97 salazar ferro jose

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Bogotá1992-2005Thereversalofthecrisisandtheplanningscheme

JoséSALAZARFERRO.UniversidaddelosAndes.Bogotá–COLOMBIA

[email protected]

Abstract

ThepaperpresentstherecentevolutionofurbanmanagementandplanninginBogotá,aspartofawidetransformationofthecityoccurredbetween1992and2005.Thisprocessimplieddeepchangesinthegovernmentandcitizencohabitationscheme,financialwrite-off,socialinvestmentandthecapacityofpublicplanning.Thesestronglyrelatedelementsallowedthecity’surbanreconstruction,andproducedpositiveresultsintheurbandynamicsandwerekeyin overcoming thecritical scenario inwhich thecity’s developmentwastrapped since the80’s.

The city’s urban reconstruction included better mobility, recovery of urban public areas,building ofnewgood-quality publicservices facilities inurbanoutlyingareasandhousingprogramsforlowincomefamiliesandimprovementofinformalsettlements.

Atthesametime,thestartupofanewplanningsystemincludedprogramsandprojectsoftransportation,public space,schools, libraries, etc., ina so called“city project”.This newsystemisexpectedtoaddressdiversechallengesthatintheinternationalexperiencehavebeensubject todifferent types ofplans over time. InBogotá, however, theymust beaddressedsimultaneously: traditional challenges (housing, public utilities, basic facilities: education,health, etc.); challenges related to the size of the city (transport; downtown deterioration;greater facilities; historic patrimony); and new challenges like sustainability,competition/productivity,andequity.overcomeinothercities,arestillinforceinBogotá.

Keywords:Bogotáplanningscheme,cityrecovery,urbanreconstruction,citizenculture,publicspace.



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Bogotá1992-2005

Thereversalofthecrisisandtheplanningscheme1JoséSALAZARFERRO.UniversidaddelosAndes.Bogotá–COLOMBIA

[email protected]

ThisdocumentpresentstherecentevolutionofurbanmanagementandplanninginBogotá(Colombia),conceivedaspartofawidetransformationofthecityoccurredinthelast15years.Thisprocessimplieddeepchangesinthegovernmentandcitizencohabitationscheme,financialwrite-off,socialinvestmentandthecapacityofpublicplanning.Thesestronglyrelatedelementsproducedpositiveresultsintheurbandynamicsandwerekeyinovercomingthecriticalscenarioinwhichthecity’sdevelopmentwastrappedsincethe80’s.

Thedocumentisdividedinfourparts:

Thefirstchapterpresentsthecity’scriticalscenarioduringthe80’sandthefirstpartofthe90’s.

Thesecondchapterpresentsthecity’sinstitutionalframeworkandtheprogramsandprojectsthattriggeredstructuralchanges,resultinginthereversionofthecrisisandthebeginningofadevelopmentprocessthatcontinuesuntiltoday.

Thethirdchapterpresentsthedeterminantsofthenewplanningsystem

Thefourthchapterpresentsasummaryoflessonslearnedfromtheprocessandthechangesahead.

1Chapters1y2ofthispaperarebaseonthedocumentonBogotápresentedbytheauthorat“Mega-citiescomparativestudy”,SUR-UniversityofTokyo,March2008.



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1. THEURBANCRISISOFTHE80S

Duringthe90’s,agreaturbancrisisthathadbeenincubatingthroughthepreviousdecadesbecameevidentinColombia(Salazar,DelCastillo,2005;Martin,2006).Bogotáhadaccumulatedtheproblemsofanycitywithanacceleratedpopulationgrowth,devoidoftheresourcesortheinstitutionalandtechnicalframeworknecessarytofacethem.Thepublicspherecrisisandthelowcredibilityintheinstitutions,inplanning,and,ingeneral,inthecity’sfuture,revealedan“urbancrisis”ofhugeproportions.

Thecrisisoriginatedintheadministration’sincapacitytoprovidethepopulationwiththenecessarygoodsandservicesbecauseoftheeightfollowingfeatures:

- Weaknessofpublicfinances.Taxcollectionswerestagnantuntil1983,andthenrecoveredslightlythroughthetenfollowingyears,mainlyduetothecountry’sgeneraldecentralizationlaws,whichdictatedthetransferoftheNation’sresourcestowardstheregions.In1994itwaspracticallybankrupt“In1992,thecitywasbroke.Ithadcollapsed.Itcouldn’tbegoverned,noradministrated.Ithadnofuture.” (Martin,G.2004:99;translatedbytheauthor),andhadnoinvestmentpossibilities.

- Governanceandlackoftransparency.Itwasalsoimpossibletogovernthecity;theconstantinterferenceofthepoliticalspectrumwiththeadministrativesectorsofthecity,theinefficiencyofthedistrictadministrationandthegrowingbureaucracydueto“clienteles”,promotedarisinggovernmentefficiencycrisis.TheCouncilorsco-administeredthecity,whichmadepublicadministrationandpoliticalcontrolmoredifficultaswell.

- Adeficientplanningscheme.Duringthesecondhalfofthe20thcentury,

Bogotátriedvariousplanningschemes,whichwereabandonedastheyshowedtheirincapacitytofacethecomplexurbanreality.Attheendofthe80’stheweaknessofpublicrationalitybecameevident,reflectedonthecity’sinabilitytoproducegovernmentpropertyandtheapparentsubordinationofallpublicaffairstotheprivatesphere(Garay,1999;GómezBuendía,1999).Theplanningschemewasincapableofprovidinganswerstothegraveproblemsthathinderedthecity’sdevelopment.Theadministrationandthecitizens’littlecredibilityonplanningwasevident.



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Thisincompetenceofthepublicadministration,addedtothecountry’sdifficultconditions,resultedinthefollowingproblems:

- Increaseofinsecurity.Duringthe80s,Bogotáwasamongthemostviolentcitiesintheworld:in1994,itregisteredarateof82homicidesevery100.000inhabitants,oneofthehighestinthecontinent.Notsurprisingly,forColombia’shomicideratewasLatinAmerica’shighest.Inthesameyear,therewere1,089traffic-relateddeathsinBogotá.Theseindicatorsreflecttheprecariousnessofthecity’ssecurityandexplainthecitizens’lackofcredibilityintheinstitutionsresponsibleforitinBogotá.

