A STUDY OF COHESION

IN FALAM CHIN FOLKTALES

ENG LIAN HNGAK

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

IN

LINGUISTICS

Payap University

January 2020

Title: A Study of Cohesion in Falam Chin Folktales

Researcher: Eng Lian Hngak

Degree: Master of Arts in Linguistics

Advisor: Taeho Jang, Ph.D.

Approval Date: 20 January 2020

Institution: Payap University, Chiang Mai, Thailand

The members of the thesis examination committee:

1. _________________________________ Committee Chair

(Peter Freeouf, Ph.D.)

2. _________________________________ Committee Member

(Taeho Jang, Ph.D.)

3. _________________________________ Committee Member

(Stephen Doty, Ph.D.)

Copyright © Eng Lian Hngak

Payap University, 2020

i

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

It has been a privilege to work with Dr. Taeho Jang, my thesis advisor. I am grateful

for all of his invaluable comments, suggestions, and guidance throughout the writing

process. My thesis examiners, Dr. Steve Doty, and Dr. Peter Freeouf, also gave me

thorough feedback which substantially developed the project. I am thankful for their

patience, and generous comments in revising this thesis.

My family has been faithful in supporting me in many ways. In particular, I am

grateful to my mom, Van Nei Par, for all of the sacrifices she made for me, and for

doing everything possible to help me succeed in my studies and life. I am grateful to

my sister Adrianna Manaugh who offered help both financially and with editing of

this thesis. I am truly blessed to have a sister like her, who is thoughtful, loving, and

caring. Thank you for believing in me, and for making me believe that I can achieve

great things in life.

I am also thankful to have received so much support from the students, faculty, and

staff of the linguistics department at Payap. I benefited greatly from their teaching,

guidance, advice, and friendship, and their help with editing and paperwork. In

particular, I am grateful to Aj. Tom Tehan, and Aj. Audra Phillips for their help with

the initial sketch of my thesis, to Aj. Terry Gibbs for formatting-magic and friendship,

and to Iain Baxter for help with proofreading.

Finally, I wish to thank those who offered me financial support at different stages of

my study: Dr. Pa Sang, Mr. Jeff German, and my friend Eli Cork. Without their

finanancial support, words of encouragement, prayers, and friendship, it would not

have been possible for me to finish my studies at Payap University.

Eng Lian Hngak (Cross)

ii

Title: A Study of Cohesion in Falam Chin Folktales

Researcher: Eng Lian Hngak

Degree: Master of Arts in Linguistics

Advisor: Taeho Jang, Ph.D.

Approval Date: 20 January 2020

Institution: Payap University, Chiang Mai, Thailand

Number of Pages: 122

Keywords: Discourse, Folktales, Kuki-Chin, Falam, Cohesion

ABSTRACT

This paper analyzes three Falam Chin folktales for the purpose of identifying cohesive

devices that create relations of meaning in texts. The investigation is based on a

theoretical framework formulated out of three cohesion sources. The sources are

Halliday and Hasan’s Cohesion of English, Dooley and Levinsohn’s Analyzing

Discourse (2001), and Halliday and Matthiessen’s An Introduction to Functional

Grammar (2004). The integrated framework covers four major categories of cohesive

devices, such as (i) identity, (ii) conjunction, (iii) inflectional pattern, and (iv) lexical

relation. The first category, identity, is divided into four subclasses: reference, other

pro-forms, substitution, and ellipsis. The second category, conjunction, is divided into

eight subclasses: apposition, clarification, addition, variation, spatio-temporal,

manner, causal-conditional, and matter. The third category, inflection pattern, deals

with devices that mark identity or consistency in a sequence of clauses and sentences.

The final category, lexical relation, contain five subsets: repetition, synonymy,

hyponymy, meronymy, and collocation. The theoretical framework is applied to the

analysis of the three folktales, and the findings showed that three of the four major

categories of cohesion were found in all the stories. These categories are identity,

conjunction, and lexical relation. Of these three categories, lexical relation indicates

the highest frequency of occurrence at 63%, and the category with the lowest

frequency points to conjunction at 6%. The third major type of cohesion, inflectional

pattern, was not found in any of the stories.

iii

ชอเรอง: การศกษาความสมพนธในเนอเรองของนทานพนบานของภาษาพะลาน ชน

ผวจย: นายเองเลยนงก ปรญญา: ศลปศาสตรมหาบณฑต (ภาษาศาสตร) อาจารยทปรกษาวทยานพนธหลก: ดร. แทโฮ จาง วนทอนมตผลงาน: 20 มกราคม 2020 สถาบนการศกษา: มหาวทยาลยพายพ จงหวดเชยงใหม ประเทศไทย จ านวนหนา: 122 ค าส าคญ: สมพนธสาร นทานพนบาน กก-ชน, พะลาน ความสมพนธ

