a history of psychology in cuba

Journal of Community Psychology Volume 13. April 1985

A History of Psychology in Cuba Guillermo Bernal

University of California, San Francisco

The history of psychology in Cuba and some of the sociohistorical and political forces impacting on the development of psychology are discussed. Three periods are identified: the colonial (1492-1 898), the prerevolutionary (1898- 1958), and the revolutionary (1959-present). Each period represents a major shift in the socioeconomic and political context shaping the development of psychology. Key figures are described in their historical context. Emphasis is given to foci and organizational growth of psychology during the revolutionary period.

The application of psychological principles to the social and community problems of health, education, and work, on the scale and magnitude that occurs today in Cuba has no historical parallel. Yet the seeds for this development date back to the 18th century when psychological knowledge to solve and alleviate human problems was of primary concern to philosopher-psychologists.

This paper will highlight some of the historical antecedents to contemporary psychology of Cuba by examining selected elements in the history of Cuba and in the development of psychology. A basic premise of this analysis is that social, economic, and political contexts, at different historical times, influenced and, at times, determined the development of paradigms for the natural and behavioral sciences (Kuhn, 1970). In Cuba, the emergence of psychological paradigms has been clearly linked to shifting sociopolitical contexts.

The paper is not intended as a definitive study but as an exploratory draft or “working notes on psychology in Cuba.” Some of the material presented below was derived from interviews with Cuban psychologists.’ I t is hoped that the historical research, as well as the interviews serve to clarify the development of psychology in Cuba and to provide a framework within which to understand contemporary Cuban psychology.

To appreciate the community emphasis of Cuban psychology of today, it is useful to have an understanding of how the broader social and historical context shaped the development of psychology in Cuba. This paper will examine key trends and figures who contributed to the development of philosophical, educational, and psychological inquiry.

For the purpose of our analysis, three historical periods are identified: (a) the colonial period, beginning with the discovery of Cuba by Columbus in 1492 and ending in 1898; (b) the prerevolutionary period, punctuated by the Spanish-Cuban-North American War of 1898, the defeat of Spain, the U.S. occupation of Cuba from 1898 to 1902, and the establishment of a republic in 1902; and (c) the revolutionary period,

‘A number of interviews were conducted with Cuban psychologists on the development of psychology in Cuba. The author is indebted to the following psychologists who reside in Cuba: Lourdes Garcia-Averasturi, Juan Jose-Guevara, Albert0 Edreira, Fernando Gonzalez-Rey, Isabel Louro-Bernal, and Marcel0 Vasquez. In addition, the author is grateful to JosC Ignacio-Lasaga, who resides in the United States, for his thoughtful comments and careful review of this manuscript.

The author is grateful to the following individuals for their comments on this article: Ana Isabel Alvarez, Yohel Camayd-Friexas, Leondard I. Jacobson, Barbara Marin, A. Michael Rossi, James L. Sorensen, and Eliseo J. PCrez-Stable.

Reprint requests should be sent to the author, Department of Psychiatry, University of California San Francisco General Hospital, San Francisco, CA 941 10.

222

A HISTORY OF PSYCHOLOGY IN CUBA 223

marked by the triumph of the revolutionary movement in 1959 and extending to the present time. Each period was characterized by different social, economic, and political structures. Also, each period represented critical paradigm shifts at the societal level. Understanding the social and economic conditions goes a long way toward explaining the rise of certain psychological models. Below we turn our attention to the first of these historical periods.

The Emergence of Psychology in Cuba The colonial period extended for over 400 years. This analysis begins with the end of

the 18th century, a critical time in Cuban history. On the one hand, a fusion between the Spanish and the African cultures had occurred which gave rise to the “criollo” or creole. The criollo’s identification with Cuban rather than Spanish interests contributed to the emergence of Cuban nationalism. On the other hand, by the end of the 18th century international events were also influencing Cuban society at various levels.

The industrial revolution in England (1760), the French revolution (1789), the independence of the United States (17831, and the revolution in Haiti (179 1) contributed to a new awakening of economic, intellectual, social, and political growth, The revolutions in France and the United States provided ideological support for the rise of Cuban nationalism. The revolution in Haiti set the context for the economic development of Cuba, for when the sugar and coffee industry of Haiti was destroyed, Cuba emerged as the leading producer and exporter of these goods in the Carribean (Moreno-Fraginals, 1978).

The time was marked with opportunities for development, modernization, and revitalization. It is within this context that, almost as a historical necessity, the figure of JosC Agusth Caballero (1762-1835) emerged. The contributions of Caballero, while limited, are important in terms of the development of Cuban philosophical thought (J. J. Guevara, personal communication, April, 1982) out of which psychological thought later emerged. Caballero was the first educator to plant the seeds of associationism and in- troduce the works of John Locke and Condillac in Cuba.

Locke’s concept of how complex ideas arise from simple ones, sometimes referred to as mental chemistry, led to the concept of association. Ideas were thought to be derived from sensation or reflection and could be built up or broken down. These con- cepts were later to form the basis of scientific psychology (Boring, 1950; Yarochevsky, 1975). These notions provided a paradigm posing a serious challenge to the prevailing scholastic ideology of the time. (In Cuba, scholasticism was mainly represented by the works of Thomas Aquinas; nevertheless, it was a philosophical system rooted in theology, and based on Aristotelian logic and the authority of traditionalism and dogma.)

Based on the theories of associationism, JosC Agusth Caballero developed a new orientation to the study of methods of discipline with children. He was an innovator who eventually broke with the predominant scholastic ideology of the time, proposing an experience-based model to define and understand reality. Also, Caballero has been credited with being one of the first Cuban intellectuals to propose autonomy from Spain in what has been referred to as the Project for Autonomous Government of 1811 (Thomas, 1973).