- Urbansegregationandincreasinghousingdeficitforthepoorestpopulation.Astronglysegregatedterritoryemergedwiththedisplacement

ofthecity’spoorestgroupstotheperipheries,withlow-qualityservicesanddeficientaccessibility.Inthelasttwodecadesofthe20thcentury,approximately180hectaresperyearwereconstructedoutsidetheurbannorms.

- Obsoletetransportationsystem.ProbablyoneofthemostcriticalsubjectsforBogotá’sinhabitantshasbeenmobility.Thetransportationsystem(morethan40privatecompanies,ownersofbusesonthesurface)andthebadstateofthecity’sroadnetworkhavegeneratedgravemobilityproblemssincethe80’s.In1998,acitizenofBogotáspentanaverageof

4hoursadayintransportationandtravelled10kilometresfromhometowork.Despitethecity’slowlevelofmotorization(850,000privatevehiclesfor6millioninhabitantsin1998),congestionandaccessibilityproblemswerehigh,especiallyinthesouthandoccidentalperipheralareas,hometothepoorestpopulation.

- Theinabilitytodefendandconstructpublicspace.Theabusiveoccupationofsidewalksbyautomobilesandsmallshops,aswellastheclosingupofparksandareasofpubliccession,resultedinalossofthestructuringfunctionofpublicspace.ForthecitizensofBogotá,public

spacecametorepresentadangerousplace,badlybuilt,throughwhichtheyhadtocirculatetoreachtheirdestiny.

2. THEBASESOFCHANGE

Withintheprocessofreversionofthecrisis,thecityengagedinaseriesofactionsthatshouldbeunderstoodasactionsdirectedtosupportsustainable

urbandevelopment.Actionsdirectedtowardsinfluencingcivicculture,aswell



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asthoseorientedtowardsrecoveringpublicsphereandimprovingmobility,arepartofthepurposeofpromotingsustainableurbandevelopmentconcerningeconomy,environmentandsociety.

ItisnecessarytounderlinesomespecialfeaturesofthereversalofBogotá’surbancrisis.

Ithappensinacountrythateventodayhasnotyetovercomeitsgravegovernanceanddevelopmentproblems.

Itshouldbeunderstoodasthesumofmanyefforts,someofthemcoordinatedwiththepreviousones,othersaresponsetoparticularprograms,thatendedupcomingtogetherinacollectiveprojectthatwasnotthoughtofnorstructuredfromthebeginning.

Itproposestherecoveryofthepublicsphereasacentralpointoftheprocessandtoconstructthenecessarypublicrationalitytoprovideitwithgoodsandurbanpublicservices.

Withinthisprocess,asumofeffortsofthecity’smayorsduringthelast15yearsindifferenturbandevelopmentsubjectsshouldbecited:JaimeCastro(1992-1994),onthesubjectsofgovernanceanddecentralization;AntanasMockus(1994-1997and2001-2004),oncivicanddemocraticculture,efficientadministrationandrespectforlife;EnriquePeñalosa(1998-2001),onmobilityandpublicspaceimprovement;andLuisE.Garzón(2004-2007),onsocialinclusion.

Eachofthesemayorsdefendeddifferentideas;theyeachwavedtheirownflagsandhadtheirownprograms;somewantedtobedifferentiatedfromthepreviousmayor,butendedupsupportingthecityprojectthatfinally,withoutapreviouslyestablishedroute,consolidatedasasuccessfulmodelforurbandevelopment(Martin,Marijke.2004:29).

a) StrengtheninglocalgovernanceandpublicfinancesThefirstpointthatshouldbeemphasizedintheprocessofreversalofthecrisisistheadoptionofanewinstitutionalandfinancialframeworkforthecity,containedinthe“BogotáCapitalDistrict’sOrganicBylaw”(Decree1421of1993),issuedbythePresidentoftheRepublicasadevelopmentofwhat’sstipulatedinColombia’s1991PoliticalConstitution.

ThisspecialregimeadoptedforBogotáimpliedachangeinitsformof

government,consistingonseparatingtheadministrationfromthecouncil,the



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city’sbodyofpoliticalrepresentation.Thisnewregimeincreasedthecity’sresponsibilities,givingitmoreautonomytoorganizeitstaxesandimproveitsfinances.Civicparticipationwasalsopromotedbyimplementing

decentralizationwithinthecityitself:20localidades(localities)werecreatedinBogotá,whichenlargedthechannelsfortheexerciseofdemocracy.

Withinthelegalframework,andasidefromthechangesbroughtaboutbythe1991Constitution,thefollowingactionsshouldbeemphasized:

The1994DevelopmentPlanLaw,whichorderedeachMayor(electedsince1990)tointroduceaPlandeDesarrollo(DevelopmentPlan)inhisgovernmentprogram,describingalloftheinvestmentstobemadeduringhisadministration.

Law388of1997,whichsupportsnewschemesofurbanandterritorialplanningbasedonurbanismasapublicfunction,themandatorycharacterofterritorialmanagement.ItboundstheadoptionofPlanesdeOrdenamientoTerritorial-POT (TerritorialManagementPlans),asaresponsetothenecessitytotransformurbanplanningandprovidelocaladministrationswithcontemporaryurbandevelopmentplanningandmanagementinstrumentstofacetheurbancrisisofthe80’s.

Finances

Therewasalsoaspectacularrecoveryofthecity’sfinancessince1994,anessentialbaseforitsfuturedevelopment.In4years,theincometripled(inconstantpesos),asaresultofnewformsofliquidationandtaxcollection.Thehighestannualgrowth,77%,happenedbetween1993and1994.

Thatsameyear,theIndustryandTradeTaxes(ICA)andtheLandPropertyTaxgrewatarateof90%.Thiswasduetotheimplementationofthe“autoavalúo”(self-assessment),thedirectcollectionoftaxesbybanks,andthemandatory

paymenttothedistrict’sindustrialandtradecompanies.

Improvingthecity’sincomeby29%wastheresultofa“taxpayerculture”program,110%withBogotá,designedtoteachcitizensabouttheirresponsibilitytowardsthecityandothers:“allpay,allgain”,wasthesloganunderwhichthis“tributaryculture”wasimplemented(seeaheadthedescriptionoftheprogramofciviccultureastheframeworkoftributaryculture).Citizenswereaskedtochooseaprojectandpaymoretaxes–63,000ofthemdid.Thus,before1993,only33%ofallthecontributorspaidtheirtaxes;today,90%ofthecontributorspaytheirtaxesontime.



