimplementedinAfricaasthesimultaneousintroductionofmarketeconomiesandprivatizationsstabilizedrulingclassesinsteadofopeningupnewopportunitiesforthesociallydisadvantaged(Fatton1992,1995).

Introduction 9

Approachesthatframecivilsocietyactorsasstakeholdersofanoppositiontogovernmentsoras independentmoversofpowerfulpoliticaldiscourseshavebeenindeclineoverthelastdecade.Althoughcivilsocietiescontinuetobeanalysedasamajorfactorindemocratizationprocesses,theyseemtobeprogrammaticallyunderstoodasfulfillingarathercomplementaryfunctionwithinthestatebyprovidinglegitimacyandsocialservices.Statebuildingtendstocomefirst,democracysecond(cf.Ottaway2003).10ThisunderstandingcorrelateswithdevelopmentsinAfricasincethe1990s.Supportedbybiandmultilateraldonors,manyoldandnewsubSaharancivilsocietyactorsturnedintoprofessionalserviceprovidersandconsultancies.Socialmovementscanbedefinedasinterlockingnetworksofgroups,socialnetworksandindividuals,andtheconnectionbetweenthemisasharedcollective identity that tries to prevent societal change by noninstitutionalizedtactics(vanStekelenburg/Klandermans2009:20f;cf.DellaPorta/Diani1999).Bearingthis inmind, the literatureoncivilsocietiesdidoftendealwithactorsthatcouldequallybedescribedassocialmovements.However,wedonotsimplywanttoreplaceonetermbyanother.Instead,wewant todistinguish our approach to the actorsunder study from thecurrentlypredominatingdiscourseoncivilsocietyasaserviceproviderorasaresourceofstatelegitimacy.Asopposedtothispredominantmeaningthatthetermhasgainedoverthelasttwentyyears,wewanttoturntheanalyticalfocusbackontheactors.Wefeelthatwiththeongoingfocusontheintegrationofcivilsocietyactorsintotheprojectedgoodgovernancestructures, a broader perspective on their political demands, organizationalstructures, modes of mobilization, collective identities or noninstitutionalized tactics has been lost.With our conceptual choice of thetermsocialmovements,wewanttohighlightashifttowardsaperspectivethat does justice to these factors.11 Furthermore, a social movements approachcangobeyondthecommoncivilsocietyapproachinordertounderline the critical or possibly emancipatory stance social actors take to10Mamdani seesa risk inanoverlypositiveperceptionof the state.Through thegoodgovernanceproject,thequestformorestateefficiencywouldhavebecomemorepopularthantheoneformoredemocracy(Mamdani1995)11However,ifwe(asresearchers)dorecognizesocialmovementsorcivilsocieties,thisisundoubtedlysubjecttoscholarlytrends.Wethusunderlinethatweunderstandbothconceptsasanalytical (andnormative)perspectives thatcouldbothbeapplied to thesamehistoricalphases.

Stichproben10

wardsdominantpoliticalrelations.Itrevealshowtheydemandmoredemocraticparticipationintheformationofsocietalactivitiesandstatepoliciesortakethemintotheirownhands.AboutthisissueThe rangeof socialmovements ishuge: from loosergroups suchas someneighbourhood,womens or youth groups andmore or less spontaneousproteststowellorganizedandhighlyinstitutionalizedformssuchastradeunions.Asamatterofcourse,one journal issuecanonlyrepresentaverysmallsectionofthehighlydiverserealityofsocialmovementsincontemporaryAfrica.Nevertheless,examplesofat least someof thecoreactorsareportrayedinthisissuesuchastradeunions(DanileObono)andwomensmovements(AndreaKaufmann).Other,nolessimportantonessuchasstudentsmovementsaremissing.Acorequestion is inhow farsocialmovementsquadefinitionhavetobeemancipatoryintheiraimsandhowtheemancipatorypotentialshouldbedefined.Withregardtotheemancipatorypotentialofsocialmovements,casestudiesinthisissueincludemovementsby socially marginalized people, namely slave descendants (Lotte Pelckmans andEricHahonou).They also raise thequestion inhow far ethnonationalist movements can be seen as being emancipatory (KehindeOlayode).Allempiricalcasesanalysedinthisissueshowthatthestateisthecorepointofreferenceforsocialmovements:allmovementspresentedhereaddress the state in oneway or another. For instance, democracymovements try to hinder presidential third terms (Boniface Dulani); womensmovements demand the legal persecution of sexualized violence. CasestudyexamplescomefrommoreorlessallregionalandlinguisticareasofsubSaharanAfrica:Nigeria,LiberiaandMali inWesternAfrica,MozambiqueandAngola,MalawiandNamibia,andtheDRC.GiventhefactthattheRepublicofSouthAfrica is theonlycountrywhose socialmovementshavebeenwidelystudiedinexistingliterature,inthisspecialissue,wedeliberatelydonotfocusonRSA.Inadditiontosingleandcomparativecasestudies, two articles aim at advancing the theoretical debate on socialmovementsinAfrica.The first one isAlex Veits contribution on direct internationalised rule.Starting from theexampleofdemobilizedmilitia fighters in theDRCwhopartlyorganized themselves inanassociation trying tobring theirrequestforward to international organizations, Veit analyses the relationship be

