a more united kingdom by liam byrne

8/14/2019 A More United Kingdom by Liam Byrne

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In a world withoutwalls, we need sharedstandards to makeBritain feel likehome...

A MORE UNITED KINGD0M

Liam Byrne


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First published in 2008 Demos. Some rights reservedMagdalen House, 136 Tooley Street,


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A MORE UNITED KINLiam Byrne


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Open access. Some rights reserved.

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Contents

Acknowledgements

1 Introduction

2 Why are shared standards so im

3 The political contest

4 What do the British public think?

5 Britains standards and reforming

to citizenship

6 A more United Kingdom

7 Conclusion

Notes

References


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Acknowledgements

This pamphlet develops the paper I co-wrote2007 for the Fabian Society,A Common Place,out the concept of earned citizenship as part reforms to strengthen shared standards. Sincpursued these ideas in arguments, debates an

public, who helped me over the course of thrautumn 2007 define the key elements of a newreform, with colleagues and with Home OfficI owe a huge debt. Adrian Prandle, in my Hooffice, drafted key parts of the argument in ch

Gila Sacks helped substantially frame my anaregeneration in chapter 7; at Demos, DuncanAlessandra Buonfino and Charlie Edwards ginput; and David Goodhart helped inspire mthought. The errors are of course my own.

Liam ByrneSeptember 2008


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1 Introduction

7

Fragmentation, free thought and new excitements cand perplex us

Laurie Lee, Cider with Rosie, 1959

The idea of shared standards or rulealways been part of the fabric of political iFor Labour they are the quintessence of ththat we believe vital to social progress. Anwe have acquired a new appreciation of thfraternity, reciprocity and mutual respect and more equal society.

But modern life is bringing changes social standards are created, reinforced andmore fluid world of international migratio

economies and changing social attitudes, iopportunities for career progression and pBut collective life also faces new pressures become more transient, families more disp


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plan to travel. Every fraternal society has its cEvery happy family has good ground-rules. Sthe glue that keeps diverse societies together;akin to Oliver Wendell Holmes idea of the laconstraints that make people free.1And this

than the insight that has been at the centre ofthinking since at least JS Mill.Of course, these standards also come in

Sometimes they are codified in law, as with pprivacy laws. In other areas, communities shaconventions, which make communal life fairefulfilling, from giving up a seat on a bus to thpastime of queuing.

Today, the appetite for shared standardlegal, is acute. This is the lesson of the immigLabours wider agenda: strengthening what w

must coexist with a respect for difference. Myunless Labour takes this argument seriously tto take this ground. Already in the work of wKruger and others we see a Tory ambition to the agenda and the policies of fraternity from

points to a coming passionate disagreement ground of fraternity, and whether the state orlift their banner there.2

Yet the reflex of the right is to draw thehi I A i d i l E

Introduction


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Our national response was not reactiinventive. In cities like mine, Birminghamnineteenth century, we built a new civic faSocial and civic entrepreneurs like Chambhelped invent a new way of living together

new, collective habits and services. Countlpolitical entrepreneurs created a new richnpolitical life.

New answers will require the politicaus. Rather than hark back to the past, we sdifferent future, which is above all imaginakeep the standards and norms that have bnational history and reimagine how to appchallenges of today. In this future we shoubalance between what is common and the with what Putnam called an era of civic in

add this ambition to New Labours traditioopportunity and security.

This is why the debate about Britishnand so relevant today. Britishness is quite important associations that we have; it is a

history and reinforced by our everyday expso much of the way we look at the world. Wthink hard about ways to weave Britishnesthroughout our work; and we must coupleb d f h f i i

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impossible for any one nation of the UK tmuch alone. But there is another reason foUnion.

First, Britishness as a political idea isand inclusive than many sub-national iden

puts it: I think British is easier [than Englbit more plural as it includes the Celtic frinIreland, Wales and Scotland. It seems to aregional difference.5

But second, the Union is a constitutikind of balance that we all must achieve inam the grandson of Irish immigrants. But generations of family from Birmingham, wspent years growing up in Essex and a bit proud to be an Essex boy. When I go to European. As a Catholic, part of me is def

of history and an allegiance to the Pope. Bproud of it. The celebration of the Union iBritishness because it is de facto a construidentities. An argument for dissolving the lamentable admission that in this age of di

to master the task of marshalling, combiniwhat is in common between our modern p

Th L b P t l di

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bring different groups of young people togetconvinced me that as part of the huge prograregeneration now proposed by this governmeParty nationally must invent a new style and Labour parties locally. The Labour Party nee

renewal of civic pride and a renaissance of whcalled the art of association.Here then are some first thoughts abou

renewal and how Labour can lead a debate aabout how we strengthen shared standards inwe put alongside new arguments for empowefor refreshing fraternity in modern Britain. Itnational and local, political and civic, and forLabour in government and for Labour partiecommunities.

In his speech, A Struggle for the Soul o

Bill Clinton6 describes the world that is beingas a world without walls. It is a world with tglittering new rewards; new advances in scienpowered by trade and technology, and new frand explore for literally billions of people.

But the risks are great too. Especially thdivisions of the past between rich and poordomestic and foreign become deeper and Successful societies will be those that make thi l d b h B i

Introduction


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2 Why are sharedstandards so im

13

Shared standards and a sense of fraternity and parcel of Labours political appeal andmessage. Put simply, we believe that the inchance of realising their full potential livincommunity that sustains difference but whby a shared sense of the things that we havthe behaviour of mutual regard. It is the hthe strength in by the strength of our comachieve more than we achieve alone. And

our political heritage.Throughout our political history our

nurtured those who reached a point likepioneers or the cooperative corn millers ofreacted to tough economic conditions or l

with a strategy of association and cooperashared standards.In the last decade, we have acquired

of why shared standards are so important,h d f h h d d i


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It is now taken as fact that once upon a time there wascharacter one with a stiff upper lip and a love of faircricket and the Queen and somewhere along the way w[But] what has taken place since the war is not so mucone identity as the assertion of all those other identities

unacknowledged.8

Why are shared standards so impor

But the focus of this discussion was lessfor a more cohesive British society and more about our image in the world:

The main reason why this [rebranding] needs to be doopened up between the reality of Britain as a highly crsociety and the perception around the world that Britabackward-looking island immersed in its heritage.9

Today, Britain needs to provoke a debanot only Britains position in the world. The extremism in Britain is but one more sign thaare under pressure. We now live in a country of a new extremism is longer, a shadow that c

groups adrift from society rejecting the ruleBritain requires all to follow.The Security Service says that it is work

groupings and networks of over 1600 individi b li h h k f /


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Britain is not contending with these America, Robert Putnam found a similar sdecline. As he put it: at the centurys end, trust quotient of nearly 80 per cent was beby one with a trust quotient of barely half

developed communities of limited liabilitycapital is being supplanted by function-baIf we ask people in Britain, why they

community spirit, longer hours and televtable of answers (Table 1).