บทคดยอ

งานวจยนวเคราะหนทานพนบาน 3 เรองในภาษาพะลาน ชน โดยมวตถประสงคเพอบงชกลไกทกอใหเกดความสมพนธของความหมายในเนอเรอง การวเคราะหนใชกรอบทฤษฎทดงมาจากแหลงขอมลซงเกยวกบความสมพนธของเนอเรอง 3 แหลงดวยกน ไดแก Cohesion of English ของ Halliday และ Hason, Analyzing Discourse (2001) ของ Levinsohn และ An Introduction to Functional Grammar (2004) ของ Halliday กบ Matthiessen กรอบทฤษฎทน ามาบรณาการนประกอบไปดวยกลไลความสมพนธ 4 กลม ไดแก (1) ลกษณะเฉพาะ (2) ค าสนธาน (3) รปแบบค าผน และ (4) ความสมพนธในแงความหมาย กลมแรก “ลกษณะเฉพาะ” ถกแบงออกเปน 4 กลมยอย ไดแก ค าอางอง รปแทนอนๆ การใชค าแทน และการละค า กลมทสอง “ค าสนธาน” ถกแบงออกเปน 8 กลมยอย ไดแก นามสรรพนาม ค าขยายความ ค าเพมเตมความ ค าแปร ค าทบงบอกเวลาและพนท ค าทบงบอกลกษณะ ค าทบงบอกเงอนไข และค าทบงบอกสถานการณ กลมทสาม รปแบบค าผน คอกลไกทแสดงใหเหนถงลกษณะเฉพาะหรอความสอดคลองของอนประโยคและประโยค กลมสดทาย “ความสมพนธในแงความหมาย” ประกอบไปดวย 5 กลมยอย ไดแก ค าซ า ค าพองความหมาย ค าลกกลม ค าแสดงสวนประกอบ และค าทเกดขนรวมกน จากกรอบทฤษฎทใชในการวเคราะหนทานพนบานทง 3 เรอง พบวามการใชกลไกความสมพนธ 3 ใน 4 กลม อนไดแก ลกษณะเฉพาะ ค าสนธาน และความสมพนธในแงความหมาย โดยปรากฏวามการใชกลไกความสมพนธในแงความหมายสงสดท 63% และกลไกความสมพนธทนอยทสดไดแก ค าสนธาน ท 6% กลไกทกอใหเกดความสมพนธของความหมายรปแบบท 3 “รปแบบค าผน” ไมปรากฏในนทานพนบานใด ๆ ในการศกษาน

iv

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Acknowledgements ......................................................................................................... i

Abstract ..........................................................................................................................ii

บทคดยอ ......................................................................................................................... iii

List of Tables ............................................................................................................. viii

List of Figures ................................................................................................................ x

List of Abbreviations and Symbols............................................................................... xi

Introduction ................................................................................................... 1

1.1 Introduction .......................................................................................................... 1

1.2 Background .......................................................................................................... 2

1.2.1 People ............................................................................................................ 2

1.2.2 Geography ..................................................................................................... 5

1.2.3 Population ..................................................................................................... 7

1.2.4 Classification ................................................................................................. 8

1.3 Objectives .......................................................................................................... 11

1.4 Hypotheses ......................................................................................................... 12

1.5 Methodology ...................................................................................................... 12

1.6 Limitation and scope .......................................................................................... 13

1.7 Contribution ....................................................................................................... 14

1.8 Overview ............................................................................................................ 14

1.9 Summary ............................................................................................................ 15

Literature Review ....................................................................................... 16

2.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................ 16

2.2 Falam Language ................................................................................................. 16

2.3 Grammar overview ............................................................................................ 19

2.3.1 Morphology ................................................................................................. 19

2.3.2 Case Marking .............................................................................................. 25

2.3.3 Noun phrase ................................................................................................ 28

2.3.4 Non-verbal clause ....................................................................................... 35

2.3.5 Subordinate clause ...................................................................................... 39

2.4 General concepts ................................................................................................ 42

v

2.4.1 Discourse analysis ....................................................................................... 42

2.4.2 Cohesion ..................................................................................................... 44

2.5 Theoretical framework ....................................................................................... 45

2.6 Summary ............................................................................................................ 51

Cohesion in The Story of “Ngai Tah and Her Mother” ............................ 52

3.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................ 52

3.2 Folktale Summary .............................................................................................. 52

3.3 Identity ............................................................................................................... 54

3.3.1 Reference .................................................................................................... 54

3.3.2 Ellipsis ......................................................................................................... 61

3.4 Conjunction ........................................................................................................ 63

3.4.1 Addition ...................................................................................................... 63

3.4.2 Spatio–temporal .......................................................................................... 65

3.4.3 Manner ........................................................................................................ 66

3.4.4 Causal–Conditional ..................................................................................... 66

3.5 Lexical Relation ................................................................................................. 67

3.5.1 Repetition .................................................................................................... 68

3.5.2 Synonymy ................................................................................................... 70

3.5.3 Hyponymy ................................................................................................... 71

3.5.4 Meronymy ................................................................................................... 72

3.5.5 Collocation .................................................................................................. 72

3.6 Results ................................................................................................................ 74

3.7 Summary ............................................................................................................ 75

Cohesion in The Story of “The Lady Who Drinks the Tiger’s Water”.... 76

4.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................ 76

4.2 Folktale Summary .............................................................................................. 76

4.3 Identity ............................................................................................................... 77