This change from tradition paralleled the necessity in Cuba to transform the colonial economy by acquiring markets previously in the hands of French colonialists. Also, the increasingly apparent discrepancies in social relations, and economic and

224 GUILLERMO BERNAL

geographic interests between Spain and Cuba were an impetus to the emerging Cubanism of the criollo elite.

Felix Varela (1 788- 1853) continued the line of inquiry introduced by Caballero. A Catholic priest, Varela may be characterized as a dualist. However, his interests in knowledge derived from sensory experiences served to further develop the work of the British and French materialists in Cuba. Materialism, which views physical matter as the only reality, was inimical to scholasticism. Through materialist philosophy the universe (including feelings and thoughts) was explained in terms of physical laws. This monistic line of inquiry posed a serious challenge to the mind-body dualism of the times (Boring, 1950).

Varela was particularly interested in the sensory development of children. He examined how children learn through touch, identify distances, and unify various sensory experiences to derive knowledge in the form of ideas and images (J. J. Guevara, personal communication, April 1982).

Varela’s scholarly contributions spanned philosophy, educational theory, chemistry, biology, physics, and law (J. J. Guevara, personal communication, 1982; Vernon, 1944). He initiated educational reforms based on the philosophical premises of Locke, Con- dillac, and Destutt de Tracy and in clear opposition to traditional and classical methods of teaching (Varela, 1922, 1977; and Ortiz, 191 la, 191 Ib). His progressive position in educational matters, as well as his political support of the Cuban independence movement, led to his persecution by the Spanish authorities. He died in exile in the United States in 1853.

Another figure of importance was JosC de la Luz y Caballero (1800-1862), who studied for the priesthood but later left the seminary because of conflicts over theological doctrine. Luz y Caballero was a pedagogist who made frequent reference to the importance and meaning of psychology. He worked on reforming secondary education in a direction similar to that of Felix Varela’s proposed reforms in primary education (Ver- non, 1944). These psychoeducational principles were based on British and French materialist philosophy that emphasized language and sensory experience rather than rote memorization. Luz y Caballero was the founder and president of the School of San Salvador in Havana and was considered one of the most influential intellectuals of his time (Thomas, 1973).

By 1868, the Ten Years War of independence from Spain began. Cuban intellectual, political, and cultural life became fused at this time, as the war solidified a widespread nationalistic sentiment in Cuba. The war was preceded by a philosophical polemic ex- pressed in the works of Caballero, Varela, and Luz y Caballero in opposition to scholasticism. By the end of the war, debates or critical analyses on these issues abated.

About this time, Enrique Jose Varona (1844-1933) came onto the scene with a new and clear vision of psychology (Bernal del Riesgo, 1955). Varona published several early volumes on psychology (188 1, 1882, 1883). His view of psychology had its own character independent of philosophy (Varona, 1877, 1879, 1886, 1888, 1921), which while having a philosophical base, began to establish psychology as an independent and separate field of study. Thus, at a societal level, Cubans were struggling with Spain for their independence and consolidating their own and separate national identity. At an intellectual level, psychology was being defined as independent from philosophy.

The psychological contributions of Varona began in 1877 and reached their zenith in 1905 with the publication of his text titled Curso depsicologh (Bernal del Riesgo, 1955). Varona may be characterized as an empirical materialist. Indeed, some of his ideas


reflected a prebehavioral approach to human nature. For example, an elementary Varo- nian thesis was “I move therefore I exist,” instead of “I think therefore I am” (Bernal del Riesgo, 1955). Varona considered all movement (voluntary or involuntary) or action as having repercussions in the central nervous system and modifying the development of ideas. Action and movement were viewed as intricately connected. For a more complete discussion of Varona’s work, Bernal del Riesgo’s (1955) article gives primary attention to this early Cuban psychologist.

Varona remained an influential figure in the field well into the 20th century. He contributed to philosophy, philology, poetry, and literature, as well as to psychology. From 1880 to 1915, he was a professor of philosophy at the University of Havana. During the United States’s occupation of Cuba in 1900, he served as the first secretary of education and reorganized the educational system. Varona was catalytic in developing what today would be considered as educational psychology.

In sum, by the end of the colonial period there was a high degree of political and community participation by Cuban intellectuals involved in the development of psychology. The traditional model of scholasticism was being rejected in favor of a materialistic empiricism. This rejection of traditionalism was only one aspect of a wider struggle for a national identity with the political manifestation of independence from Spain. It was probably no coincidence that the revolutionary process paralleled the emergence of psychology as a separate discipline. In addition, the fact that psychologists during the colonial period worked on applying psychological principles to the educational needs of Cubans was not a random occurrence. Rather, such a focus from the emerging psychologists reflected not only a social consciousness but also an effort at developing a psychological model that translated theory into practical guidelines and offered solutions to pressing social and community issues. Whether such a model for psychology would develop in subsequent years depended on the changing sociopolitical context to which we turn our attention below.

Psychology During the Prerevolutionary Period (1 898- 1958) The turn of the 20th century was another pivotaI time in Cuban history, as Cubans

formed their own nation independent from Spain. The independence movement began with the Ten Years War of 1868 and was rekindled in 1895. However, three years later the United States intervened. When the Spanish-Cuban-North American War ended, the United States had established itself as administrator of Cuba; this position of power, as well as subsequent influence and interventions, frustrated the development of the fledging republic. From a Cuban perspective, the former Spanish colony had traded masters and come under the powerful political, economic, and military influence of their North American neighbor (Foner, 1962; Le Riverend, 1978).