Table 1 Why do you think were losing the

People work longer hoursPeople spend more time watching TV/o

People move home more oftenMore newcomers to BritainPeople more likely to take advantage t

Source: Ipsos MORI15

Putnams list was longer. He identififrom busyness and time pressure, movemelabour force, residential mobility, suburbato marriage and the welfare state, to the 19

d h l l l

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are moving around faster than ever before. W2015 passenger movements across the UKs bdoubled on the level of 2000. Technology anconstantly changing and Ofcom estimates th1624 year olds use social networking sites an

year olds have their own weblog or webpage.Migration, too, is part of todays changhas doubled since the 1960s and although theapproximately midway in the selected OECDof the percentage of foreign and foreign-bornper cent and 9.3 per cent, respectively), someUK have changed fast. The foreign-born natiCanning Town, for example, doubled betwee

Picking apart what matters most is pretAmerica, Putnam concluded it was generatioaccounted for half of the weakening social ca

electronic entertainment the privatising [oaround a quarter; and pressures of time and mtwo career families) plus suburbanisation andaccounting for the balance.

In the UK, I think any such estimate w

controversial. In a sense my point is simpler. changes are altering the way we interact and with. The nature of the communities that havdefined us is changing and changing under

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absolutely central shared standards are to successful economies, and the social capitsuccessful societies flourish.

Francis Fukuyama laid out in perhapshared standards matter to the economy.19

17

Economic activity is knit together by a wide varieobligations and other habits one of the most impolearn from an examination of economic life is that well as its ability to compete, is conditioned by a sincharacteristic: the level of trust inherent in the socie

This trust, which lies at the heart of tfunctional, frictionless transactions that meconomy, in turn rests on the ability of comnorms and rules and the ability to subord

interests, which in turns rests on the abilisense economic life, as Adam Smith well udivorced from culture.21 The purism of neocannot really explain the historical phenomgreatest economic efficiency was not neces

rational self-interested individuals but rathindividuals who, because of a pre-existing moto work together effectively22 (my italics).argues that social capital, the crucible of th l h f l l


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better educational achievement, greater levels of incomchild welfare and lower rates of child abuse, less corrupefficient government and enhanced economic achievemincreased trust and lower transaction costs. The cumuresearch indicates that the well connected are more lik

healthy, hired and happy.24


As Diego Gambetta puts it: [S]ocieties on the use of force are likely to be less efficienand more unpleasant than those where trust iother means.25 So, shared standards are undeimportant socially and economically. Polititherefore must follow.


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3 The political co

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Not all big changes in society ignite change, but the pressure on shared standaBecause in the UK, we now operate in a pthe number of political identifiers thoseassociate themselves with one political parbelow 50 per cent of the electorate for the shared standards, and an association with persuade people to vote for one party rath

This debate is probably only just get

think the demand for reform that strengthshared sense of what we have in common imore important, not less. And Labour willitself. Around the world, neo-conservativesalready. Their answers are not answers we

what is more, they are wrong.Danny Kruger, a former special adviCameron, has been among those in Britainargument for the right to take this ground

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Today, the Tories are arguing again thafraternity.29 It was an argument they last maBack in the mid-1990s, Roger Scruton and laargued that the bonds of association were essof tradition30 a willing submission to wha

established which becomes a norm and a guntil modified by further social interaction.3But the Tories problem has not change

not de Tocqueville, it is Edmund Burke. It wafor the needs of something to transmit that trgenerations on the basis that the ends of sucpartnership [such as the state] cannot be obtagenerations, it becomes a partnership not onlwho are living, but between those who are tothe need for traditional institutions to keep

Here is why we now hear from David C

echoes of the American neo-cons and a new dtraditional institutions (starting with the nuthe new applause of some of Mrs Thatchers Ferdinand Mount.33

And here we see the challenge for Labou

hands, a defence of shared standards becometraditional institutions. And this almost immattack on active government.

Thus, in the US today, the neo-conservad d T ill l i h b i f

The political contest

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state action David Cameron emphasisesthan instruction.35

This new gloss on an old philosophyeloquently puts it, is the Achilles heel of t

When the world is moving on apace, a pur

traditional institutions with an analysis thPitt the Younger is frankly difficult in a woinstitutions are under pressure from chanrevolutionary in the sense of a violent overegime, but which are socially and economextremely rapid.

If we believe like Scruton and Willlike a price set by social interaction in theat least acknowledge that the speed of socand the breadth of todays social market price movements are likely to be extremely

And what are we supposed to do exadAncona incisively argues, public trust ininstitutions is fast evaporating? Or when institutions like the nuclear families dthe 40 per cent of todays children born ou

somehow those parents, or those children,our equation?

A t diti l l t

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It has, however, rather a lot of history. IAnthony Croslands original 12-point check-lPartys intellectual antecedents,37 we can see mutuality and cooperation in at least seven o

Rightly sceptical of the purist cooperati

by the idealists of the Robert Owen and WillCrosland nevertheless argued that if we step summarise the five key recurring themes in sothen surely one of them must be the promotiorganisation and motives by means.40

To this tradition, New Labour has brou

loosely defined sense of what shared standardwith a sense of how those standards need tranpolicy agenda for stronger communities.