4.3.1 Reference .................................................................................................... 78

4.3.2 Substitution ................................................................................................. 82

4.3.3 Ellipsis ......................................................................................................... 84

4.4 Conjunction ........................................................................................................ 85

4.4.1 Clarification ................................................................................................ 85

4.4.2 Addition ...................................................................................................... 86

4.4.3 Spatio–Temporal ......................................................................................... 87

4.4.4 Manner ........................................................................................................ 88

4.4.5 Causal–conditional ...................................................................................... 89

vi

4.5 Lexical Relation ................................................................................................. 90

4.5.1 Repetition .................................................................................................... 90

4.5.2 Synonymy ................................................................................................... 92

4.5.3 Hyponymy ................................................................................................... 93

4.5.4 Meronymy ................................................................................................... 94

4.5.5 Collocation .................................................................................................. 95

4.6 Results ................................................................................................................ 96

4.7 Summary ............................................................................................................ 97

Cohesion in The Story of “Tluang Tlir Li” ............................................... 98

5.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................ 98

5.2 Folktale Summary .............................................................................................. 98

5.3 Identity ............................................................................................................... 99

5.3.1 Reference .................................................................................................. 100

5.4 Conjunction ...................................................................................................... 105

5.4.1 Addition .................................................................................................... 106

5.4.2 Spatio-temporal ......................................................................................... 107

5.4.3 Manner ...................................................................................................... 108

5.4.4 Causal-Conditional ................................................................................... 109

5.4.5 Matter ........................................................................................................ 110

5.5 Lexical Relation ............................................................................................... 111

5.5.1 Repetition .................................................................................................. 111

5.5.2 Synonymy ................................................................................................. 113

5.5.3 Hyponymy ................................................................................................. 115

5.5.4 Meronymy ................................................................................................. 116

5.5.5 Collocation ................................................................................................ 116

5.6 Results .............................................................................................................. 117

5.7 Summary .......................................................................................................... 118

Conclusion ................................................................................................ 119

6.1 Introduction ...................................................................................................... 119

6.2 Summary .......................................................................................................... 119

6.3 Conclusion ....................................................................................................... 120

6.4 Further Research .............................................................................................. 122

Bibliography .............................................................................................................. 123

Appendix A Ngai tah and her mother ....................................................................... 127

Appendix B The lady who drinks the tiger’s water .................................................. 145

Appendix C Tluang tlir li .......................................................................................... 161

vii

Resume ....................................................................................................................... 176

viii

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1 The Chin Languages and Year of Orthography Invention ............................. 17

Table 2 Falam Consonants ........................................................................................... 18 Table 3 Falam Vowels ................................................................................................. 18 Table 4 Verb Structure ................................................................................................. 19 Table 5 Noun Structure ................................................................................................ 19

Table 6 Nominalization in Falam ................................................................................ 20 Table 7 Adverbialization in Falam .............................................................................. 21 Table 8 Adjectivalization in Falam .............................................................................. 21

Table 9 Verb Inflection ................................................................................................ 23 Table 10 Noun Inflection ............................................................................................. 23 Table 11 Noun Structure .............................................................................................. 24 Table 12 Three Types of Falam Compounds ............................................................... 25

Table 13 Ergative System (NP) ................................................................................... 27 Table 14 Head-Initial NP Structure ............................................................................. 28

Table 15 Head-Embedded NP Structure ...................................................................... 28 Table 16 Head-Final NP Structure ............................................................................... 28 Table 17 Possessive Pronouns ..................................................................................... 29

Table 18 Falam Nominal Demonstratives ................................................................... 32

Table 19 Falam Local Adverbial Demonstratives ....................................................... 34

Table 20 Three Falam Copulas .................................................................................... 36 Table 21 Comparison of the Three Selected Sources .................................................. 45

Table 22 The Resultant Framework of Cohesion ........................................................ 47 Table 23 Frequency of Identity Items .......................................................................... 54 Table 24 Personal Reference Items.............................................................................. 55 Table 25 Demonstrative Reference Items .................................................................... 58

Table 26 Comparative Reference Items ....................................................................... 60 Table 27 Frequency of Conjunctions ........................................................................... 63 Table 28 Additive Conjunctives .................................................................................. 64 Table 29 Spatio–Temporal Conjunctives..................................................................... 65 Table 30 Manner Conjunctives .................................................................................... 66

Table 31 Causal–Conditional Conjunctives................................................................. 67 Table 32 Frequency of Lexical Relation ...................................................................... 68

Table 33 Lexical Repetition ......................................................................................... 68 Table 34 Synonymous Forms ...................................................................................... 70 Table 35 Hyponymous Forms ...................................................................................... 71 Table 36 Meronymic Forms......................................................................................... 72 Table 37 Collocational Patterns ................................................................................... 73

Table 38 Frequency of Identity Items .......................................................................... 77 Table 39 Personal Reference Items.............................................................................. 78 Table 40 The Frequency of Personal Reference .......................................................... 79 Table 41 Demonstrative Reference Items .................................................................... 80 Table 42 The Frequency of Demonstratives ................................................................ 80

Table 43 Comparative Reference Items ....................................................................... 82

ix

Table 44 Frequency of Comparative Items .................................................................. 82 Table 45 Nominal Substitution .................................................................................... 83 Table 46 Nominal Ellipsis ........................................................................................... 84