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Atthesametime,costswerecutradically.Forexample,operationcostsgrewveryslowlyduringthedecade,passingfrom45%ofthetotalspendingin1993,to25%or30%inthefollowingyears.Duringthosesameyears,Bogotá’s

“tributaryincomegrewatgreaterratesthanthenation’s,andinternalindebtednesslevelswerelowerthanthoseestablishedbylaw” (Faimboim,Gaudaour,Uribe2002:4),whichreflectedonthecity’sBBBratingaccordingtotheDuff&PhelpsCreditRatingCo.,afinancialadvisoryfirm.(AAA-today)

Increaseinwelfareinvestment

Averyimportantpartoftheincomeincreasewasdestinedtowelfareinvestment.Duringthe90’s,welfareinvestmentgrewsorapidlythatbetween1992and1999,welfarespendingmultipliedby6.Thelastfewyears’budget

showsthatwelfareinvestmenthascontinuedtorisesignificantly.Inrecentyears,forexample,$1.1billionpesoswereinvestedineducationin2004(US$550billion),and1.4billionpesos(US$750billion)in2005,reflectingarealgrowthrateof29%.

b)Civicculture;creatingasafercityTheobjectiveofadvancingandconsolidatinga“CivicCulture”tookshapeatMayorAntanasMockus’firstadministrationDevelopmentPlan1995-1998,

“FormingaCity”,intendedtobuildciviccultureanddeependemocraticculture.

Thepurposeofactingonciviccultureistomodifythecityanditsinhabitants’inadequateorharmfulbehaviors,whichcaneventuallybecontrolledthroughsanctionsbutwithoutachievingthecitizens’effectivecompromiseandappropriation.Changewasattainedthroughcivilauto-regulation,governmentemployeetrainingandthecreationofplaceswhererelationsbetweenfunctionariesandcitizensareconstructed(Londoño,2004:131).Civiccultureseeksalsotobuildasharedimageofthecityand“arespectoftherulesthatconfercivicidentity(…),toimpulsepopularcultureandmanifestationsthatcouldgenerateasenseofbelongingtothecity(and)triggerthecommunity’sparticipation”(Londoño,2004:134).

Theciviccultureprogramhasevolvedsinceitsbeginning,whenemphasiswasoncultureandsecurity( LeyZanahoria,CivilPopulationVolunteerDisarmingProgram,StrengtheningoftheMetropolitanPolice,andApplicationofPromptJusticethroughPermanentUnits).ThePeñalosaadministrationfocuseditseffortsontherecoveryandcollectiveuseofpublicspaceasafundamentalaspectof“thepublicsphere”.Mockus’secondadministration’smainobjectives

werelearninglessonsonthecity’sachievements(pedagogicalbalance),and



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defendinglifeanddemocraticculture.Emphasiswasmadeontherecognitionoftheinstitutions,insteadofoncivicculture.

c)Security

Themostsignificantachievementinregardstothetransformationofcivicbehaviorishavingsystematicallyreducedthehomiciderate.

HomicidesinBogotáhavedecreasedfrom80forevery100,000inhabitantsin1994,to18forevery100,000atpresent.“Thecity’scrimeobservatory–calledSistemaUnificadodeInformacionsobreDelincuenciayViolencia (SUIVD)–constantlymonitorsandmapscrimedataasaninputbothforplanningandfortheevaluationofinterventions”(AlcaldíadeBogotá,2004).

Thefollowingprogramshavecontributedtoconsolidatethisprocessofchange:

TheLeyZanahoria.Studiesshowthatmosthomicidesareperpetratedbymen,occurafter1:00am,involvealcohol,includefirearms,andinvolvepeoplewhoknoweachother.Inordertofacethisproblem,theLeyZanahoria(“CarrotLaw”2)wasissuedin1995.Thenightestablishmentsthatsoldalcoholicbeverageswereallowedtodosoonlyuntil1:00am.Oncethehomicideratesimproved,permissiontoopenwasgranteduntil

2:00am,andlateruntil3:00am. TheCivilPopulationVolunteerDisarmingProgram,whichresultedinthe

handoverofthousandsofarmsinthehandsofcivilpopulationduring journeysofvolunteerarmhandoverandcampaignsagainstviolence.

TheconstructionofJusticeHousesandCohabitationCentersinmarginalizedareas,wherecitizensfindavarietyofnationalandmunicipallevelagenciesthatprovideinformation,orientation,referralsandconflictresolutionthroughformalandinformaljusticemechanisms.

CivilResistanceagainstTerrorism.Thecivilresistancedaysagainstterrorismdeserveaspecialmention.AseriesofterroristactsperpetratedinBogotábyillegallyarmedgroupsledtheadministrationtouniteallcitizenstoexercisecivilresistanceasameanstoconfrontviolence.Forexample,asymbolicdefenseoftheChingazareservoir,whichprovidesthecitywithnearly70%ofitswater,fromanattemptedguerrillaattack,wasorganized.GuidedbyitsmayorMockus,thepopulationpainted

2In Colombia, “zanahoria” is an expression used to design a reserved and formal person.



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threebrightorangetrianglesaroundthereservoir,thusestablishingthatthepropertywasprotectedbyInternationalHumanitarianLaw.

Today,Bogotá’shomiciderateislowerthanthatofCaracas,MexicoCity,RiodeJaneiroandSaoPaulo,amongothersLatin-Americancities.Citizen’sperceptionsofsecurityhavealsosignificantlyimproved.

Complementaryprograms

Anotherseriesofparallelsectorprogramsandeventsshouldberegisteredconcerningthissubject:

SafferTraffic.Asapartoftheimprovementofmobilityandtherecovery

ofpublicspace,educationalcampaignswereorganizedtochangethebehaviorofdriversandpedestrians.Thesecampaignsincludedthepromotionoftheuseandtherespectofcrosswalks,andtheuseofthesafetybeltbyvehicledriversandofprotectiveimplementsbycyclistsandmotorcyclists.Threeinnovativecampaignsshouldbeemphasized:(i) EstrellasNegras(BlackStars)isasymboliccampaignwhichconsistsonpaintingblackstarsineachplacewhereapedestrianhasdiedasaresultofatrafficaccident;(ii)CaballerosdelaCebra(GentlemenoftheCrosswalks),wasaneducationalprogramfortaxidrivers,designedto

improverelationshipsbetweenthem,theirclientsandpedestrians;finally,(iii) LosMimos(Mimes)wereusedtocaricaturizecitizens’undesirablebehaviorsinpublicspacesandinareasofhighvehiculartraffic.