Unlike Puerto Rico and the Philipines, Cuba had ostensibly obtained its independence. However, independence had been achieved at the cost of a number of in- hibiting concessions. The first concession set forth in the Platt Amendment gave the United States the right to intervene in Cuban domestic affairs. This set the stage for subsequent unrest and numerous interventions by the United States in Cuban affairs (1906- 1909, 1912, 1917-1920, 1933-1934). A second concession gave the United States rights to Cuban territory for a military base (Guantanamo Naval Base). The third allowed accelerated and massive penetration of the Cuban economy by the United States. In 1895, Cuba imported about $12.5 million in goods from the United States and exported $52.8 million. By 1905, imports had increased to $38.3 million and exports to $86.3


million. This represented an increase of 300% in imports and 61% in exports. By 1920, imports grew to $515.2 million and exports to $721.4 million (Pichardo, 1969). The economic penetration of this small island by its large and powerful northern neighbor was of such magnitude that some historians (e.g., Foner, 1962) assert that Cuba became an economic colony of the United States.

With this capsule description highlighting economic and political issues during the first two decades of the 20th century, the impact of North American values, traditions, culture, and philosophy of life in Cuba may be better appreciated. US. influence also extended to the social and natural sciences. Psychology, in its infancy in Cuba, was also im- pacted by North American culture and began to reflect the influence of the United States culture in its development. According to Guevara (personal communication, April 1982), the development of the line of inquiry and work inaugurated by Varela, Luz y Caballero, and their students was arrested. The biases of North American culture leaked into the development of Cuban psychology.

The work of Alfredo Aguayo-Sanchez (1866- 1942) illustrates the growing US. influence in psychology. Aguayo, who was born in Puerto Rico, became a student and dis- ciple of Varona and worked on the investigation and application of psychology to education. He has been credited with founding one of the first psychological research laboratories in Cuba (Vernon, 1944). Aguayo published voluminously on topics that today would be regarded as educational psychology.

In Vernon’s 1944 review of psychology in Cuba, several of Aguayo’s publications such as Pedagogia cient@ca, psicologia, y direccibn del apredizaje (Scientijic pedagogy, psychology, and directions in learning) (Aguayo, 1930), and Didrictica de la nueva escuela (Didactics in the new school) (Aguayo, 1937), are summarized. Aguayo was a prolific writer who conducted studies of learning theory. He investigated motivation, retention, memorization, learning curves, and transfer learning. Aguayo was interested in studying the learning of school-related material such as mathematics, history, gram- mar, and how to employ progressive methods in education. However, in Vernon’s (1944) description of Aguayo’s work, the North Americanization of Cuban psychology becomes apparent. Vernon noted “the bibliographical references are mostly to American writers . . , Thorndike is perhaps the author most often cited” (Vernon, 1944, p. 78).

The work of Aguayo and that of other psychologists who studied with Varona continued to be increasingly influenced by the ideology of North American psychology. However, some psychologists during the 1930s continued the tradition of Varona in emphasizing a Cuban psychology rooted in a national identity. Notable among these was Alfonso Bernal del Riesgo (1902-1975). He in fact proposed a Cubanosofia or Cubanology (A. Edreira, personal communication, April 1982) as an area of study for psychology.

Bernal del Riesgo who worked as a professor at the University of Havana in 1933, separated the field of psychology from other disciplines. Bernal had an active political past (Cabrera & Almodobar, 1975; Gispert, 1976; Valdez-Marh, 1976) as a lawyer and educator, which had led to exile (1931-1933) in Vienna, where he had studied psychology. Upon his return to Cuba, he set up a research laboratory and established a private practice as a psychotherapist. Clinical psychology or the application of psychological principles to human problems and psychopathology was spearheaded by Bernal del Riesgo. He was able to work relatively independently during the 1940s and 1950s, publishing a number of important works (A. Edreira, personal communication, April 1982), including a Spanish translation of the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI).


Parenthetically, Bernal del Riesgo was among the few doctoral-level professionals who remained in Cuba after 1959.

An examination of some of Bernal del Reisgo’s work reveals a prolific writer who authored basic texts for the teaching of psychology as early as 1936 (e.g., Iniciacibn a la psicologia [Introduction to psychology]), other texts in general (Bernal del Riesgo, 1946a, 1946b) and in clinical psychology (Bernal del Riesgo, 1959) were later reprinted by the University of Havana press. Bernal del Riesgo authored a number of books that were used during the 1940s and 1950s instead of English language texts or translations. As he addressed the problems of educational reform at the university level (1941, 1944), his early articles reflect the influence of Varona and Aguayo. His later work more clearly illustrates his concern with developing a psychology oriented to the cultural and economic realities of Cubans-a Cuban psychology. In one very popular book, Errores en la criuza de 10s ni2os [Errors in child rearing] (1960), he instructs and orients Cuban families to issues of parenting through explaining developmental and psychological con- cepts. In this manual Cuban “criollo” (or creole) child-rearing habits are critically analyzed. Straightforward and sensible suggestions are offered within a Cuban cultural framework.

In the 1940s, Bernal del Riesgo was a key figure who together with Aguayo and others contributed to the development of Cuban psychology. Another psychologist who distinguished himself, at this time, was Jost Ignacio Lasaga (b. 1913). He completed studies in psychology at the University of Havana and did graduate work in the United States. Lasaga published a number of studies which investigated psychological test responses (mainly with the Thematic Aperception Test) and hypnotic susceptibility (Lasaga, 1947, I95 1; Lasaga & Martinez-Arango, 1946; and Martinez-Arango & Lasaga, 1947).

The development of psychology was marked by a changing economic, social, and political context. During the economic crisis of the 1930s, there was a revolutionary struggle for economic independence from the United States. The struggle failed and these political forces were polarized. Subsequently, during the 1940s and 1950s the influence of U.S. culture and economy became stronger. The modus operandi was to imitate and absorb into Cuban society North American values and models (J. J. Guevara, personal communication, April 1982).