Table 47 Frequency of Conjunctions ........................................................................... 85 Table 48 Additive Conjunctives .................................................................................. 86 Table 49 Spatio-Temporal Conjunctives ..................................................................... 87 Table 50 Manner Conjunctives .................................................................................... 88 Table 51 Causal-Conditional Conjunctives ................................................................. 89

Table 52 Frequency of Lexical Relation ...................................................................... 90 Table 53 Lexical Repetition ......................................................................................... 91 Table 54 Synonymous Forms ...................................................................................... 93

Table 55 Hyponyms ..................................................................................................... 93 Table 56 Meronyms ..................................................................................................... 95 Table 57 Collocates...................................................................................................... 96 Table 58 Frequency of Identity Items .......................................................................... 99

Table 59 Personal Reference Items............................................................................ 100 Table 60 The Frequency of Personal Reference ........................................................ 101 Table 61 Demonstrative Reference Items .................................................................. 103 Table 62 Frequency of Demonstrative Reference ..................................................... 103

Table 63 Comparative Reference Items ..................................................................... 105 Table 64 Frequency of Comparative Reference ........................................................ 105 Table 65 Frequency of Conjunctions ......................................................................... 106

Table 66 Additive Conjunctives ................................................................................ 106 Table 67 Spatio-temporal Conjunctives..................................................................... 107

Table 68 Manner Conjunctives .................................................................................. 108 Table 69 Causal-Conditional Conjunctives ............................................................... 109

Table 70 Matter Conjunctives .................................................................................... 110 Table 71 Frequency of Lexical Relation .................................................................... 111

Table 72 Lexical Repetition ....................................................................................... 111 Table 73 Synonymous Forms .................................................................................... 114 Table 74 Hyponymous Forms .................................................................................... 115

Table 75 Meronymous Forms .................................................................................... 116 Table 76 Collocates.................................................................................................... 117

Table 77 Overall Result, Pattern, and Frequency of Cohesive Devices .................... 121

x

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1 The Original Territory of Ethnic Chin tribes ................................................... 6 Figure 2 Linguistic Map of Falam by Eva Ujlakyova (2007) ........................................ 7 Figure 3 Classification of Kuki-Chin ............................................................................. 9 Figure 4 Internal Sub-Classification of Falam Under Lai Family ............................... 10

Figure 5 Frequency Distribution (NT) ......................................................................... 74

Figure 6 Frequency Distribution (TL) ......................................................................... 97 Figure 7 Frequency Distribution (TT) ....................................................................... 118

xi

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS

1SG First Person Singular

2SG Second Person Singular

3SG Third Person Singular

1PL First Person Plural

3PL Third Personal Plural

A.D Anno Domini

ADV Adverb

ADJ Adjective

ADJVL Adjectivalizer

ADVBL Adverbializer

AGR Agreement marker

AJT Adjunct

AP Adjective Phrase

APPL Applicative

ASP Aspect

AUG Augmentative

BEN Benefactive Applicative

CL Clause

CLF Classifier

COP Copula

COMP Complimentizer

COMPD Compound

CONJ Conjunction

CONN Connector

DEI Deictic

DEM Demonstrative

DET Determiner

xii

DIM Diminutive

DMP Deitic Motion Particle

ERG Ergative Case

FUT Future

GEN Genitive Case

HAB Habitual Aspect

i.e. id est (that is)

IMP Imperative Mood

INSTR Instrumental

INTS Intensifier

Lit. Literally

LOC Locative Case

MOD Modifier

N Noun

NEG Negation

NMLZ Nominalizer

NOM Nominative

NP Noun Phrase

NT Ngai Tah and Her Mother

NUM Number

OBJ Object

OPT Optative Mood

POSS Possessive Case

POSSP Possessor

POST Postposition

POSTMOD Post-modifier

PP Prepositional Phrase

PRF Perfect Tense

PRO Pronoun

PROP Proper Noun

PRT Particle

xiii

QTY Quantity

R Possessor

REFL Reflexive Voice

REL Relativizer

RELQ Relinquitive Applicative

REMOD Pre-modifier

REQ Request

SEA South East Asia

SIL Summer Institute of Linguistics

SLORC State Law and Order Restoration Council

SOV Subject-Verb-Object

ST Sino-Tibetan

SUBJ Subject

SUFF Suffix

TB Tibeto-Burman

TL The Lady Who Drinks the Tiger’s Water

TOP Topic Marker

TT Tlung Tlir Li

V Verb

VP Verb Phrase

1

Introduction

1.1 Introduction This paper analyzes three Falam-Chin folktales, taken from Salai Pa Sang (1984),1 for the purpose of identifying common cohesive ties,2 which produce a sense of coherence in discourse. A relatively comprehensive description of cohesive ties is Halliday and Hasan’s Cohesion in English (1976). This description includes reference, substitution, ellipsis, conjunction, and lexical cohesion. For the purpose of a wider approach, this study has synthesized different types of cohesion proposed in three sources, and the resultant framework is applied to the analysis of cohesive elements in the three selected texts. Those sources include: Halliday and Hasan's Cohesion of English (1976), Dooley and Levinsohn's Analyzing Discourse (2001), and Halliday and Matthiessen’s An Introduction to Functional Grammar (2004).