Appropriationandcollectiveuseofthecitythroughbicyclepathsandthenightuseofthecity.TheCiclovíaisanetworkof120kilometersofthelargestroadwaysinthecity,closedtoregulartrafficandreservedexclusivelytobicyclesandrunnersbetween7amand2pmonSundaysandholidays,andoccasionallyduringevenings.Anaverageof700,000bicycleriders,walkers,runnersandroller-skaterstakeadvantageofthis

spaceeverySundayorholiday. Collectiveeventsinpublicspace.Aseriesofcampaignshavebeen

launchedinconjunctionwiththepublicspaceprogram:musicfestivals(opera,jazz,zarzuela,rock,hip-hopandColombianmusic)areheldinmetropolitanparks;photographyexpositionsonthecityorothertopicsareorganizedinBogotá’smainplazas;parades,gastronomicandkite-flyingfestivals,activitiesforpets,anddancecompetitionsareheldinthecity’sprincipalavenues.TheIbero-AmericanTheaterFestivalhasbecomethemostimportanttheaterfestivalinLatinAmerica.



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Volunteerwatersaving.ThewatersupplydifficultycausedbytheruptureofamainwaterconductioncanaltoBogotátriggeredthecreationofaciviccultureprogramintendedtoencouragewatersavinginevery-day

life.Inonlythreemonths,theprogramdiminishedconsumption20%perinhabitant/day.Averageconsumptionisstillthesametoday,soinvestmentininfrastructurehasdiminished.

Respectfordiversity.RespectfordiversityandvisibilityofsocialgroupssuchasAfro-Colombians,natives,peasants,andageandgendergroups,havebeenthemotiveofspecialpoliciesinthecity.AnexampleofthisistheLGBT(Lesbian,Gay,TranssexualandBisexual)policy,conductedsuccessfullybythelocaladministrationduringthepastfewyears.

d)ReconstructingtheCity’sterritoryTheurbanreconstructionofthecityhasplayedadeterminantroleinthechangethecityhasgonethroughduringthepastfewyears.Itsmostimportantcontributionisprobablyrelatedtopublicworksinthecity,complementedbytheimprovementofurbanservices.Thisshowedthecitizensanewpublicmanagementcapacityassociatedtoanewciviccultureofrespectforcollectiveproperty,andthepossibilitytoadvanceevenonperiodswhenthecountryhadseriousproblemsinfacingitsdevelopment.Itwasawayofrenderingthecity’sachievementsvisibleinurbanspace.

Therecoveryofpublicspace

Thepublicspacerecoveryprogramispartofalargerpurposetobuildamoreliveableandamiablecitythatrespectsthecitizenandthepedestrian,andprovidesthenecessaryspacesforhismobilization,strolling,resting,orsimplyforthecontactandrecognitionwiththeothercitizens.Inshort,itconsistsongivingbacktothecitythedignityandsignificationofthespacesitusesasacollectivity,inwhichitsinhabitantsmixindependentlyoftheireconomicalor

socialcondition.Basedonrespectforcommonpatrimony,thepurposeistobuildacitythatgeneratesasenseofbelonging,facilitatescitizens’livingtogetherandleadstotherecognitionofcivicrightsandduties.

Inthissense,spacesindifferentscalesandindifferentplacesofthecitywereintervened.

“Ratherthanpublicspaces–intermsofanon-privatespace,butnot

necessarilyintendedtogeneratesocialinterchange–itispublicdomains

thisisallabout:squaresandparksanimatedbyactivitiesandcultural



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events,publiclibraries,sidewalksandboulevardsthatturnintocatalysersof

sociallife”(Martin,2004:101).

Thesepublicdomainsweremeanttotriggeranewformofkeyaspectsinurbanstructure,inthecity’sfunctionality,andinurbancommunities’life-quality.Thefollowingaresomeexamplesoftherecoveryof764.000m2ofpublicspaces:

Thebuildingofpedestrianspacesonareasofintenseurbanactivity,recognizedascentralities,inordertoallowtheintensepedestrianuseofcommercialandservicezones,insafe,comfortableandenvironmentallycleanconditions.Mostofthesezoneswerebuiltasperipheralresidentialneighborhoodsand,assuch,hadnoappropriateconditionsfortheseactivities.

Theconstructionofanurban-scalepedestrianboulevardnetworkasasetofstructuringcorridorsforpedestrianuse,incitingrecreationaluse.

Therecovery,improvementandmaintenanceofthecity’sparks.Theparknetworkwasconceivedasanarrangingelementofthecity’sstructure.Theconsolidationofasystemoffreemetropolitan,urbanandzonalspaceswasbuiltinrelationtothestrategicecologicsystems(rivers,brooksandhills),asawaytovaluethemandsupportthepreservationofnaturalspaces;atthesametime,itwasmeanttocomplementtheactivities

ofthemetropolitancentreandthezonalandlocalcentralities. Actingonmonumentalpublicspacesinordertoreinforcetheircondition

ofrepresentativeplacesofthecity,inwhichcitizensrecognizethemselves.

Therecoveryofpublicbuildings(equipments,governmentoffices,decentralizedservices),inordertorecognizethemasconstitutiveelementsofthecity,andprovidethemwithdignityintheirshapesandagenerousattitudetowardsthecitytheybelongto.

Therecoveryofenvironmentalsystems

Bogotáhasauniqueecosystem,atropicalclimatebutatgreataltitude(2,600metersabovesealevel),with páramos(moorlands)andhumedales(wetlandsthatconsistofmarshesandsmalllakes).

Nearly80%ofthesewetlandshavebeeneliminatedbitbybitintheacceleratedurbanizationprocess.Themoorlandshavealsobeenaffected,butbytheextensionofrurallandsforagricultureandcattle-raising.



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Thecityengagedintheirrecoverythroughrestorationandconservationprogramsthatincluded,whenpossible,thebuildingofpublicspacesattheiredges,soasnottoaffecttheirenvironmentalconditions.

Workshavebeendoneatalmosteveryoneoftheninewetlands(667hectares)thatremaininthecity.Forexample,thelargestsurvivor,HumedalJuanAmarillo(223hectares),wastheobjectofacombinedprogramofrestorationandconstructionofapublicspaceandbicyclepath.

Mobility

Theurbanmobilityprogramputintoeffectduringthepastyearshashadadeterminantimpactonthecity.