In psychology, this tendency was most evident in the importation of psychological tests. Psychological instruments were translated, published, and sold with little or no attempt at validation and standardization. Guevara (personal communication, April 1982) described this as a chaotic process rooted in the false notion that North American products were superior and more desirable than Cuban ones. Psychological tests were used primarily because of the profits from private practice and industrial consultations, although issues of validity or reliability were problems with the use of such instruments. In a sense, the more fundamental issues were the lack of honesty, integrity, and seriousness in the development and use of such instruments (J. J. Guevara, personal communication, April 1982).

In the decade of the 1950s, there continued to be a trend to imitate the U.S. models of psychology and an opposing trend that questioned such imitation and challenged the integrity of such a psychology. Nevertheless, psychology in the post-World War I1 years continued to develop and thrive commercially. For example, the first direct reference in the APA Psychological Abstracts to psychology in Cuba appears in 1948, citing a study of the opinions and habits of radio listeners (Gutierrez-Serrano, 1947).


Private professional institutions emerged during the early 1950s for the training of psychologists. These were: Universidad de Santo Tomis de Villanueva, and Universidad Masonica de JosC Marti. While these institutions had a brief life, they trained psychologists in separate faculties or departments of psychology. In contrast, at the state universities, psychology remained within the domain of philosophy and education and was not considered a major prior to the Revolution. Among the private professional schools, the Universidad de Santo Tomis de Villanueva distinguished itself for its clarity, organization, and rigor (J. J. Guevara, personal communication, April 1982). The Villanueva Department of Psychology was founded by Jose LasagaZ (Lasaga, personal communication, August 1983; Padilla, 1980) in 1950. This department offered a four-year program to train psychologists in the areas of clinical, school, and industrial or commercial psychology. The orientation of the program was applied in nature and it did not emphasize research. The program at Villanueva was similar to the professional psychology schools that have developed in the United States in recent years (J. F. Lasaga, personal communication, April, 1983). Knowledge of English was a prerequisite of the program as the texts were in that language. Another requirement was knowledge of a second foreign language (French, German, or Russian); this served to orient students to European psychological trends of the times. At the end of the four years of training, which included a year of supervised clinical (or field) experience, graduates were awarded a doctorate in psychology. The University of Villanueva closed in 1961 when private schools were nationalized by the revolutionary government.

During the 1950s, psychology as applied to industry and commerce thrived. The recruitment and selection of personnel, and research in advertising were important con- tent areas (e.g., Gutierrez-Serrano, 1947). Courses were offered in commercial psychology and emphasis was given to television, radio, newspaper, and magazine adver- tisements (J. J. Guevara, personal communication, April 1982). As noted above, the private professional schools which emphasized clinical psychology were an important development during the 1950s. However, Bernal del Riesgo (1963) characterized these schools as exclusive and dominated by an ideology that did not permit the presentation of theories and views that clashed “with the system of values and attitudes developed by the regimen of the bourgeoise in Cuba” (p. 2). Another area of parallel emphasis during this period was in the use of psychological tests in the service of psychiatry.

In conclusion, during the prerevolutionary period, psychology remained applied in focus. However, the emphasis on educational psychology during the late colonial years shifted somewhat to clinical and industrial or commercial psychology. This development became particularly obvious with the rise of the professional schools during the 1950s. Perhaps the most critical aspect to the development of psychology at this time may be characterized by the activity of the supporters of a Cuban psychology versus the supporters of transplanting North American psychology to the Cuban context. The prerevolutionary era was marked by progressively increasing economic, political, and cultural influence from the United States. This influence, on the other hand, led to the importation and imitation of U.S. models of psychology, while, on the other, there was also a resistance to such models and attempts were made to develop a psychology that responded to the Cuban cultural context. While there existed a great deal of interest

‘Lasaga left Cuba in 1962 and has continued a distinguished career in the United States. Currently, he is a Research Associate Professor at the University of Miami School of Medicine and is involved in psychotherapy supervision at the Miami Mental Health Center. Lasaga has continued his productivity in research. Most recently, he has published on mental health services to elder Hispanics (Szapocznik, Lasaga, Perry, & Solomon, 1979) and on biculturalism (Lasaga, Szapocznik, & Kurtines, 1983).


among Cuban psychologists over the scientific informational base being developed in the United States, some considered it unrealistic, if not unethical, to apply blindly in Cuba what had been developed in the United States. The clash between these forces was oc- curring not only in the field of psychology but also at other levels of society. Indeed, the polarization of these forces reached its zenith and resolution during the revolutionary years, with important implications for psychology.

Psychology During the Revolutionary Period (1959 to the Present) The Revolution marked a critical historical phase that changed the nature of social,

political, and economic life in Cuba. The Revolution broke with the existing structures and changed the economic base of society.

With the nationalization of private enterprise as well as private educational institutions, the Revolution eliminated the economic base that had conditioned the development of psychology (Bernal del Riesgo, 1963) in the previous phases. Also, the Revolution radicalized and polarized public forces. Clear positions had to be taken in terms of the value of either contributing or not to the revolutionary process. In part as a result of the economic and military aggression against Cuba, the economic, social, and political situation of the country became more critical. Many professionals fled from Cuba as a result of this polarization.

Between 1959 and 1962, internal ideological struggles within a powerful student political movement supported by the revolutionary government culminated in wide- ranging reforms for the university. Previously the university had been composed of three faculties, none of which were in psychology. With the reform, a faculty of psychology was established at the Universidad de Las Villas (1961) and at the Universidad de la Habana (1962). It is interesting to note that the school of psychology was established within the faculty of science (along with physics, mathematics, biology) rather than within the humanities. This placement served to prepare psychologists with a firm grounding in the natural sciences. One objective was to graduate research psychologists who could contribute to the country with investigations in health, education, and industry.