Chapter 1 is organized into nine main sections as follows: Section 1.1. gives brief information on the subject of this research and the overall contents of this chapter. Section 1.2 explores information in the context of five subsections: people, geography, population, classification, and rationale. Section 1.3 provides the objectives of this research, and is followed by the author's hypothesis on the research questions in section 1.4. Section 1.5 presents a description of the methodology used to carry out this study. Section 1.6 then explains the limitation and scope of the analysis, and the potential benefits and an overview of the whole thesis is described in sections 1.7 and 1.8. Finally, a chapter summary is provided in section 1.9.

1 This book contains twenty-six stories. It is one of the earliest collections of the most well-known,

Falam-Chin folktales. It is entitled, Thuanthu Roling. ‘Thuanthu’ means ‘story’ (or ‘history’), and

‘Roling,’ refers to ‘heritage.’ Thus, together they can be translated as 'heritage stories' or 'traditional

stories.’ These are stories that have been told and retold among the Falam Chin for many years. Further

information is given in Section 1.5.

2 There are other terminologies often used in a similar manner such as cohesive elements, cohesive

devices, cohesive signals, text-forming devices, linguistic means, linguistic devices, linguistic signals,

discourse cues, and grammatical devices. The first three or four terms are more specific in that they

would probably not be used elsewhere but only in relation to the subject matter of cohesion. Some of

those terms are borrowed in this study, and they are used synonymously and interchangeably. All terms

that are used are defined in the discussion at appropriate places.

2

1.2 Background Generally, language can be understood to be a means of human communication since it reveals the worldviews we hold as individuals or as a group of people. This section aims to present some preliminary background information for this thesis by addressing five fundamental questions: who are the Falam Chin? (1.2.1); where do they live? (1.2.2); what is their estimated population? (1.2.3); what is their language classification? (1.2.4); and why is this particular topic attempted for this research? (1.2.5).

1.2.1 People Stories of where the Chin originally settled, and how they came to be called ‘Chin’ are interconnected, but understood differently by the Chin people, researchers, and scholars. There are at least four different accounts which attempt to explain the origin of the term 'Chin.'

The first account argues that 'Chin' is a term designated by the Burmese.3 This was suggested by Gordon Luce4 (as cited in Sakhong, 2003, pp. 11-12) based on the Burmese inscriptions of the Pagan Kingdom between the 11th and 13th centuries, in which the Chin were referred to as 'comrades and allies,’ i.e. Thunge-chin5 in Burmese, meaning ‘friend.’ The second account is a tradition called 'Chin-lung,’6 meaning "the cave or the hole of the Chin" (Sakhong, 2003, p. 3). As the name suggests, the Chin were originally inhabitants of caves ("Chinnlung" in Vumson, 1968, p. 26),7 and the word 'Chin' is adopted from the name of the cave. However, people's opinions on the location8 of this specific 'Chin-lung' differ.

3 They are also referred to as 'Burmans' especially by outsiders.

4 In his In Search of Chin Identity, Lian H. Sakhong (2003, p. 20) refers to Gordon Luce along with

Than Tun as the best-known scholars in the study of ancient Burmese history.

5 According to Luce, the Burmese archaic term for 'chin' (as in Thunge-chin) was "Kyaing,” which

alone would also mean "fellow, companion, friend" (as quoted in Khar Thuan, 2008, p. 1).

6 A combination of two morphemes: literally, Chin referring to 'a person' or 'a group of people' and

lung, meaning 'rock.’

7 Concerning evidence, Sakhong (2003, pp. 1-2, 6) writes, "all sources of Chin traditions (folklores,

folksongs, legends, memorandum, etc.) maintain that their ancestors originated from Chinlung’ or

‘Cin-lung.’ Sometimes, the name for ‘Chinlung’ or ‘Cinlung’ differs, depending on the specific Chin

dialect – such as Khul, Khur and Lung-kua, – but it always means ‘cave’ or ‘hole’ no matter what the

dialect."

8 Most speculations favor Tibet, China, Mongolia, or somewhere in the Chindwin area in Myanmar.

3

The third account suggests that the term 'Chin' had been derived from the Burmese word 'Chindwin' for two reasons. Firstly, the literal meaning of 'Chindwin'9 is the same as 'Chin-lung' (i.e. 'Hole of the Chin'10). This opens up the possibility of the Chindwin area in Myanmar11 being the people's origin. Secondly, traditions have described the Chins' original homeland as having been destroyed by a flood. This leads people to speculate that the flood must have come out of the Chindwin River (Sakhong, 2003, pp. 6-7).