Itincludesfiveessentialaspects:

Therecoveryofsidewalks(alreadydescribed)andtheadaptationofroadinfrastructure.Providingthecitywithroadsdesignedwiththeadequatespecificationsforthecurrenttrafficand,atthesametime,providingroadswithsidewalksappropriateforpedestriancirculation,withthecomplementaryfurniture,isafundamentalaspectofthemobilityprogram.

Thenewbustransportsystemthroughmainavenues,Transmilenio,startedthetotalrestructuringprocessofthebussystem.It’sahighcapacitybussystem(48,000passengersperhourinonedirection),thatcorrespondsalmosttoametrosystem.It’sdesignedtorespectthecitizenandhistime,byprovidingahigh-qualityserviceandconsistencyatanaccessiblecostforusersandforthedistrictadministration.

Thebicyclepathsystemwasbuiltasanalternativetransportsysteminthecity,cheapandnon-polluting.Itisconstitutedbyanetworkofmorethan250kilometresthatconnectthedifferentpointsinthecitywiththe

residentialandworkingzones.ThebicyclepathsareaprojectforBogotá’sfuture;thefactofbeinganon-contaminating,alternativewayoftransportgivesthemagreaterimportancethanthatreflectedbytheirmobilizationcapacity(10%ofthetrips).

Privateautomobilerestriction.Asacomplementtotheinfrastructureandtransportsystemprograms,thecityimplementedthe“PicoyPlaca”(“PeakandPlate”)program,whichlimitedthecirculationofprivateautomobiles.Knowingtheeffectsthatthistypeofnormhadhadinothercities(forexample,peoplebuyingasecondvehicle,andthus,polluting

evenmore),therestrictionwaslimitedto40%ofthedailyvehicles



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(rotary)duringthepeakhours(6:00to9:00amand4:00to7:00pm).Thisexampleoftheadministration’spoliticalwill–whichshowedthecitizenstheurgencytocontrolvehiclecirculation–hashadavery

positiveeffectonmobilityindicatorsinthecitybut,aboveall,waswellreceivedbytheinhabitants,whoadaptedtheirhabitsandschedulestothenewmeasure.

No-carday.Thecityhasdecreedbyreferendumandpopularvotetheapplicationofano-carday.Probablythemostinterestingaspectaboutthismeasure,whichhasbeentakenforthreeconsecutiveyears,isthatbitbybit,ithasbecomeanormaldayinthecity,inwhichnoneofitsactivitiesparalyze.Itis,justasthebicyclepaths,aprojectforBogotá’sfuture,whichplacesitattheforefrontofthesesubjectsintheworld.

Newandbetterequipments

Tocomplementthisurbantransformation,thecitystartedvariousprogramstoprovideitselfwithnewandmoremodernequipments,constructedwiththemostexigentqualitynorms.Amongthese,attentionmustbedrawntothefollowing:

Thepubliclibrarynetwork,whichincludedtheconstructionoffourbigmetropolitanlibrariesinstrategiczonesofthecity(VirgilioBarco,ElTintalandElTunal–thefourth,inSuba,isinconstruction),designedby

renownedarchitects,whichinclude,apartfromthebasiclibraryservices,digitalinformation,multimedialaboratoriesandspecialareasforchildren’slearning.TheDistrict’sLibrarySystem(Bibliored)iscomposedbythefourmetropolitanlibraries,sixlocallibrariesofsectorialcoverage,andelevenminorlibrariesofneighbourhoodcoverage,witheducationalaswellasculturalprograms,andinterconnectedservicesdesignedtoattendallcitizensinequalconditions.

Animportantincreaseinthenumberofschoolingplacesinthecity’spoorestareas(183,000newplacesinfouryears)hasbeenmadepossible

bythebuildingof50newschools(somearestillinprocess)andthereparationof100others,inanefforttoadaptthemtothemoreexigentconditionsofcontemporaryeducation.Theyhavebecomecentralplacesintheirrespectivezones,recognizedandvisitedbytheneighbours.



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3. THENEWPLANNINGSCHEME

a. Therecoveryofterritorialplanningandlong-termvision:theprojectplanarticulatedinacityproject

TheimplementationofterritoriallegislationinColombiaattheendofthe90shasproducedaremarkablechangeinurbanplanninginBogotá.

Bogotá’sformulationandadoptionofthePOTin2000ledittotakeupagainthephysicalplanningeffortsofthe60s,andtotackle,atthesametime,othersubjectsofthecontemporaryinternationalagenda:anewvisionofurbanplanningandoftheinterventioninstrumentsinthecity(theurbanproject,forexample),environmentalsustainabilityofdevelopment,thecities’

competitivenessandterritorialequity.Thus,Bogotá’sPOThadtotacklethesecontemporaryissuesthatemergeformcontemporaryparadigms,aswellasthetraditionalurbanproblems:housing,publicservicesandequipment;mobility,peripherystructuring,urbancentrerecovery,assetconservation,etc.

Thepossibilitytorespondtothiscomplexpanoramawasnotin“choosing”oneofthenewplanningformulaeofsomedevelopedcountry,butinadaptingandconsolidatingplanninginstrumentsappropriatetothecity’seconomicalandinstitutionalreality;itwasnecessarytodistinguishtheurbanplanningelements

thathadconsolidatedasaplanning“culture”withinthecountryfromthosethathadtobemodified,addedordefinitelychanged.

Atthesametime,thisPOTwasformulatedatamomentwhenthecityhaddefinedandbeguntodevelopimportantprojectsthatmarkeditsfuturedevelopment:thenewtransportsystem,thepublicspaceandparkrecoveryandcreationprojects,thehigharchitecturalandurbanqualitysocialequipment,theneighbourhoodimprovementprograms,andthebuildingofwelfarehousing,amongothers.AlthoughtheseprojectsaroseindependentlyfromthePOT,theirformulationincorporatedandarticulatedthemina“cityproject”,basedonaterritorialmodel.

Thisistosay,itisaplanwhosepurposeisnottoinitiatethecity’srecovery,buttoconsolidateandarticulatetheprojectsthatmadeitpossible.

b.AplanforBogotá’srealityThree paradigms have determined the general goals of contemporary urbanplanning: sustainability, based on the approaches of the Earth Summit (Rio,

1992);competitiveness,whichseekstoincrementurbanproductivityinorderto



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compete within globalized economy; and equity, which tends towards anequilibratedurbanstructure,whereallcitizenscanhaveaccesstopublicgoodsandservices.