Introduction 11

tweeninternationalauthorities(suchasUNagencies)andindividuals(suchastheformercombatantsinDRC).Inordertotheoreticallycapturetheserelations,hescrutinizesapproachesfromsocialmovementtheory,globalgovernance,andgovernmentalitystudies.Heconcludesthatapoliticalsociologyofcontestationofinternationalizedruleneedstocarveouttheoverlappingaspectsofstudiesofcontentionandeverydayresistance.Incontrast,ElsioMacamoarguesthattheconceptofsocialmovementsmayproveinadequatetoastudyofcontestationinAfricansettings.ForMacamo,thesocialmovementsresearchprogrammesuffersfromanalltoodominantrelationtoEuropeanexperiencesandfromthetendencytoframeanyformofsocialcontestationaspoliticalprotest.Asanalternativetothisconceptwhichpackagescontestationintoanormativeframeofreferencethatlendsnormativeandteleologicallegitimacytoprotest,hedefendstheuseofthetermsocialcriticismtoavoidpassingjudgementonthesocietalrelevanceofcontestation.ThefirstcasestudyarticleisastudyofNigeriantradeunions.DanileObonoanalyses the role labourunionshaveplayed inNigerianpolitics since the1990s.Tradeunions,sheargues,functionatthesametimeasproducersofcompromisebetweensocialactorsandthestateandasactorsofcontentiouspolitics.BonifaceDulanipresentsthecaseofDemocracyMovementsinMalawi,Namibia,UgandaandZambia.Basedon theanalysisofpoliticalstruggles toimplementpresidentialtermlimitsinthesecountries,heunderlinesseveralconditionswhichcontributetothesemovementssuccessorfailure.Dulanisumsuphis findings in a catalogue thatmightprove to beusefulwhenlookingatotherDemocracyMovements,too.ThecaseanalysedbyLottePelckmansandEricHahonouisanimportantfeature inWesternAfricanpolitics, thoughnearlyunknown in theEuropeanpublic:socialmovementsofslavedescendants.The legaciesofslaveryarenotamatterofthepastbutstillrelevantinAfricansocialandpoliticallife.The authorspresent indetail the case of an emancipatorymovement engagedinMalianidentitypoliticsonbehalfofformerKelTamasheq(Tuareg)slaves. They show how contemporary antislavery movements mobilize,what theyclaimandhow theysucceedor fail toachieve theiraims.ComparingittosimilarmovementsinseveralotherWestAfricanstates(Niger,Benin, Mauretania), Pelckmans and Hahonou argue that antislaverymovements differ from other struggles such as food riots, womens or

Stichproben12

peasantsmovements.Movementsofslavedescendantspursue ideologicalaims related to citizenshipand identity thatare closely linked tomaterialissues.The specificityofAfrican antislaverymovements, they suggest, isthattheyaddressideologicalandmaterialissuessimultaneously.KehindeOlayodeexamines fourethnonationalistorganizsations indifferentpartsofNigeria. Inparticular,he explores thesegroups influenceonnationalpoliticsandattemptstoanswerthequestioninhowfartheyenhancepopular participation. Ethnonationalist movements, he argues, differ inmanyrespectsfromconventionalcivilsocietygroups.Theirrootsareculturalones,thoughsincetheearly1990s,theyhavestartedtoengageinpoliticalstruggles.Theyusehumanrightsrhetoricinahighlyselectiveway,andtheymobilizeonthegrassrootslevelbasedonidentityframeworksofinsidersandoutsiders.Mobilizsationbasedonethnonationalistidentitiesisa characteristic featureofNigerianpolitics alsodiscussed as thenationalquestion.Olayodeconcludesthattheinabilityofthevariousgroupstoresolveoragreeonsomeoftheissuesrelatedtothenationalquestionisprimarily responsible for the fragmentation of socialmovements inNigeriaalongethnoregionallines.AndreaKaufmannpresentsanexampleofwomensmovements.ThecaseofLiberiaisaparticularoneinsofarasLiberianwomensgroupshaveplayedanimportantroleinthepeacemovementthatcontributedtotheendofthelongstandingcivilwar.Nowadays,eightyearsafter thewarended,womens organizations engage in postconflict issues such as ending genderbasedviolenceorimprovingtheircommunitieslivingconditions.Inheranthropological study,Kaufmanndescribes theWestPointWomen,awomensorganizationinaquarterofMonrovia.Sheshowsthatthewomenprimarilyaddressthestatewhichtheykeepresponsibleforsocialandeconomicgrievances.Therefore,Kaufmannargues,womensgroupsarevitalactorspromotingsocialchangeonthelocallevelandbeyond.Someof thepapers in this issuehavebeenpresented at the 4thEuropeanConferenceonAfricansStudiesinUppsala,1518June2010.ThosecontributionstotheECASdoublesession socialmovements inAfricathatarenotpresent in this journal can be found either at the conferencewebsite12 orhavebeenpublishedelsewhere(vanKessel2009;Daniel2011).

12www.nai.uu.se/ecas4/panels/4160/panel60/

Introduction 13

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