On the ground floor of New Labour, asKinnock, in an echo of Roy Hattersleys Choo

explained the intimate connection between shcommunity and a Labour agenda of empoweDemocratic Socialist Aims and Values (1988) he pwant a state where the collective contributionis used to advance individual freedom.41

In turn, Kinnock found his echo in the 1997 manifesto: We are a broad-based movemand justice... Our values are the same: the equwith no one cast aside; fairness and justice wi

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another in a society but the community idealised as some kind of homogenous entmust mean more than simply a common bindividuals a socialist definition must inempowerment and control over peoples c

Community must be given expression by fdecision-making.Second, New Labour has consistentl

that membership of a community comes wresponsibilities. Society is a two-way streetknown and associated with Amitai Etzioni

Community, argues fiercely for the idea thareciprocal responsibilities. Citizens have toand obligations towards establishing and msociety.45 Thus Alan Whitehead argues thabut two jobs: on both sides of the commu

encouraging the individual to take responher community and making available to make this happen.46 Or as Tony Blair pnotion of citizenship gives rights but demashows respect but wants it back, grants op

on responsibility.47

So, ideas of shared standards, mutuacommunity are important to Labour traditLabour more recently. Therefore we now hb h k h d d d f

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For all their difficulties, errors and misdeeds of the proand their immediate forebears in the late 19th centurythe problem of social capital or civic engagement defictempting in 1890 to say life was much nicer back in thback to the farm. They resisted that temptation to reveinstead the harder but surer path of social innovation


We too in Britain corralled a similar civthe same time. In late nineteenth-century Brigrew, with bigger and bigger waves of migratcountryside, we cut a new social and cultural

that spanned civic and cultural life.Take Birmingham. As the city grew, a npoliticians like Chamberlain extolled a new cdelivered new services like gas, water and anew city. From 1879 philanthropists like the C

in Bournville, new designs for communities. like the National Education League, headq were founded to conduct national campaiglike free education. In 1902 the Birmingham representation council brought together a huworking class organisations: the Birminghamthe Labour Church, the Social Democratic FeNational Womens League, the AmalgamatedEngineers, the National Amalgamated Societand the Furnishing Trades the Britannia Me

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Next steps for Labour

If Labour is to continue to argue for an agstronger sense of personal empowerment tforce of strong communities, we will have reinforce the standards that pin our nationBritain together.

This need and the prospect of a chakin to that we have seen in America and Eprovide a new urgency to Labours thinkinstandards we think are important, and howprogressive political agenda around them.

The prize is important; buy-in to sha

sine qua non of the kind of cooperation andwe believe is the foundation stone of socia

Citizenship reform is perhaps the keyof the advances can be made. David Blunkargued consistently that we need a shared

values as well as an understood and respecenforceable by law49 and for citizenship runderlines the concept not as something tshared membership of a political communit, a mode of life.50

Some on the left, too, will of course fargument but often for the right reasonscritical for the left is that while we strengthcommon rules, we stand up for the right to

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What do the British public think


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Not a nation of Alf Garnets

In a speech I made to Demos in December 20my conversations all over Britain had convinccountry is not a nation of Alf Garnetts. We arcomfortable with difference. We can get this Britain has changed when we look at the way

the debate about immigration policy.Simply put, if we go back 40 years, the is scarred by the language of colour. In 1961 Rof the need for new immigration legislation ifavoid a colour problem. Even the House of mother of Parliaments, was not immune. In t

wealth Immigrants Bill debate, the ConservaOsborne (who was also an active lay preachethe controls the bill promised, saying: I claiminevitable because of the attraction of our coucoloured people.52

He was attacked by among others, FH Hbluntly challenged him to say whether he belibrotherhood of all men or merely the brotherh

Today, the debate is reassuringly differefact that from the changes of the last 40 years

actually emerged not only as a multicultural ccountry that is comfortable with diversity. Tocountry that embraces multiculturalism, whetop scorer last season was from the Ivory Coa

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Those saying they would mind if a relativeAsian person has fallen from 33 per cent tolast five years.

64 per cent of 1634 year olds disagree witrather live in an area with people from thebackground.56

86 per cent of Brits disagree with the stateBritish you have to be white.

But there is a strange split in the waywhat the government or the local council i

personally should do to help the business people are up for personally doing a little government or the local council doing

Hence people said time and again thbackwards to adapt to newcomers, or av

the expense of British traditions (for examholding nativity plays were mentioned; inddiscussion we heard mention of Christmasor carol services and nativity plays being bmight cause offence). This was seen as po

gone mad.What I heard was a general acceptandifferent backgrounds could have differenand religious practices; tolerance levels na


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answered: Its just a good way to celebrateremembered holding street parties for the events that were organised by local peoplegreat strength. People wanted to see, as soto me, Not a celebration of diversity buprovokes diversity.

In essence, those I spoke to were intebringing people together. Food, music, spmentioned as good ways to celebrate bothculture food, music and local history adiverse cultures from other countries that

population, perhaps combined with opponewcomers to affirm their commitment to the rest of us what it means to be British.

Listening to the discussions, it becamcomfort level with diversity is in part simp

persistent strength of Britains local identiwhen asked how to celebrate a national idcelebration of what they liked locally whreminiscent of Trafalgar Day (mentioned iSt Pauls Carnival (mentioned in Bristol).

was something with both local and nationSo the tone of balance and measure aoutlook that Britain has on newcomers. Wwelcoming. We do think that we should sp

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reform in a way that did not violate what Johthe fairness code.57 This is simply an idea thdifferent tradition of freedom, which takes acthe legitimate criticisms made by the new rigwelfare programmes.

The writers Samuel Bowles and Herberothers developing the work of Robert Axelroabsolutely central this notion of reciprocity issupport for progressive values. In 1999 Bowlethe argument in the context of the reciprocity but the same logic applies to the migration

The welfare state is in trouble not because selfishness isbut because many egalitarian programmes no longer enow offend, deeply held notions of fairness, encompassand generosity stopping far short of unconditional a

less well off.58

As Nick Pearce put it more recently:

In focusing almost exclusively on outcomes, reform strmiss important insights about how the procedures thatservices and in particular their fairness elicit partfrom the public.59

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Inability to speak English prevents integration andmoney. English should be learnt before arrival in th

Learning English... people were fixated about languaup... everything follows from that Some went as farnot be allowed to get in unless they demonstrated gras

English always came up as the first step towards su

People expect newcomers to have a working knowlearrive in the UK no matter whether they come froEU. They also expect people to improve their Engli

here through English lessons, self-study and just mneighbours and colleagues.