Nevertheless,competitivenessandsustainabilityprogramshaveonlybeencompatibleinsomecitiesofthedevelopedworldwhich,basedonafunctionalandwellendowedurbanstructure,havetakenadvantageoftheunusualexpansionofinternationalcommerceinordertolinkthemselvestothemoredynamicdevelopmentprocesses.Thesecitieshavethusundertakengreaturbanoperationsinordertoqualifythetissuesandcreatenewspacesofinversion,withinastrategyofconsolidationofa“competitiveplatform”,whichreinforcestheircapacitytoattractinversionsandcompetewiththeirproductsaroundtheworld.Theyhavesimultaneouslyundertakentransport,cleanproduction,and

publicspaceprograms,amongothers,whichhaveallowedthemtoimprovethesustainabilityofdevelopment.

Butthishasnotbeenaneasytaskforthecitiesofdevelopingcountrieswhich,parallel to the exigencies of globalization and sustainability, must urgentlyundertakeactionstofightagainstpovertyandinequality,specificobjectivesofthe Unite Nations Millennium Goals (THE WORLD BANK, 2000). Theapplicationofbestpracticesconsequentwithglobalization(liberalizationpolicy,decrease of the public sector and privatization, among others), was made

withoutconsideringthatcitiessuchthoseinLatinAmericahadlescompetitiveadvantages and, above all, did not dispose of the necessary resources(economical,technical,human)topreparetocompeteataninternationallevel,for they had to carry out indispensable correctives in their precarious andinequitabledevelopmentandrespondatthesametimetothechallengeraisedbysustainabledevelopment(BALBO,2.003).

Inthissituation,thecitiesoftheregionhavenotbeenabletocreatepermanentconditions to attract international investment, nor have the been able to findviableroadsleadingtoeconomicalandsocialdevelopmentintheirterritories;thegreattransformationsintheurbanstructureproposedorimaginedhavenotbeenundertakenbecauseofthelackoftechnicalandfinancialcapacities,publicas well as private. At the same time, the programs directed tosustainabilityhavebeenreducedandonlyverypartiallyapplied,withoutconsistentresults.

In spite of these difficulties, sustainable development has penetrated thediscoursesaroundthedevelopmentofLatinAmericancitiesandhasproduced,as in the Colombian case, abundant literature and legislation on the subject,which pleads for controls and strong changes in urban development. At the

same time, the purpose of achieving a “positive insertion” in globalized



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economyhasbecomeadeterminantelementintheplansofbigLatinAmericancities, in order to adjust and improve their development (JORDAN, 2003);Bogotáisnoexception.

Before this complexity of subjects, the planning experienceduring these lastyearsinincreasinglyurbanizeddevelopingcountries,suchasColombia,showsthat it is necessary to build a particular strategy for each city to make thepostulates of the different approaches compatible in thespecific local action:globalization, local development, and sustainable development. It is notconceivable to give priority to one of these approaches and to sacrifice theothers. The promotionof sustainable development is funded on the basis ofeconomic growth, social equality, cultural cohesion and environmentalprotection. This is to saythateachcitywill haveto fix, initsownway, the

priorities and strategies ofdevelopment adequate to its reality, specifying theconcretegoalsatashort,mediumandlongterm.

It’swithinthiscomplexscenariothatBogotá’sTerritorialManagementPlanhadtobeconstructed.

TheconditionsfortheformulationofBogotá’sTerritorialManagementPlan(POT)

Thedefinitionandconstructionofalong-termterritorialoccupationmodelasadesirablefutureforthetownistheobjectiveoftheTerritorialManagementPlan(Plan de Ordenamiento Territorial, POT), a central planning instrumentestablished by Law 388 of 1997. The POT would allow the efficientidentification and programming of public projects and programs, and theestablishmentofthenecessaryregulationscoherentwiththedefinedmodel.

ItsconceptionisanadaptationoftheSpanishGeneralPlan(thelawsandtheirsubsequent developments), fromwhich itnot only takes the general planningconcepts (soil classification, urban action, partial plan, general services,

structuringoperations,etc.),butalsomanyofthemanagementinstrumentsthatwouldallowitsexecution.

AlthoughitrepresentsagreatadvancementforColombia(acknowledgedbyallLatin American countries), the suggested scheme is still very far fromrespondingtotherealpossibilitiesofthecity’sadministration.Maybebecauseits conception is directly linked to a type of urbanism based on publicintervention (theState ingeneral)askey to the city’s development, towhichprivateactionissubordinated.



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A scheme that would turn around that which the city experimented at themomentof the adoptionof the POT,characterizedbya strong private sector,with a dominant, ample initiative in the construction of the city, and aweak

publicsector,whosefunctionconsistsongivingoutpermissionstotheprivatesector,whileitstrugglestodistributethesmallamountofresourcestowardsthedemandsofinfrastructuresandgeneralendowments,whichitcan’tadequatelyattendto.

Bogotá’s particular experience, which formulates a plan within a process ofrecovery that has adopted and put into operation important projects andprograms,issituatedwithinthisgeneralframeworkatthecountrylevel.

Thedevelopedplancanbesummarizedinthefourfollowingprinciples:

1. Theformulationofaplaninaccordancewiththeprocessofrecoveryofthecity.Therecuperationofphysicalor territorialplanningset inmotionwiththeadoptionoftheTerritorialOrderingPlan(POT)thatistheconclusionofaprocess of recovery of the city and not the start. It meant integrating thedifferent projects and programs (transport, public space, equipment) andconsolidatingtheminaprojectofcity.

2. Thedemandforaterritorialapproachtosectorinvestments.IntheOrderingModel, the individual parts of the territory and the general systems that

sustainthecity'sdevelopmentintersect.ItproposedtheelaborationofMasterPlans(whichisabetterknowninvestmentstrategy)forprogrammingsectorinvestmentwithaterritorialcriterionofthephysicalprojects(infrastructure,installations,buildings,etc.)ofeachoftheentitiesinthenext12years

3. The plan defines a system of organization of activities in the territoryaccordingtotherealdistributionofactivitiesinBogotá.

Aprincipalcenteronametropolitanscale

And centralities, in which important places for employment and

servicesarelocated,andhavegreaterdensityintheutilizationofland,dispersedintheterritorysoastoreducetriptimesandsothatcitizens may have rapid and timely access to urban services andbenefits.