In 1976 another university transformation took place and psychology was recognized as an independent school with somewhat closer links to the social sciences. The earlier reform had produced research psychologists with a rigorous background and orientation that enabled the school of psychology to expand from a small nucleus of professors and students to a full faculty or department of psychology (Somers, 1969) with subareas of specialty (i.e., clinical, educational and child, work and social, general experimental psychology). By 1982 the Department of Psychology at the Universidad de la Habana consisted of approximately 50 faculty members and 300 to 500 students (A. Mitjans, personal communication, April 1982). At present the career in psychology follows the European model of five years of university studies after high school-roughly equivalent to a combined Bachelor’s and Master’s degrees. Graduates received a licen- ciaturu or license in psychology in one of the four specialty areas. The department now graduates 100 to 125 students per year who are placed in a wide range of work settings (e.g., polyclinics, schools, work centers, research institutes, ministries, hospitals, and fac- tories) throughout the Island. Acceptance of students is partly based on projected availability of positions at the time of their graduation.

During the prerevolutionary period, psychology had been an esoteric interest of a few individuals who either obtained training outside of Cuba or had the financial resources to attend the professional schools that sprang up during the 1950s.


Psychologists were not part of community health clinics, hospitals, schools, or work centers as they were to become during the revolutionary period.

Among the first graduates from the University of Havana were such individuals as Lic. Lourdes Garcia-Averasturi and Lic. Loretta Rodriguez (Grupo Nacional de Psicologia, Minsterio de Salud Pdblica). Also, Albertina Mitjans (Dean), Eduardo Cairo (neuropsychology), Fernando Gonzalez-Rey (personality development), Carolina de la Torre (clinical psychology) were all graduates who became faculty members at the University of Havana. Psychologists in other institutions have made important contributions to the field. At the Havana Psychiatric Hospital, Noemi Ptrez-ValdCz and Nereida Calvo have made important advances in the treatment of the chronic mental patient. Also, the work of Georgina Fariiias and her collaborators (e.g., Fariiias, Alonso, & Figeroa, 1981), who use classical ballet as a psychotherapeutic method with psychiatric hospital patients, illustrates one area in which psychologists have made important innovations in the treatment of the chronic care patient. At the Ministry of Educa- tion, Lic. Ana Maria Duque de Estrada and Franklin Martinez have applied psychology in the education of preschool children. Work in the area of primary prevention has been conducted by Ana Maria Silverio. She has developed educational television programs aimed at educating parents about issues in child development.

Because of space limitations, it is not possible to present a detailed and complete ac- count of the work of Cuban psychologists during the past 25 years. In effect, this special issue is an attempt at presenting some aspects of the broad-based work being conducted by psychologists in Cuba. Other articles in this issue present examples of some of the activities of psychologists in contemporary Cuba. Nevertheless, I will highlight, in broad strokes, some of the areas that give Cuban psychology its unique community and health psychology emphasis. Additionally, some of the recent theoretical work on personality and moral development, not mentioned elsewhere in this issue, will be summarized.

The late sixties were a period of organizational development and expansion in Cuba. Many political obstacles had been overcome, including the military and political defeat of counterrevolutionaries. Also, the Revolution had delivered on its promises of land redistribution, full employment, and education. Illiteracy had been reduced from 23.6% to 3% for Cubans over 10 years of age, and school enrollment for children aged six to 14 increased from 55% to nearly 100% (Equip0 de Ediciones Especiales, 1981). Ac- complishments in other areas such as health, mental health, and political reorganization are well documented in this special issue.

However, the massive exodus of upper and middle class sectors of society seriously depleted the professional resources of the country. The task of the universities was to replenish the country with needed professionals and technicians because the hardships of the economic blockade, coupled with the exodus of professionals, had interfered with the planned social and economic development.

During the late 1960s, there were less than a dozen psychologists employed in the Cuban health care system (Garcia-Averasturi, 1980a, 1980b). With the reorganization of health services (Camayd-Freixes & Uriate, 1980; Perez-Stable, 1985), the National Group of Psychologists was formed to plan and foster the development of psychology as an independent discipline. With the collaborative arrangements between the universities, who produced psychologists, and the Ministry of Public Health’s National Group of Psychology, which broke new ground in the health care system for psychology, important accomplishments were achieved. By 1980 there were 310 psychologists and 350 psy- chometricians working in 120 polyclinics, 44 hospitals, 10 research institutes, 5 centers

A HISTORY OF PSYCHOLOGY IN CUBA 23 1

for the developmentally disabled, 6 advanced health institutes, and 8 provincial epidemiology centers (Garcia-Averasturi, 1980a, 1980b).

A parallel development that added to the organizational efforts of the Grupo Nacional de Psicologia was the growth of a nationwide psychological society. The first psychological association founded during the revolutionary period was the "Sociedad Cubana de Psicologia de la Salud" (SCPS-Cuban Society of Health Psychology). This was a pioneer organization that brought together Cuban psychologists from all specialty areas. The SCPS organized regular national and provincial conferences and organized chapters throughout the Island. This early association provided a disciplinary context of support for psychologists working in health-related areas. The current president of SCPS is Noemi PCrez-Valdtz.

The role of psychologists in a wide range of the health sector recently has been out- lined by Garcia-Averasturi (1980a, 1980b). Psychologists work on the health teams at polyclinics along with other professionals. While not every polyclinic has a psychologist, Cubans are moving toward this goal. Psychologists deliver direct and indirect services to individuals of all ages, including children and families. Direct services are in the form of consultation and psychotherapy. Psychologists also consult to parents, teachers, health professionals. Primary prevention activities are provided to labor unions, mass organizations, and industrial settings.