Language: a strong sense was evident that if peopleincentive and encouragement to learn English, thewould be fruitless.

But what was striking in the debate Ialthough people were pretty strident in thelanguage question, they were quick, too, tosolutions, like:

schools helping newcomers children to lethen helping their parents

employers helping their migrant staff withl l l l ll



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the same community and could help people uthey need to behave and what services they cathem settle in the UK.

Direct people to community groups that reprorigin (but be careful not to encourage peop

Encourage newcomers to live among British group together (people recognised that Britisguilty of this when going to live in eg Spain o

But above all what was seen as a key to integration was the creation of a fair framewo

newcomers came to Britain and earned theirTwo key themes stand out: paying tax

way and obeying the law. But several otherpeople: putting new citizens on probation toindeed signing up to the rules; there was som

universal sign-up to the idea of introducingrequirement for new citizens; and British peoclear that there should not be one rule for thefor everyone else.

Generally, though, what people want to

simpler, more straightforward set of rules govnewcomers become citizens, with a much clearesponsibilities. Achieving citizenship shouldcircumstances be something that is easy to ac

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is about accepting other cultures and the people should be free to have their own cuoften British citizens needed to understandreligions better, too. But a basic point thatemphasise in different parts of the countrywell by one participant in Bristol: Its impto newcomers that laws in this country donchurch [it] can be seen as racial prejudicits so important.

The way in which people thought wekind of sign-up varied, but ideas included

taking an oath passing the British citizen test signing some sort of contract having a sponsor vouch for your outlook,

neighbours and friends to ensure newcomcriteria having a character reference from an empl

Paying your way

The second clear principle that emerged frdiscussions was the importance of workingearning ones way, so to speak and intim



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People had different ideas about the kinwere desirable, but some kind of credit checkwere paying their bills, a check on proof of satax contributions made, plus some kind of ensponsorship from employers were mentioned

Three ideas were linked to this discussio

introducing a differential tax rate for newcomnational insurance contributions, or an emergof tax

introducing minimum qualifying periods of p

becoming eligible for citizenship; as might bviews on the right time periods varied a lot, byears; some put the emphasis on working lonto six years, paying taxes and national insurasee restrictions on the ability to bring family

the migrant in question was not working having limits on access to benefits in the pericitizenship was granted this view was widelparticularly when it came to housing, and somthe idea of health insurance.

Obeying the law

The third very clear principle was the need foobey the law and for immediate and often d

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You could have a probation period during which cibe revoked if a serious crime was committed [or couany stage].

(Aberdeen participant)

Serious crimes (murder, rape, crimes against childrpeople but not lesser offences like shoplifting. Thechance to break [the] law, but for serious crimes [pedeported immediately.

(Croydon participant)

Mixed views on volunteering (volunteering)

Fourth, we tested the idea of asking newcosome kind of community work. In the discmany considered this an important idea

contribution it could make to better integrif it was implemented as for migrants demcommitment to Britain. Thus it was generamigrants should be expected to volunteer once they had arrived in the UK, as this w

which they could demonstrate a commitmmaking every possible effort to integrate incommunities where they lived.

But there were mixed views about thh i hi k h h Fi h id



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you havent committed a crime and [have] payouve done enough.Some argued that there were many diffe

contribute towards society beyond officially rvoluntary work one woman in Nottinghamnewcomers were going to undertake extra wothey were already working.

No special treatment for the rich

Finally, our discussion groups demonstrated

a profound sense of fairness. I asked people wthought that people who earned more and tax for example those in highly valued profdoctors or high net worth people should becitizens faster.

The answer was an emphatic no. Peoppoor to be treated alike and felt that a two-spthat poorer people were automatically assumto society.

British?

My debates taking place around Britain wereme draw up plans to reform specific parts of

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were made anxious by their presence by, for example, next to them on a bus, this was often balanced with anhelpful neighbour.62

One thing that struck me going round Bthe affinity to local places is part and parcel oattachment to our country. For new migrantsevidence that the balance is the other way roustronger attachment to Britain than to their lhood, although Eugenia Markova and Richathis attachment to local places grows with tim

to be a specific neighbourhood effect, sincemany said they did feel they belong to Britainneighbourhood].63

Over and above the passage of time, thrto make the difference:

mastering the means of interaction, in other wcommand of English

acquisition of and protection by rights engaging in opportunities to mix and interac

population.

Let me take each in turn.

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Acquiring rights

Second, there is lots of evidence that acquthe right to live in peace and safety is vitfostering a migrants sense of belonging towork with newly arrived Somalian groups found that group leaders typically ask for effective access to basic rights like educatioservices), health care (including preventatexercise) and protection (such as more effepolice to tackle racially motivated violence

In part, this is why some universal pfor migrants especially education and pu

important, because both provide a very baopportunities and freedoms to mix.

I found around the UK that British pfelt that sending children to school was vitmigrants because of the contribution it ma

communities together. Interestingly, Markthat children do help foster a migrants senThose with children living with them wersay they belonged.67Access to childcare isbecause HIEs study found a lack of childcisolation of newcomers.68

Equally, violence and discriminationobviously profoundly alienating. Some resmigrants, for example, discussed migrants

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the end of the day and migrant workers beingtrying to get service in local shops.70

Around the country, British people streobeying the law was a vital part of the Britisclearly a two-way street. Migrants must be prshould have easy access to justice and protect

Engaging in opportunities to mix and interact w

population

Finally, there is evidence that the emphasis th

put on volunteering and social interaction as important because of the opportunities for mresidents to mix in some shared endeavours.