4. Thecentralitieshavecoverageareasinwhichmobilityismadeeasythroughalternative mobility systems (Bicycles, pedestrians), that should be givenpriorityovermass-scaletransport(Transmilenio).



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Onasmallscale,117(Onehundredandseventy)UnitsofZonalPlanning–UPZweredefinedasdivisionsoftheterritorythatpermittheformulationanddevelopmentofzonalprojectsforeachhomogeneoussectorofthecity.

Theprojectsemphasizeonthenormsthatregulateprivateinterventionsinthe rich zones, and the infrastructure and public equipment projects inpopularneighborhoods.

TheplanningproposalsforeachUPZ(zonalandlocalscaleprojectsandnorms),weresubjectedto communityassemblies summoned in specificplaces, for which instructional presentations were prepared in order toforcetechnicianstouseanadequatelanguageforthepubicinordertobeunderstoodmoreclearly.

Urbannorms should be taken as norms of citizen cohabitation, closelytiedtothecitizencultureimprovementprogram.

In these long meetings, proposals were made, considered by thetechniciansandansweredonebyone.

AlthoughthedescribedinternationalcontextimpliedthatBogotá’sPOTproposedasgeneralobjectivestheparadigmsofsustainability,competitivenessandequity,theplanalsohadtofacetraditionalproblemssuchashousing,mobilityandequipment,orcharacteristicproblemsofametropolissuchastransport,renovation,treatmentoftheperiphery,andprotectionofthepatrimony.Itwasnotaneasytask,forcurrentinternationalurbanismoccupiesitselfverylittleofthese“traditional”problems,whichhavebeenreplacedby“current”subjectsindevelopedcountries:sustainability,networks,nodes,clusters,etc.

Nevertheless,programssuchastheconstructionofsocialhousingarefundamentalforthefulfilmentofthegreatobjectivesfor,apartfromhavingtosolveagrowingdeficitofnearly450.000houses,theinformalneighbourhoodsarethemaincauseofenvironmentaldeterioration,fortheyarelocatedinzones

nonsuitableforbuilding,andatthesametimethecitizens’badlifeconditionshaveanimpactonthecity’sproductivityandgeneratesmanydoubtsonitscapacitytocompeteataninternationallevel.

Somethingsimilarcanbeaffirmedonthesubjectofbasicequipments(education,health,wellbeingandculture)andmorestillonthesubjectoftransport.Moreover,insubjectssuchaspatrimonyandurbanrenovation,thecopyoftheprogramsputintooperationintheEuropeancitieshasbroughtaboutaseriesofmisunderstandingsandfrustrations,becauseofthedifficultiesof

passingtoactionandthesmallamountofresourcesavailable.



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Thus, Bogotá’s POT had to include not only this diversity of themes andproblems,butalsoprogramsofpublicspaceandcivicculturethathadawokenthe citizens’ attention andgained theirparticipation;all of this,whiledealing

withtheadministration’slowcapacitytoactandtodevelopprograms,andwithademandofshort-termresultscomingfromaveryprecariouspoliticalsphere.

So, only a combinationof strategies,programs andprojects could respond tosuchavarietyofdemandsfortheformulationoftheplan.

Addedtothis,Colombia’splanningsystemcombines,notalwaysefficiently,characteristictraitsoftheNorthAmericansystemandoftheEuropean–Mediterraneansystem.Thefirstisbasedonaschemeofstrengthandlibertyoftheprivateinitiativeandaweakpublicsector,which“givesout”permissions,

butdoesnotpropose.Thesecond(whichpreciselyinspiredLaw388of1997,thelawthatgavebirthtothePOTs),demandsastrongpublicsector,withgreatinitiativeandabletorunurbandevelopment,inordertobemadeoperationalandtobeexecuted(managed).

So, the POThad to design instruments capable ofplanning a city where theprivateinitiativeplaysapreponderantrole,andwherethepublicadministrationhastostartreplayingitaftermanyyearsofhavingbeenpassive;withshort-termprograms,whichwillhavetopreparethewaytomorecomplexprojects,witha

largeroutreach.

Thisisthepathwhoseexplorationhasonlyjustbegun.

4. AFEWCONCLUSIONS

After15yearsofanacceleratedefforttorecoverthecity,thenextstepisevidentlytoconsolidatetheobtainedachievementsandtoprojectincreasinglyeffectiveactionsforitsfuturedevelopment.Nevertheless,theactions

undertakenbytheCapitalDistrict’sadministrationduringthepastyearshavenotalwayssucceeded.Althoughsomeaspectsofurbanplanninghaveprogressed(forexample,thecreationofcommunitydiningroomsinordertocombatextremepoverty),othershavebeenreinforced(suchaseducationandwellbeingprograms),andthestrengthofthecity’sfinanceshasbeenmaintained,othersubjectshaveeitherstagnatedorfranklydeteriorated.

Programssuchastheproductionofsocialhousingormassivetransporthavenotdevelopedaccordingtotheperspectives;somerecoveredpublicspaceshave

beeninvadedoncemore,oraredeteriorating.Thereisalsoanegative



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perceptioninsubjectsrelatedtosecurityandtocivicculture.Thecitizens’enthusiasminparticipatinginurbanprojectshasdiminished;somecampaignshavenotbeenrenewed,othershavebeenclosedaltogether.

Atthesametime,thechangesinthecity’sadministrationhavenothadapositiveimpact;thenewequipmentshavenotmaintainedthehightechnicalandprofessionalleveltheyhadreached,asafundamentalpillarforthedevelopmentandcontinuityoftheprocessofurbanrecovery.

Ifsomethingisclearaboutthisprocessisthattheprogramsarestillfragileandthatthereisstillalongpathaheadinordertostabilizethecity’sfuturedevelopment.Theeuphoriaofnovelprogramsthatchangedthenegativesignofdevelopmentinthecityandthecitizens’visionoftheirterritoryhavingbeenleft

behind,itisnownecessarytoattendtothefollowingnecessities.