One of the noteworthy achievements of the National Group of Psychologists has been the movement away from psychiatry to create a psychology which operates independently within the health sector. Prior to 1959, psychology, and in particular clinical psychology, had been in a position subservient to psychiatry. Psychologists actually ac- complished little besides psychological testing. Psychiatrists looked to psychology primarily for clarification of diagnostic issues. While physicians had a number of sup- porting personnel in the form of medical technicians and nurses, psychologists had none. But in about 1965, because of the critical shortage of personnel, as well as the old need to respond to a high volume of service demands from other disciplines who viewed the role of psychologists in traditional ways, and the competing need to develop new lines of independent work and activities for psychology, the professional category of psychological technician was created. This technician administered certain psychological tests, conducted groups, developed reports, and gathered data for analysis. At a time when psychologists were scarce, the psychological technician, who functioned under the supervision of psychologists, both multiplied the service reach of the discipline and placed psychologists in a position parallel to that of psychiatry, vis-A-vis assistants.

A weakness of psychology in Cuba has been the lack of doctoral-level psychologists trained to carry out independent research. As late as 1974 the resources for such work did not exist in Cuba. Cuban psychologists were traveling to the Soviet Union and to the German Democratic Republic for advanced doctoral training. However, as of 198 1, six candidates successfully completed their doctoral work in Cuba. As of the summer of 1983, there were 18 doctoral candidates in Cuba, and 11 of these were conducting their work at the University of Havana.8 Future projections at that institution are that 24 of its

'Currently for a student to advance to the doctoral candidacy, he or she must demonstrate competence in philosophy, a foreign language, a specialty area, and present a detailed plan for advanced graduate study to the faculty. Subsequently a committee is organized that oversees the candidate's work, reviews the research proposal, and evaluates the dissertation. This is followed by the orals and defense. Completing all the re- quirements for doctoral work, including a dissertation, takes about five to six years (F. Gonzalez-Rey, personal communication, July 1983).


members will have completed their doctoral work by 1987 (F. Gonzalez-Rey, personal communication, 1983). The Ministry of Public Health also plans to train doctoral candidates under the auspices of the Ministry of Education (L. Garcia-Averasturi, personal communication, January 1983).

While the development of strong programs of research is relatively recent in Cuba, significant achievements have been made in psychological theory and research. Marin’s (1985) article reviews some of the major areas of research and clinical activity by Cuban psychologists in the health sectors. Apart from health, recently the faculty at the Univer- sity of Havana organized 14 research teams. Each team has a thematic focus and is composed of faculty, doctoral candidates, and university students. Among the areas currently being researched are such topics as cognitive development, personality development, psy- chodiagnosis and psychotherapy, educational psychology, neuropsychological processes, and Latin American psychology. The results from these investigations (as well as findings from other institutions) may find their way into the Boletin de PsicologIa’ or a forthcoming journal, Revista Cubana de Psicologl’a, of the Sociedad de Psicblogos de Cuba (Society of Cuban Psychologists), formed in 1981.

An area of psychological inquiry presently gaining momentum is personality research and moral development. Below, I describe some of the theoretical and practical aspects of the work directed by Fernando Gonzalez-Rey to illustrate the development of a novel area of investigation. Because of space limitations, I regret having to omit men- tion of other important contemporary Cuban psychologists.

The development of ethical principles in the individual is of paramount importance in the construction of a socialist society. Fernando Gonzalez-Rey, a graduate from the University of Havana and one of the early doctoral-level psychologists, has been a pioneer in the experimental study of personality and moral development in Cuba. In 1983 he edited and published two volumes: (a) Algunas cuestiones del desarrollo moral de la personalidad [Some issues on the moral development and personality] (with Gonzalez-Pacheco, Ojalvo-Mitrani, Sorfn-Skoloski, and Martinez-Ruiz) and (b) Algunas cuestiones tebricas y metodolbgicas sobre el estudio de la personalidad [Some theoretical and methodological issues on the study of personality] (with Bratus, Febles- Elejalde, Roloff-Gbmez, Gonzalez-Serra, and D’Angelo-Hernandez).

As viewed by Gonzalez-Rey (1982), morality is a system of self-determination that activates cognitive and affective processes. Moral values are not the sum of traits that function in a mechanical way. Traits and values comprise one of the modalities in which reflective and active individuals interact with their environment. These personality traits regulate simple moral decisions in daily life. Complex decisions are regulated by a higher level conscience, by a self-consciousness (“autoconciencia”).

The research of Gonzalez-Rey (1982) in this area established four different levels of moral development: concrete, synthetic, concretized, and generalized. In one study behavioral-cognitive activities were developed in a school setting to elicit and facilitate the development of moral ideals (Gonzales-Rey, 1982). The results showed that 70% of the participants showed changes in moral ideals. In another study Gonzalez-Pacheco (1982) examined the role of honesty in moral self-regulation. Four groups participated in the experiment. Gonzalez-Pacheco found that younger subjects defined honesty in concrete terms, while older subjects defined it abstractly.

~~

‘The Boletin de Psieologia [Psychology Bulletin] was first published in 1978 by the Havana Psychiatric Hospital Press under the editorship of Noemi PCrez-Valdtz. To date, this is the only research-oriented publication for psychologists in Cuba (N. Perez-Valdez, personal communication, 1984).


Gonzalez-Rey (Gonzalez-Rey, Gonzalez-Pacheco et al., 1982) points out that moral development is a function of both the socioeconomic political context and the developmental history of the individual. He notes that in a socialist system, the individual actively participates in the construction of his/her reality. Since the goal of the Cuban system is to eliminate external pressures and stressors (such as the cost of health, education, housing, and fear of unemployment), internal self-regulatory mechanisms of the personality become an important area of study. The long-range objectives of this line of inquiry are to incorporate its findings into the educational system in order to assure the solid moral development of Cuban children.