This agenda clearly needs nurture. Resethat most Central and Eastern Europeans livi

described their local communities as friendlywhere there were more similarities than differpeople) but that there was little evidence of pinteraction outside work, and where there wemigrants, workers tend to interact either withfrom their own country, with their fellow couwomen, or with fellow migrants.71

Research by TimeBank underlines why agenda is so important. Its research on mento

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and childcare projects, noting that these wwell as partnered, were among the residencommunity more highly and all had a stroto their neighbourhoods and wanted to re

Hudson et al concluded that paid anmore diverse social networks across age ra

ethnic group, exemplified by their story oCaribbean man in Moss Side who, by intepeople through his work, began to recognof his stereotypical perceptions, discoverinfriendly and open as me.76 Other studies h

ranging from the group of Somali, Turkishin an area of London who support each otturns to do the school run for their childrecommunity sports projects like Bend it Likown home town, to communities of music

Somali, Caribbean and British people devand businesses within diverse social netwoThe point here is simple. Volunteerin

social life that fosters a sense of belonginginvention that stretches beyond traditionaassociation, and indeed beyond an agenda

What I think emerges from this discuthat there is a huge degree of consensus abstandards that are important in pinning ml h d b f h


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Britains standards and reforming the path t


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20072010, including aspirations to foster ksocial norms and habits in Spanish society.80

In Berlin in July 2007 Chancellor Merkdevelop a draft national integration plan covnewcomers and knowledge of German. The rthe Italian parliament will modernise the 199

including the introduction of a language andtest. Holland recently introduced civic integrof their requirements for a residency visa.

Sweden, which rejected language examnow discussing ceremonies for new citizens. T

merging their departments for migration andJanuary 2008, and the Czechs are discussing

Even countries with a long tradition of integration are making changes. The Australicitizenship tests like the UKs in September 2

October sign-up to a Values Statement will bgetting a visa. And in the US the Office of Cithe Homeland Security Act of 2002 is upgradnaturalisation tests, too. Applicants will haveprepare for the exams, which will be introduc

Why now?

Of course some will argue that any such progi l l i i d hi b

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The final piece of the puzzle

Citizenship reform for newcomers is the lois the biggest shake-up of the British bordimmigration system pretty much for 45 yea

In essence change is twofold. On thechanging the way we judge who can comeFebruary 2008 the introduction of a point

modelled on the success of the Australian migration rules with a goal of ensuring thaneeds come here to work and study. Alongunder way into the way in which family re(around 47,000 spouse visas were issued in

visit routes.Second, we are changing the way we

have plans to create the worlds most advasystem, with a single border force to guardairports, fingerprint checks before visas ar

count foreign nationals in and out of the cchecks for travellers before they land in BrOnce the reforms that Labour propo

goals for the migration system will be in e

bringing to Britain the skills and talents, a

need to stay one of the worlds leading nat reuniting British citizens with their loved o honouring our long and proud tradition o

haven to those fleeing torture, persecution



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changes in the world community and both ceon control (rather than integration) of the mOver the last 50 years we simply have not focon establishing a logical, progressive system fthe newcomers we do permit to stay in BritaiBritish society.

Britain began to wrestle with these quesway in the years after the Second World Warthe world began irrevocably to change. In thafter the war, migration to Britain was limitedPoles arrived, followed by 14,000 Hungarian

uprising in 1956. But the controversy in the preally sparked by the right, from 1948, of Comcitizens to seek free entry to the UK. Betweensome 813,000 new entrants were recorded on migration scheme; 130,000 were from the We

from South Asia and 24,000 from Africa. Noto stay, but by 1962 Britains black and Asian 500,000 strong.

From 1954 working parties of civil servathe terrain and 13 cabinet discussions ensued Home Secretary and the Colonial Secretary dbriefs were established. Draft bills were prepaThere were riots in 1958. Monitoring reports the Home Secretary. Ministerial committees w

6 h d i i k l i l


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per cent. In 2006, for the first time, we hit thtarget removing more failed asylum seekersunfounded claims lodged. By the end of 200

Agency will conclude the majority of new asygranting or removing applicants within six

As this short survey reveals, immigratio

the war has largely been reactive. Today, for tsome years, we arguably have some space to lprogressive eyes at global migration and not right kind of fix? to the immigration conseqdecolonisation or the immediacy of an asylum

have the opportunity to match what is now asystem and a rational, robust migration systehelps newcomers integrate effectively into Br and indeed earn the right to stay.

Winning the progressive argument for migratio

There is however a third reason for reformingcitizenship now and not later. I am often acculittle to make the positive case for migration. isnt much of a market for good news about ishould not stop us trying harder, because thecarefully controlled migration are indisputab

The Treasury estimates that some 6 bili 6 i d i i E

51


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This is not anything new. In his introductireading of the Commonwealth Immigratiosaid: Given a too rapid increase in the numthere is a real risk that the drive for improvdefeated by the sheer weight of numbers.8

Office polling, two-thirds of respondents f

immigration should be much tougher andbiggest concern is pressure on public serviwhy our introduction of the points systemindependent committees to advise on whemigration is needed (and where it is not),

monitor and assess relevant evidence of whmigration are being felt.

In this way, the setting of points in thable to reflect the balance of Britains natiointo account both benefits and costs. But e

of the pace of change is unlikely to get us va progressive argument for the benefits of public does not feel the system in the UK to be convinced that the deal we strike witonly profitable for the national bank balanthe country as a whole.

So, Labour has to tread very carefullypath to citizenship should not be some kindesign for controlling numbers. Rather, th

f f h h k d

h h h i i hi f



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Change the path to citizenship for new

The government recently set out proposals tocitizenship in a green paper. In essence, the care threefold:

provide a simpler, clearer journey change the way migrants move from stage to

rethink rights and responsibilities.

Provide a simpler, clearer journey

The points system will radically simplify the w

foreign nationals are able to come to Britain contribution, but the path to citizenship has the same kind of reform. Over the last few dedifferent routes to work and study had evolvespeaking each route had its own protocols by

could seek settlement and eventually citizensIf we are to build a better understandinnewcomers take towards citizenship, then refincorporate the importance the British publictwo ideas.

First, what I heard from the public was between temporary leave and citizenship itseprobationary citizenship. A period of time wcountry the opportunity to ask some final q

h h h ll d h i

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we must find a way in our immigration syspenalty for this kind of inappropriate beha

Probationary citizenship (I accept ththe term probationary) gives us this chanreverse gear, a holding stage where we cathe progress of a newcomer towards citizen

individual in question has not demonstratthat come with that commitment.