The last account provides historical evidence of the Chin's early existence prior to their settlement in Myanmar. The record of 'Chin' (spelled as 'khyan') in the stone inscriptions of King Kyanzittha of the Pagan Kingdom (1084-1113) implies that the name was used before the 11th century12 (Sakhong, 2003, p. 3). Lehman recorded the Chins' migration from "the Yellow or Manchu River valley of Southwest China" several centuries ago (as cited in Khoi Lam Thang, 2001, p. 3). In his Zo History (Vumson, 1986, p. 27), he mentioned the Chin’s early life in China in the 2nd millennium B.C, and even asserts that the Chin, known as 'Chi'ang tribes,’ were driven out by the Chinese to Tibet. According to Bawi Hu (1998, p. 12), the name 'Chin' had been historically intertwined with the Chin dynasty since the 3rd century in China, and therefore he remarks that 'Chin' is not a name designated by the Burmese. Carey and Tuck (as cited in Sakhong, 2003, p. 3), the first to bring the Chin under the British rule, also gave an account that "Chin is the Burmese corruption of the Chinese 'Jin' or 'Jen', meaning 'man or people.’”

The Chins' entry into Myanmar, according to Lehman, was in 750 A.D (as cited in Khar Thuan, 2008, p. 2). The beginning of the Christian era is suggested as a possible date by Vumson (1986, p. 39). According to all this information, it appears that the Chin are not original inhabitants of Burmese land, and the name 'Chin' in some written form is the identity they had carried with them before they arrived in the Chindwin Valley. Though it may be difficult to determine the exact date of their

9 Vumson (1986, pp. 3-4) prefers to define it as 'the valley of the baskets' as 'chin' means basket in the

Burmese language. He argues that in their early contacts with the Chin around the 11th or 12th century

A.D, the Burmans saw people with baskets occupying a river and they started calling the river

'Chindwin.' However, as Sakhong (2003, pp. 12-13) pointed out before the Chin's settlement in the

Chindwin valley, the name seems to be already in use by other peoples, such as Kachin and Shan who

never made it to the river valley, but addressed the Chins as khiang or Chiang.

10 The old Burmese word for 'Chindwin' is kyan twan or khlan-twan. (Luce, 1985, p. 77).

11 The former name 'Burma' was changed to 'Myanmar' by SLORC in 1989 (Khoi Lam Thang, 2001, p.

1).

12 Officially, this could be the earliest historical record of the Chin people in Myanmar.

4

entry into the country, it is at least obvious that the date cannot be later than the 11th century as recorded in the stone inscriptions of King Kyanzittha.

Based on the chronicles of Burma, Shan, and Manipur, Sakhong (2003, p. 16, 43) speculates that the Chin moved up to the present Chinland after the year 1395. Until then, the Chin were not known as different tribes or names including ‘the Falam.’ Historical evidence shows that the Falam people descended from a tribe called "'Shunkla,” which later became 'Tashon'. Originally, the word 'Falam' appears to be simply the name of a town the Tashon founded. Hence, in earlier times the Tashon were even referred to as "Palamte"13 after their town's name (i.e. 'falam') by some people. Like other Chins, the Tashon also tell a story of their ancestors stepping out of a large rock. Concerning this historical link between the Tashon and the term 'Falam,’ the record of Carey and Tuck (1896, p. 142) is as follows:

At Shunkla there is a large rock, and out of this the Tashons believe that a man and a woman came and, settle down close by becoming the parents of those who are now called the Shunkla tribe proper. The Tashons called themselves Shunkla after the name of the village which they believe their first parents started, building themselves the first house after emerging from the rock, and by this name they are known to all the southern tribes. The Siyins and other northerners call them "Palamte" after their capital Falam... After the Shunklas had founded Falam they gradually brought all their neighbors, both relations and aliens, under their control.

The word 'Tashon' is the Burmese corruption of the name of a village 'Klashun,’ where the tribe dwelled before. This village was torn down by the British to build a post after they occupied the old Falam area in 1892 (Carey & Tuck, 1896, p. 142).14 The word 'Taisun' (or 'Tlaisun') is used today to represent one of the twelve tribes of Falam. Possibly, it is also a corrupted term from 'Klashun' or perhaps more likely from the Burmese word 'Tashon'. In the past, the name 'Falam' (or 'Palamte') denoted ‘Tashon.’ Today, the term stands for the twelve tribes in the Falam township. Khar 13 "-te," as in Palamte, is a diminutive suffix often attached to names. The letter 'P' was somehow used

instead of "F" (P-alamte, not F-alamte). The variation must have been due to the result of a

phonological difference between Falam and Siyins or other northerners who use the term.

14 The words of Carey and Tuck (1896, p. 142) are as follows: "We have retained the name by which

the tribe was known to the Burman (Burmese), namely, “Tashon.” This word is the Burmese

corruption of “Klashun,” the name of the village immediately west of Falam, which was made the

capital of the tribe after it had left the parent village of Shunkla and before the present magnificent

capital was founded. This village Klashun, or Tashon, was confiscated and demolished by us in 1892,

when we occupied Falam and required materials to build us a post."

5

Thuan (2008, pp. 4-5) gives the list as follows: "Laizo, Zahau, Sim, Hualngo, Ngawn, Bualkhua, Tapong, Zaniat, Khualsim, Lente, Hlawnceu, and Taisun." If this representation was merely the result of political leadership for one township as Khar Thuan (2008, p. 5) said in his thesis, it can be questioned as to whether the list is an accurate representation of who were originally called the Falams. Nevertheless, at least it is clear that based on the historical record of Carey and Tuck in 1896, the story of the Falam people is rooted in the Tashon tribe. As to the meaning of the term 'Falam,’there are many speculations; but there seems to be no historically recorded, reliable information to support the claims.