The theoretical and empirical work in personality and moral development described above serves to illustrate the extent to which Cuban psychologists are in the forefront of contemporary psychological research and inquiry. References to North American and Western European psychologists have become rare; a disadvantage of this is that the work reviewed lacks some of the recent theoretical and methodological advances in experimental design. Nevertheless, despite the economic and informational blockade of Cuba, the discipline is moving ahead in an organized manner, focused on issues of concern to Cuban communities.

Conclusions Since its emergence in the 18OOs, psychology in Cuba has been action oriented. The

philosopher-psychologists (Vernon, 1944) of the late 18th and 19th centuries were primarily concerned with introducing better educational techniques into the classroom. Issues in education continued to remain vibrant for psychologists during the prerevolutionary period, but the focus of activity shifted from educational to clinical and commercial psychology. During the colonial and prerevolutionary periods, a number of psychologists initiated educational reforms and political action and, thus, the seeds for what was to grow during the revolutionary period were planted. During the revolutionary period, emphasis was on social commitment and active participation in community and social change. Promoting health and education were priorities with an organized plan of development and action.

During the prerevolutionary period psychology was influenced by United States ideology to a great degree. The struggle between imitating U S . models and attempting to develop paradigms based on the Cuban reality was not to find an easy resolution with the Revolution. While psychology was transformed into an independent discipline with an organized plan of development, such a transformation was the result of several critical periods of struggle each with different paradigms.

During the early years of the Revolution, the society was polarized. On the one hand, there was a rejection of U.S. ideology and an escalation of tension between the United States and Cuba which led to an economic blockade and military aggression by the U.S. as well as to the nationalization of foreign corporations by Cuba. US.-based psychological models were rejected and Marxism began to be introduced as the framework within which to understand the changes in Cuban society. And yet, psychological inquiry was somewhat constricted because the main task at hand was the defense of the Revolution. In addition, during those early years, anxiety about external and internal threats to Cuba led to a narrow interpretation of Marxism which limited the potential for the development of psychology. For a time, Soviet and East German texts replaced North American ones and the U S . models of psychology were substituted with


models developed by the socialist block countries. However, as the Revolution con- solidated its strength and entered a period of stability, development, and prosperity, a psychological paradigm that was uniquely Cuban began to emerge.

This evolving paradigm has a number of features that make it an attractive framework, particularly for Third World countries. First, it is a pragmatic, action- oriented model focused on resolving social and community needs in areas such as health and education. Second, as a profession it aims to produce and incorporate research psychologists and other professionals into activities ranging from working with preschoolers and athletes to treating the chronic care patient. Third, while historically influenced by the North American and the Soviet models, this psychology reached beyond both of these to produce a psychology rooted in the contemporary Cuban sociocultural reality. Cuban psychologists are writing their own texts today, conducting independent and creative research investigations, and actively publishing their findings. Lastly, the paradigm is a dialetical one that aims at modifying and impacting the social context. Whereas psychology during the earlier periods can be characterized as applied oriented, during the revolutionary period this orientation flowered into community action and social change. Cuban psychologists today are active in the process of social transformation and participate in moving society toward social and collective ideals.

References Aguayo, A. M. (1930). Pedadogia cientifica, psicolbgia y direccibn del aprendisaje. La Habana: Cultural,

Aguayo, A. M. (1937). Didactica de la nueva escuela. La Habana: Cultural, S.A. Bernal del Riesgo, A. (1936). Iniciacibn de la psicologh. La Habana: F. Sabini. Bernal del Riesgo, A. (1941). El instituto de practicas y ensayos. In Crhica y reforma universitarias. La

Bernal del Riesgo, A. (1944). Cuestiones futuras de la ensefianza. Selecta, p. 206. Bernal del Riesgo, A. (1946a). Psicolog~u humana: Curso panorhmico. La Habana: Imprenta de la Univer-

sidad de la Habana. Bernal del Riesgo, A. (1946b). Psicologia general. La Habana: Irnprenta de la Universidad de la Habana. Bernal del Riesgo, A. (1955). 50 aiios de psicologia en Cuba. Revista Cubana de Psicologh, I , 5-10. Bernal del Riesgo, A. (1959). Psicologh y enfermedad. La Habana: Irnprenta de la Universidad de la

Bernal del Riesgo, A. (1960). Errores en la criaza de 10s niiios. Mexico: Ediciones El Caballito. Bernal del Riesgo, A. (1963). Orientacibn. contenido, y funciones de la psicologia en Cuba. La Habana:

Bernal del Riesgo, A. (1967). The recruitment and training of university teachers. Belgium: International

Boring, E. G. (1950). A history of experimental psychology. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts. Cabrera, O., & Almodobar, C. (Eds.) (1975). Las luchas estudiantiles universitarias. La Habana: Editorial

Ciencias Sociales. Camayd-Freixas, Y., & Uriarte, M. (1980). The organization of mental health services in Cuba. Hispanic

Journal of Behavioral Sciencies, 2 , 337-354. Equipo de Ediciones Especiales. (1981). Cuba: Territorio libre de analfabetismo. La Habana: Editorial

Sciencias Sociales. Faririas, G., Alonso, L., & Figeroa, C. (1981). Cornrnunicaci6n y psicoballet. Revista del Hospital Psi-

quidrico de la Habana, 22, 257-262. Foner, P. S. (1962). A history of Cuba and its relation to the UnitedStates (Vol. 1). New York: International

Publishers. Garcia-Averasturi, L. (1980a). La psicologia de la salud en Cuba. Areito, 6(24), 16-19. Garcia-Averasturi, L. (1980b). Psychology and health care in Cuba. American Psychologist, 35, 1090-1095. Gispert, L. (1976). Alfonso Bernal del Riesgo: Padre de la psicologia Cubana. Juventud Tknica, 11(2), 60-

S.A.