There is one more idea we should increformed path to citizenship for newcomeencourage people to commit to Britain. To

rather than (as David Goodhart puts it), dshould create incentives to become a citizepermanent resident. The creation of a probgives us this opportunity. If we construct astatus of having temporary leave to remain

ary citizenship, to having either citizenshipresidence, we can create a powerful incenta faster track to citizenship than to perman

Change the way migrants move from stage t

Second, if we want to demonstrate a differBritish public and if we want to clarify andcommitment newcomers are making to Br

d i i hi d l if d


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55


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Table 3 Summary of benefits for migrants

Benefits Before settlement After settlemin UK in UK

................................ ........................................ ........................

Health Access to A&E Free accessAccess to NHS NHS

after 612 months(depending onroute)

................................ ........................................ ........................

Education Free and Additional compulsory for access to FEminors and HE on s

terms as UK

citizens................................ ........................................ ........................

Social security None Full packagesocial securentitlements

................................ ........................................ ........................

Housing No access to Access on

social housing needs basis(apart fromemergencyhomelessness)

................................ ........................................ ........................

Dependants Right to bring No additionimmediate family entitlements

................................ ........................................ ........................

Travel outside Limited/ Visa free traUK dependent on

visa



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clear, recognised and part of a wider story abis why the concept of earned citizenship is so

Over the months to come we need to denewcomers should acquire the right to differebenefits. This is a complicated issue, but unlediscussion about the facts of the contract, w

confidence in it. We need to agree when acceshould kick in, and on what terms. There areanswer the question. What we cannot persist puts these questions beyond debate.

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6 A more United

In my introduction, I said that there were political and civic life for us to make an efreinforce the things that we have in commwill be for others other departments, oth

leaders to develop. But there are three arto which I believe all politicians, of all parOne is unashamedly civic, one is political,economic and local.

A day to celebrate what we like bes

A national day of celebration is an idea thaIn debates about creating new spaces and things we have got in common, a national fore. Last year, Ruth Kelly and I published

was time to think about a Britain Day, anexample of the success of Australia Day asaround the UK talking to the public abouh l b h I ld i


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59


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[being] unable/not allowed to celebrate trfly [the] British flag.

The final fear was of gratuitous wastnot feel we needed a national day to have acost would end up coming from taxes andholiday would (negatively) affect employe

be better used in specific communities. Thlots of public holidays and opportunities t(like participating in the Children in NeedChristmas, bonfire night and Halloween wand people would just go on holiday with

Annual might be too often once every fivby one as an alternative. And one or two pthat public holidays are commercialised antry to make money out of it (although soma positive).

This was, however, the minority viewargument predominated in the discussionsit was difficult to put a finger on why Britaappealing idea. It was partly because peopto make a statement about what they lovedreflected a comment I heard in a discussio

constituency party, which is ethnically verywe have had a series of arrests in recent, hiterrorism operations: We want the media h i

A more United Kingdom


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British Day is a great idea to raise awareness of being celebrating having a British passport, no matter what

[It would be] a way to bond people of different nationacommunities together, similar to Notting Hill CarnivaHyde Park.

[The] event would help to remind people that being Breach other out, being in the community, inclusiveness.

Celebrating Britain would help people appreciate it anand previous generations.

[It would be] an opportunity to celebrate historical eveA national day would bring together more people, [an]to mix.

[It would] give people a sense of belonging.

[It would be] an opportunity to celebrate Britain.[It would be] a way to educate others about Britain.

[It would] help people to understand cultures of differe

Some also felt a national day would havon integration. On the one hand it could helpwelcomed, but more importantly it would he

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consensus about when it should be, althou

feeling it should be separate from Rememblack of consensus was mirrored in the discBritain. The list of suggestions for when a held included:

on the Queens birthday on May Day on All Saints Day on a day with historic significance, eg Has

Day, Magna Carta Day, Empire Day

in the summer to allow for outdoor celeb on St Georges Day (others disagreed) or o by making more of an existing day, eg Pan

or Easter.

Other suggestions were to have a natLondon, with local events elsewhere, that encourage people to get involved, to hold weekend, and to hold it during a day and eweek-long event. My own preference woulSpring (the last Monday in May is already

or to agree a day at the beginning or themeans either a new day for Scotland, or EnNorthern Ireland depending what was agr

M b d h


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63


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9 as a carnival similar to the Notting Hill Ca

similar to St Pauls Carnival; fireworks10 through music British or world music; co

British music; play local music; local dress11 through dance British dancers; Morris d12 through food British and other cultures;

different cultures foods13 through drinking14 through art; involve theatre; free film view

Britain15 by having a sports theme all nationalitie

football16 by celebrating different cultural dress17 by holding community discussions; meetin18 by promoting posters of iconic figures, eg

Churchill19 by holding a ceremony to remember the g

past year20 by appreciating the country; weather; enjo21 cheaply so people get involved22 by holding free events around the city23 by incorporating countries that used to be

24 by making it about integration25 by using publicity to ensure people get inv

in Needb h i i h h f B i i h lif i



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councillors

celebrities with the right values (eg David BeKate Moss)

veterans children community leaders and representatives

young people corporate sponsors famous people who have been immigrants sports people celebrities to attract young people.

A defence of the Union

My second argument is political.It feels a little odd at times that we do n

English voices speak out against Scottish ind

know the Union is hugely important to Scotlmillion Scots have relatives in England; hundwork south of the border; and the Union divsome 10 billion. But the Union is of fundamEngland, too, not just economically but for tEnglish as well as British society.