Dwelling in the mountainous foothhills, farming has been the main source of income for the Falam people. They grow different kinds of food. The most common are paddy rice and corn, along with many kinds of vegetables. In terms of religion, the Falam people, including other Chin, were known as animists prior to the arrival of the Christian missionaries in their land. Bawi Hu (2001, p. 3) says that though the Chin people did not know the creator God consciously, they did believe in their unconscious mind there was a supernatural being. He continues that their belief in the existence of a supernatural being was evidenced by their seeking after spirits (or nats) in places like big trees, high mountain peaks, rivers, deep valleys, and huge rocks. These animistic beliefs had also led them to the practice of offering sacrificial animals. In a sense, this need to propitiate the spirits had caused them to live a life characterized by fear, which is the belief that the spirits would do harm to them if they were not propitiated, or not pleased, with the performance given. Upon the arrival of the American Baptist missionaries on March 15, 1899 (Bawi Hu, 2001, p. 3), they were introduced to the creator God, and today about 90 percent of the Chin are Christians (Bawi Hu, 2001, p. 3), though a handful of people are still animists, and some are Buddhist.

1.2.2 Geography As indicated by the arrow in Figure 1 below, Chin State is located in western Myanmar bordered by Bangladesh to the southwest, and India to the northwest. Falam township lies in the upper central part of the state. The shaded area (grey in the big map, and red in the small map) represents the original territory of the Chin as one independent nation. After the British annexation in 1896 (Sakhong, 2003, p. xv), the land was divided between three separate countries: Bangladesh, Myanmar

6

(then 'Burma'), and India. The west-region of Chinram15 (Mizoram state) became part of India whereas the east-region (Chin state) became part of Burma;16 and the smallest section joined Pakistan, the present-day Bangladesh (Sakhong, 2003, p. xvi).

Figure 1 The Original Territory of Ethnic Chin tribes

(Adapted from Sakhong, 2003, p. xxiv)

Figure 2 illustrates the current geographical division of Falam township based on the twelve dialects: Hualngo, Zahau, Hlawn Ceu, Sim, Laizo, Lente, Taisun, Tapong, Bualkhua, Ngawn, Zanniet, and Khualsim.17

15 'A compound word: Chin refers to 'a person or a group of people', and ram, meaning 'land'. Thus,

Chinram refers to the land of the Chin.

16 It is now called 'Myanmar.'

17 Ujlakyova (2007) has included 'Mizo' as one of the dialects of Falam. Although there are

considerable similarities between Mizo and the dialects of Falam, most native speakers do not usually

perceive Mizo to be in the Falam category. They always refer to them in contrast to each other when

speaking.

7

Figure 2 Linguistic Map of Falam by Eva Ujlakyova (2007)

(as cited in KING, 2010, p. 4)

1.2.3 Population Referring to the 1931 census of India, in his Phases of Pre-Pagan Burma (1985), Gordon Luce recorded the total population of Chin speakers in Myanmar as nearly 344,000, comprising of 44 different tribes (as cited in Khoi Lam Thang 2001, p. 4). In 1983, the census, according to the report of the Chin Christian Centenary Jubilee, reported a population of about 368,949 (Sakhong, 2003, p. xxi), but this number had included only the population in Chin state. In the course of time, the population of the Chin has increased, and it reached about 421,000 in 1995 as recorded by Bawi Hu (2001, p. 2), and referring to the year of 2001.18 Khoi Lam Thang puts the number as 435,000 (2001, p. 4). It is thus obvious that the total population of the Chin is roughly four hundred thousand.

Of the 400,000 Chin, about 100,000 are said to be the Falam. According to the report of township peace and development in 2004, the number of Falam speakers in the region of Falam District are about 72,110 (as cited in Khar Thuan, 2008, p. 5). Around 21,000 speakers of this language were also reported in India by Lewis in 2009 (as cited in King, 2010, p. 3). The number has gone up to 107,300 counting

18 He seems to refer to the year of his thesis writing.

8

the speakers in the hilly regions of Chin state, and in all other countries as recorded by Simons and Fennig (2018) in the Ethnologue. The tribes in this report include: 9,000 Taisun, 16,000 Zanniat, 7,000 Khualsim, 4,000 Lente, 14,400 Zahau, and 18,600 Laizo.19 Since the people are spread all over the world and their population has been increasing, it is most likely impossible to be completely accurate about the number. However, it is safe to say that the total number of speakers in all countries is well over one hundred thousand.

1.2.4 Classification Falam Chin is linguistically classified as a member of the subgroup of the Kuki-Chin-Naga languages, which belong to the Tibeto–Burman languages of the Sino–Tibetan language family (Simons & Fennig, 2018). The Sino-Tibetan family consists of only two branches: the Chinese group (Sinitic) and the Tibeto-Burman group (Katzner, 2002, p. 22). The TB languages are spoken as the major languages in the Himalayan region. More specifically, they are spoken "from Kashmir in the west, across the Himalayan and sub-Himalayan regions of India, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh, Tibet and China, and into Southeast Asia across Burma, Thailand, Laos, and Vietnam" (Bradley, 1997, p. 1).