Habana: lmprenta de la Universidad de la Habana.

Habana.

Cornisi6n Superior de Docenscia de la Universidad de la Habana.

Association of University Teachers and Lecturers. (Published with UNESCO).

62.


Gonzalez-Pacheco, 0. (1982). Autorregulacibn moral del comportamiento. In F. Gonzalez-Rey, 0. Gonzalez-Pacheco, V. Ojalvo-Mitrani, M. Sorin-Sokolski, & G. Martinez-Ruiz (Eds), AIgunas cuestiones del desarrollo moral de la personalidad. La Habana: Editorial Pueblo y Educaci6n.

Papel de 10s ideales morales en la formacibn de las intenciones profesionales en 10s escolares. In F. Gonzalez-Rey et al., (Eds.), AIgunm cuestiones del desarrollo moral de la personalidad. La Habana: Editorial Pueblo y Edacaci6n.

Gonzalez-Rey, F., Gonzalez-Pacheco, O., Ojalvo-Mitrani, V., Soh-Sokolski, M., & Martinez-Ruiz, G. (Eds.) (1982). AIgunas cuestiones del desarrollo moral de la personalidad. Habana: Editorial Pueblo y Edacaci6n.

Gonzalez-Rey, F., Bratus, B. S., Febles-Elejalde, M., Roloff-Gbmez, G., Gonzalez-Serra, D., & D’Angelo- Hernandez, 0. (Eds.) (1982). Algunas cuestiones teoricm y metodolbgicas sobre el estudio de la personalidad. La Habana: Editorial Pueblo y Edacacibn.

Gonzalez-Rey, F. (1982).

Gutierrez-Serrano, R. (1947). The radio in Cuba. Journal of Opinion and Attitude Research, 1, 62-70. Kuhn, T. S. (1970). The structure of scientific revolutions. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Lasaga, J. I. (1947). Outline of descriptive esthetics from a structuralist point of view. Psychological Review,

Lasaga, J. I. (1951). TAT: Analytic technique. In E. S. Schneidman (Ed.), Thematic testanalysis. New York:

Lasaga, J. I., & Martinez-Arango, C. (1946). Some suggestions concerning the administration and inter-

Lasaga, J. I., Szapocznik, J., & Kurtines, W. (1983). Aculturation or cultural integration? A new test of

Le Riverend, J. (1978).

54, 9-23.

Grune & Stratton.

pretation of the TAT. Journal of Psychology, 22, 117-163.

biculturut integration. Miami: University of Miami, Spanish Family Guidance Center. Breve historia de Cuba. La Habana: Editorial Ciencias Sociales.

Marin, B. (1985). Community psychology in Cuba: A literature review. Journal of Community Psychology, 13, 138-154.

Martinez-Arango, C., & Lasaga, J. I. (1947). Psychiatry & Neurology, 2, 271-287.

Moreno-Fraginals, M. (1978). Ortiz, F. (191 la). Ortiz, F. (1911b).

Psychotherapy based on the TAT. Quarterly Review of

El ingenio. La Habana: Editorial Ciencias Sociales. En memoria de Felix Varela. Revista Eimestral Cubana, 6 , 473. Felix Varela, amigo del paiz. Revista Eimestral Cubana, 6, 478-484.

Padilla, A. M. (1980). Notes od the history of Hispanic psychology. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 2 , 109-128.

PCrez-Stable, E. J. (1985). Community medicine in Cuba. Journal of Community Psychology, 13, 124-137. Pichardo, H. (1969). Documentos para la historia de Cuba (Tomo 11). La Habana: Editorial Ciencias

Rodriguez, M. (1936). Santana, J. A. (1982). Somers, B. J. (1969).

Szapocznik, J., Lasaga, J. I., Perry, P., & Solomon, M. A. (1979).

Thomas, H. (1973).

Sociales. Don Jost de la Luz y Caballero. Revista Bimestral Cubana, 37, 84-88. iQuien f u i Felix Varela? La Habana: Ediciones Union. Psychology education and mental health services in Cuba in 1968. American

Outreach in the delivery of mental health Psychologist, 24, 94 1-946.

services to Hispanic elders. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 1, 21-40. Cuba: La lucha por la libertad, 1762-1909. La Barcelona: Ediciones Grijalbo.

Valdez-Marin, R. (1976). Obituario sobre Alfonso Bernal del Riesgo. Hospital Psiquiutrico de la Habana, 17, 168-171.

Varela, F. (1922). Lecciones de filosofia. La Habana: Fraternal. Varela, F. (1977). Escritos politicos. La Habana: Editorial Sciencias Sociales. Varona, E. J. (1877). La psicologia de Bain. Revista Cubana, (2), 289-307. Varona, E. J. (1879). La evoluci6n de psicologia. Revista Cubana, (6), 5-22. Varona, E. J. (1881). Conferencias filosbficas: Psicologia. Revista Cubana, (10, 11). Varona, E. J. (1882). Conferencias filos6ficas: Psicologia. Revista Cubana, (12). Varona, E. J. (1883). Conferencias filos6ficas: Psicologia. Revista Cubana, (13, 24-30). Varona, E. J. (1886). Un texto de psicologia. Revista Cubana, (3), 170-175. Varona, E. J. (1888). Conferencias filos6ficas: Psicologia. El Retiro, (41). Varona, E. J. (1921). Curso de psicolog;a. La Habana: Imprenta “La Moderna Poesia.” Vernon, W. H. D. (1944). Yarochevsky, M. G. (1975).

Educaci6n Superior.

Psychology in Cuba. Psychological Bulletin, 41, 73-89. Historia de la psicologia (Tomo I). La Habana: Impresa del Ministerio de

a history of psychology in cuba

Documents