There is perhaps no better illustration othan the UKs huge financial services powerhrapidly consolidated its global leadership of t

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My message was very simple. We ma

destiny codified in an American Dream, aanimated hour to hour by a continental josomething else in this country. What is its

It is partly the sense of adventure thaaround the world faster than anyone else a

can trace back to its earliest Imperial explonative inventiveness, an inventiveness thateverything from gravity to penicillin to theit is partly our sense of decency mixed withour stand against continental dictators, an

we deploy more peacekeepers abroad thanthe US.I can think of few who would argue t

take all the credit on this balance sheet. Ospirit born in the alchemy of the Union, anspirit an extraordinary debt. Britain has emtwo decades of globalisation as one of the wsocieties. A higher share of our GDP is traother nation in the OECD. Uniquely we aSecurity Council, the OECD, the G8, the ECommonwealth and the Council of Europ

record of leadership on the international sfrom peacekeeping to climate change to en

We are one of the worlds largest and richeC ld E l d h hi d hi

b iki h d l d h i



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be striking how deeply moved even the cynic

But what often moves new citizens mosflag, lots of different people from all walks parts of the world, who have fled wars, or mowork have all chosen to swear one allegiancstandards and its sovereign, and feel that the

is now a home. It is that expression of unitypurpose between people who are so different

So surely our task in Britain today is noseparation, but to combine better a Christian

Jewish, atheist, English, Welsh, Scottish and

Britain into one United Kingdom. What wouEngland if we chose to separate from a counthave so much in common?

I recently republished the book on Brittest everyone who applies for citizenship an2007, everyone applying to settle permanentlits pages you see the history, standards, econoChurchill called the long continuity of our inintimately entwined.

An English argument for dissolving thelamentable admission that in this age of diver

to master the task of marshalling, combiningwhat is in common between our modern plurwould be an appalling resignation and fran

f h f

i li Wh I d hi li f

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inequality. When I started this line of resea

exclusively concerned with what could be essentially cultural questions. But my ownexperience tells me that we cannot split ofquestion from our wider ambition. This is Politicians like Jon Cruddas and leaders lik

Stubbs87

have been making this argumentto offer my own analysis.

In chapter 2, I made the point that ininventiveness we have some long traditionour cities and new urban communities wer

took the chance to marshal and project a nlocal pride. Yet, now as we set about rebuicommunities, with 3 million new homes nenew schools and hospitals being built, witdevolve power to local neighbourhoods, wa generation opportunity to replay that ac

But Labour has to shape this programway that tackles once and for all the damabetween rich and poor places in this countKaur-Stubbs puts it:

No amount of flag-waving or oaths of allegiance to social solidarity when too many Britons live in comfailing schools, crumbling housing, drugs and crim


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the least popular areas 92 and with stock so

69


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the least popular areas,92 and with stock so

allocation has grown.Most councils allocate according to n

a concentration of the most disadvantagedleast popular housing. Council housing, dpopulation, increasingly had to accommod

and the location of this housing often furtunemployment, located as it was in areas trequired labour, but no longer did so.93

Add in a pattern of out-migration froand the result is a concentration of poverty

can set off a process of residential sortingof the neighbourhood sets the value of prothe means to do so will opt to live in areas housing, employment or other prospects.

Those with the least capacity to exerconcentrated in the least advantaged neighConcentration effects can then set in, whbecomes less profitable for landlords and rhomes that are visibly neglected, and decli

Only the Labour Party in governmenthis problem, coupled with the promise of

these forces and rebuild communities that sharp end of change. But I believe that thehas to take a leadership role in shaping thi

i i i h f b

The last days of the village as Lee des



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The last days of the village, as Lee des

of waiting on weather and growth, the arrivacharabanc and motorbikes, the death of the sof his lake and the dissolution of his estate, remarriages, the death of the older generation aradio and the urbanisation of late nineteent

twentieth-century Britain presaged not in facextraordinary rerendering of Britains social fcommunities of the countryside broke up, neinvented in our cities, together with a new civcreated a glue for communities that were new

In my own city of Birmingham, part of simply being bigger. Our nineteenth-centurya vision of Greater Birmingham, embracing areach of the parishes beyond its own once nainside the city, the real strength that was creameasured by the stretch of the citys frontiersof the citys fabric. The honours and badges othick and fast.

In three key ways, a new city fabric wasordinary people: schools were organised, homthe exercise of power became something mor

the 1860s Birmingham politicians helped creaAid Society, which explored the national edu1869 we became the centre of the Education L

i d li i l ff h l d f i


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in the last year Voters were most likely to hav



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in the last year. Voters were most likely to hav

(62 per cent), voted (50 per cent) or signed a(42 per cent); 28 per cent had participated inper cent had attended a political meeting or rhad contacted a politician. Furthermore, fourare members of at least one type of group: 19

just one group; and 20 per cent belong to twgroups. This means something important, as 18 million adults in Great Britain belong to, participants participate in, and four million vtime and labour for organisations.96What is

million adults (2 per cent of the adult populaactivists belonging to five or more groups.This is the opportunity for local Labou

Labour leaders to redefine the way local comtogether and solve problems in new alliancespride and the art of association in modern B

I first came to see this by organising reswhich I still do once a month. When I startedbeing very struck at the surprise on peoples white and Pakistani-heritage residents appearthe first time that they each had exactly the s

grievances about the problems outside their fhad simply not brought people together to dproblems before.

Th l id i i kl

obtaining investment by local people in th

73


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obtaining investment by local people in th

encouraging civic pride and mutual respec making each individual accountable for th improving education standards and attain recognising the lack of vibrant successful r

local centres

working against health inequalities improving housing standards and allocatio improving employment opportunities supporting young people in reaching their

But what came top of the conferenceabout community cohesion. Centre-stage wto empower and support local communitieproblems within the community, rather thon outside organisations and that we wocivically and culturally not just politicallof the streets they lived in and into the stre

That conference has now led us to a that arguably is not political. It has three s

heritage a group drawing up bids to the

Fund to develop an oral history written byPakistani community, plus developing a hplaque scheme

t l i f l t f ti l

People are used to doing it for themselves. In the past



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p g f p

change have joined the Labour Party largely to elect agthey want to be agents of change themselves. Tenants groups, school governors, community groups. These armembers will be in the 90s, bringing Labour values to

7 Conclusion

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The purpose of this pamphlet is quite straLabour Party believes that individuals andchance of achieving their full potential in s

We do not believe that people flourish wh

what Mario Cuomo calls the tender merciWe believe there is such a thing as society.But globalisation is putting pressure

standards that pin society together. Althoubelieve in pluralism and will stand up for tdifferent, now is surely the time to recognicentury will require an agenda for strengthhave in common.