Consolidatethechanges

Inordertorecoverthedynamicsofurbandevelopment,revivetheprogramsinitiatedduringthelastdecade,andgivethemaproperarticulationsoastoboosttheireffectsoverthecity,itisnecessarytoactinfourfundamentalfields:

- HOUSING.Itisnecessarytoundertakealong-termprojectfortheconstructionofmassivehousing,whichcombinesdifferentschemesofhousingproductionandgivesstrategicusetotheexistingmanagementinstruments(prioritydevelopment,punishmentratetonon-developedlots,announcementofaprojecttofreezetheprices,etc.),andpromotestheparticipationoftheprivatesector.Animportantpointinthissubjectistostructureandstartoperatingaregionalstrategytomakenewsoilavailablethroughoutthetotalurbanagglomeration(Bogotáand17neighbouringtowns)atadequateprices,timesandplaces.

- CIVICCULTURE.Itis,bynature,aprogramofpermanentinnovation,

whichimpliesformulatingandoperatingnewactionsandeventsaroundverystrategicplacesandsubjectsthatgofromthecity’sandthetraffic’ssecurityandthecollectiveuseofpublicspaces,totheuseoftheautomobileinthecityand,ingeneral,thesubjectofmobility.

- PUBLICSPACE.Theuseandrespectofpublicspacemustcontinuetobeapriorityprogram.Thestrategicrecoveryofdifferenttypesofspaces(emblematic,functional,local,etc.)mustbecontinued,exploringthepossibilitytomakecivicpactsforthesustainabilityoftherecoveredspaces,inwhichthosewhoinhabittheconcernedzonesorthosewhouseoroccupy

theconcretepublicspaceinquestioncanparticipate.



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- TRANSPORT.ThepublictransportsysteminexclusivelaneshaspresentedsomeproblemsthathavedeterioratedtheimageofwhatcitizensonceperceivedasthesymbolofthenewBogotá;thisimplies:(i)Correctingthe

problemsrelatedtothequalityoftheserviceandcongestioninthestations;(ii)Restartingtheconstructionofnewlines,asitwasforeseenintheoriginalscheme;(iii)StartingtheIntegratedTransportSystem,whichincludesTransmilenio,thetraditionalbussystem,thebicyclepathsandthesystemsplannedbythenewcityadministration:themetroandthenearbytrain.Inthecaseoftheselasttwosystems,specialcaremustbetakenintheselectionofthetypeofsystemandtheprojectedtracings,sothattheydonotinterferewiththesystemdevelopedtothisday;and(iv)Articulatethetransportsystemtothepoli-centricterritorialmodelproposedbythePOTinaneffectiveway.

- QUALITYEQUIPMENTS.Continuetheconstructionofqualityequipments(schools,libraries,etc.),seekingtoarticulatethemtothegeneralimprovementoftrainingprogramsthatteachpeoplehowtousetheserviceandtotheimprovementoftheservicesrendered,undertheunorthodoxpostulatethatimprovingthespacewillresultinabetterservice.Atthesametime,effortswillbemadetoextendthisplanofqualityequipmenttotheotherelementsofthecity.It’saboutdemandingaqualitydesign,withoutitbeingextravagant.

Newprograms

Thedevelopmentofnewprogramsthatkeepupthecity’senthusiasmandattentionmustimpedethereversionofthepositivesignofurbandevelopment,ofthecredibilityonthelocaladministration,andBogotá’scitizens’pride:

- URBANRENOVATION.Eversinceitsinclusionasapermanentprogramintheurbanplans,muchhasbeensaidandtheorized,butverylittlehasbeendone.Contrarytotheideathatanurbanrenovationasawaytomakethecity

moredense,thecity’shighdensityandcompactingimplytoconceiveitasaprogramtopunctuallyimprovetheconditionsofasaturatedandintenselyoccupiedurbanspace,withgreatdifficultiesofequipment.Thisconditionofrenovationmustbetheobjectofaveryambitiousandextensiveprojectoftheimprovementofthequalityoflifeinthecityand,assuch,mustbepresentedtothecitizens.

- THECULTURALPATRIMONY.Althoughtheprogramofvaluationandprotectionofthepatrimony,developedwithstrengthduringthe80sand90s,hasreceivedsomecontinuityandsupportfromtheNationalGovernment,it

hasnotsufficientlytranscendedtopublicopinionandcitizensingeneral.



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Actionsmustbeundertakentoshowcitizensthatpreservingthepatrimonyisimportantfortheirlives,andtomaketechniciansvaluethepatrimonyforitscapacitytobuildtheurbanstructure,andnotsimplyasafewarchitects’

simple“fancy”or“luxury”.

Newrelationshipbetweenpublicpoliciesandplanning

Itisnecessarytoestablishanewrelationshipbetweenpublicpoliciesandplanning.Thedifficultiesinherenttogivingacontinuitytotheprogramsthathavealreadystartedhasshowntheabsenceofpublicpoliciesineachoneofthosesubjects:thereisanewtransportsystem,butnopublictransportpolicy;therearenewpublicspacesandequipments,buttherearenopublicpoliciestogivethemcontinuity;thereisanenterpriseforpublichousing,butnohousing

policy(thatincludesasoilpolicy),etc.

So,afirststepintheprocessofconsolidationofthechangesistoformulateandadopt,asabaseofanewplan,publicpoliciesineachofthestrategicsubjectsthathavebeenmentionedinthedocument.

Thisimpliesthefollowing:

- Astrongerrelationshipbetweentechnicalplanningandthepoliticalfield,whichmustrecognizeplanningasanindispensablepracticeforthecity,aimingtoreducethedifferencebetweenthetechnicalformulationsandthepraxisofpolitics.

- Formulateandundertakespecificpublicpoliciesaboutthedifferentstructuralsubjectsthathavebeensuggested,aswellasonterritorialmanagementasawhole,inordertobuildabaseoverwhichtoapplytheinstrumentsadoptedbythelegislation.

- Promoteanew,moreflexibleplanningschemewithnewscalesandobjectives:(i)AnewplanningschemefortheSabanaregion(thegreat

planewhereBogotáislocated),asanindispensableelementforplanningBogotá’sfuturedevelopment;(ii)Adifferentiatedplanningsysteminthecity,thatallowsthedifferentiationofthelevelofplanningaccordingtothecharacteristicsofthezonesthatwillbeintervened.Detailforstrategiczonesforthecity’sdevelopment,throughprocessessuchasurbandensificationorrenovationandplansandprojectsforstreets,intersections,parks,plazasandplaces,inasimilarwayitisdonewiththehistoriczones.(iii)Theconsolidationofintermediatescaleplanning,whereitispossibletodefinetheprogramsandprojectsnecessaryto



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bringaboutanorganizedprocessoftransformationandtodefinerelationshipsatthezonalscalewiththesectorialplans.



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