This is not anyones department. It isRight across government and our civic andcountry, we will need action. In the Home

contribute to the development of this agenresponses, reform of the path to citizenshias I have tried to show, there are other ideb l d d d d

not an autarkic future, but that in turn re

Conclusion


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reciprocity to remain alive, in the face of newthat separate us from each other.

The ways of life that fostered habits of spart of everyday life some decades ago are noprop for us. We need to reinvent them. Today

sophisticated society where the potential to dcharacter in the way we, each of us, determinbeen as free-ranging. But that freedom is bescooperating in a way that allows us to create things. That in turn requires some shared sta

are under pressure, new ones are needed. Gocan play a part in that evolution.

Notes

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1 Jared Diamond in his extraordinary Guns, fates of human societies (New York: Norton,complex society requires enforcement of rcomplex central organisations to (a) solve

conflict between unrelated strangers that as societies become denser; (b) manage comaking in similar conditions; (c) redistribany exchange economy; and (d) manage t

2 Kruger, The right dialectic.

3 Putnam,Bowling Alone.

4 Home Office, The Path to Citizenship.

5 Ware, Who Cares About Britishness.

6 Dimbleby Lecture, 2001

Nov 2006 (citing ICM poll commissioned by

Notes


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for Racial Equality).

12 Ipsos MORI interviewed a nationally represe1,004 GB adults aged 16+ by telephone on 8 a

13

Putnam,Bowling Alone.14 Ibid.

15 Ipsos MORI, Can we have trust and diversitavailable at www.ipsos-mori.com/content/po

trust-and-diversity.ashx (accessed 21 Aug 200

16 Census 2001; see www.statistics.gov.uk.

17 Putnam,Bowling Alone.

18 Ibid.

19 Fukuyama, Trust. Fukuyama himself would uargument was not exactly new, but was set onin Max Webers The Protestant Ethic and the Sp1905. But Fukuyama gave the argument new backdrop of the transition of former Soviet st

26 Kruger, The right dialectic.

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27 In no country, de Tocqueville marvelled,been derived from association than in ATocqueville,Democracy in America).

28

Ibid.29 Kruger, The right dialectic.

30 Tradition, they argued, was just like a priccomplicated piece of information, which s

interests and ambitions of the traders invoinformation created when the organisers pabout their own positions together.

31 The argument then went on that there cou

conflict between tradition and markets boperating on a single model of social inter

32 Burke,Reflections on the Revolution in Franc

33 Mount, Rebuilding Conservatism.

34 Fukuyama,After the Neocons.

traditions and syndicalism/guild socialism.

Notes


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39 In The Future of Socialism Crosland argued, Wdefinitively what would be the effect either ocontentment or attitudes to work, or the quala wholesale effort to suppress the motive of p

elevate collective at the expense of individualcan we even begin to see a feasible institutionwithin which these changes could be brought

40 Ibid.

41 Hattersley, Choose Freedom; Kinnock,DemocraValues.

42 Blair, The revisionist tendency.

43 Blair,New Britain.

44 Blears, Communities in Control.

45 Etzioni, The Spirit of Community.

46 Whitehead, Civic renewal.

47 Blair,New Britain.

53 Hansard, 1961, column 719.

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54 Phillips, opening speech to the Race Conv

55 British Social Attitudes, quoted by Ipsos MOInstitute.

56 Ipsos MORI.

57 Denham, The fairness code.

58 Bowles and Gintis Is equality pass?.

59 Pearce, Fair rules.

60 Ipsos MORI Social Research Institute,En

61 Markova and Black,East European ImmigraCohesion.

62 Herbert et al, Multicultural living?.

63 Markova and Black,East European ImmigraCohesion.

64 Ibid.

71 HIE,Migrant Workers in the Highlands and Isla

Notes


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72 TimeBank,Mentoring for New Migrants.

73 See www.timetogether.org.uk (accessed 20 Au

74

Time Bank,Mentoring for New Migrants.75 Hudson et al, Social Cohesion in Diverse Comm

76 Ibid.

77 Ibid.

78 Ibid.

79 Increases have been lower (less than 10 per ce

Canada, Germany, Hungary, Luxembourg an

80 Ministerio de Trabajo y Asuntos Sociales,PlaCiudadana e Integracin 20072010.

81 Rab Butler discussing the Commonwealth Im

Hansard, 1961, column 687.

82 It is worth noting that over the last decade, th


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Blair, T, The revisionist tendency, BBC Rquoted in Blair,New Britain (London: Fou

Blunkett, D, Civic Renewal(London: Hom

Blunkett, D,Politics and Progress (London:

Bowles, S and Gintis, H, Is equality pass

and the future of egalitarian politics,Bost1998/Jan 1999).

Brown, G,Making Mass Membership Work (Society, 1992).

Burke, E,Reflections on the Revolution in FraUniversity Press, 1999 [1790]).

DCLG,Enabling Cities in the Knowledge Econom

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Hi hl d d I l d E t i

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This project was supported by:


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The idea of shared social standards has always been part ofthe fabric of political ideas and public life. But modern life isbringing changes to the way shared social standards arecreated, reinforced and used day to day. Collective life facesnew pressures as communities become more transient,families more dispersed, work less secure and traditional

institutions less powerful.I A M U i d Ki d Li B h h d


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InA More United Kingdom, Liam Byrne argues that sharedstandards are the secret to preserving harmony in a morediverse society. Strengthening what we have in common, hesuggests, must coexist with a respect for difference. And whilethe right seeks to revert to a set of traditional institutions thereal lesson of the past is one of inventiveness, not stasis.

Alongside radical reform of the immigration system,

Byrne offers three ideas for strengthening shared standardsand a sense of fraternity in Britain a national day tocelebrate what we like best about our country; a strongerdefence of the Union; the Labour Party leading a renewalof civic pride and association as part of a broader, sustainedeffort to regenerate Britains poorest places.

Liam Byrne is the Member of Parliament for Hodge Hill.

ISBN 978-1-90663-02-2 10

Demos 2008

a more united kingdom by liam byrne

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