According to Katzner (2002, p. 22), the TB family includes 17 principal language families: Yi (Lolo), Tujia, Bai, Lisu, Lahu, and Naxi (Moso), spoken mainly in China; Karen, Kachin (Chingpaw), Chin, and Arakanese, spoken mainly in Burma (Myanmar); Meithei, Bodo, Garo, and Lushei, spoken in Assam, India; Newari, spoken in Nepal; Jonkha, spoken in Bhutan; and Lepcha, spoken in Sikkim. The total population of speakers is estimated to be approximately 60 million. Of several shared innovations at all levels of the TB linguistic structures, syntax has been a major feature, or one of the dominant factors, which unite the TB languages as a group and also distinguish them from the other major language families in the area. In alignment with this shared feature, Benedict (1972, p. 95) writes,

"Throughout the TB area, the invariable syntactical rule is that the verb must be placed at the end of the sentence, followed only by suffixed elements or sentence-final particles. The object normally immediately precedes the verb and follows the subject, though no invariable rule can be stated here."

19 The number for each tribe in the list is an estimation in 1983, and the total is only 69,000.

9

Similarly, Bradley (2012, p. 180) observes, “like the majority of TB subgroups, Burmic20 is consistently verb-final, and has nearly all the other characteristics usual in verb-final languages.” The observation of the syntactic structures of TB languages as verb-final affirms the fact that the Falam language, whose basic clause structure is SOV, is also one of the Tibeto-Burman languages descended from the Sino-Tibetan language family.21 Kuki-Chin is one of the branches descended from the TB group, and according to Bradley (1997, p. 28), it comprises six principal language groups: Southern Naga, Meithei (or Meitei), Old Kuki, Chin, Other Chin groups, and Arleng (Karbi, Mikir). Chin is further classified into three groups:22 Northern Chin, Central Chin, and Southern Chin. Falam Chin is usually placed under Central Chin by scholars, and the following (Figure 3) illustrates that position under the Chin language group.

Figure 3 Classification of Kuki-Chin (Bradley, 1997, pp. 28, 26-31)

20 Robert Shafer classifies Kuki-Chin as part of Burmic, whereas Benedict links it to Burmese-Lolo

(Bradley 1997, p. 26)

21 James A. Matisoff (2005) puts it this way, "the Tibeto-Burman languages are the principal languages

of the Himalayan region, spoken from Kashmir in the west, across the Himalayan and sub-Himalayan

regions of India, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh, Tibet and China, and into Southeast Asia across Burma,

Thailand, Laos and Vietnam, including the great rivers such as Yangtze, Mekong, Salween, and

Irrawaddy. As all the major language families of SEA, TB languages are overwhelmingly verb-final

(SOV) in their clause-structure" (as cited in Khar Thuan, 2008, p. 8).

22 Grimes (1996) also classifies the Chin language group as Northern Chin, Central Chin, and Southern

Chin (as cited in Khar Thuan, 2008, p. 11).

Kuki-Chin

Southern Naga

Meithei

Old Kuki

Chin

Other Chin groups

Arleng (Karbi, Mikir)

North Chin Central Chin South Chin

Sino-Tibetan

Tibeto-Burman Chinese (Sinitic)

10

Attempts have been made in the past to determine the internal sub-grouping of Chin languages. The two most recent, relatively comprehensive analyses are Khoi Lam Thang (2001), and Kenneth VanBik (2009). There are some substantial differences among the two researchers on the subject. Arguably, part of the reason has to do with the methodology applied, namely: Thang uses lexicostatistic comparison, whereas phonological comparison is utilized by VanBik. However, despite the differences between Thang and VanBik, or among other scholars, there seems to be an agreement on the fact that Falam Chin belongs to the Central Chin group. Khoi proposes a classification of the Chin group23 that differs from the typical way of sub-grouping, yet still places Falam Chin in the category of Central Chin.

Figure 4 is a simple sub-grouping of Falam24 Chin within the Lai family.25

Figure 4 Internal Sub-Classification of Falam Under Lai Family (Adapted from VanBik, 2009, p. 23, and Thuan, 2008, p. 4)

23 VanBik’s three subgroups for Kuki-Chin languages are Peripheral (Northern and Southern-Plains),

Central, and Maraic (Kenneth VanBik, 2009, p. 18). He argues that despite the geographical

differences, the Northern and Southern languages have better shared phonological units with each other

than they do with the Central Chin. 24 Based on general observations on the mutual intelligibility, Khar Thuan (2008, p. 12) has classified

Laizo, Hlawnceu, Zahao, Sim, and Hualngo as one group; Taisun, Zaniat, Khualsim and Lente as

another group; and Tapong, Ngawn, and Bualkhua as another group. A comprehensive study on the

internal sub-grouping of Falam has not been conducted on the basis of detailed shared phonological

rules of innovation. 25 The usage of the term 'Lai' is debatable. In the past, it was used in a broad sense to refer to all the

Chins. Nowadays, some people use it to refer only to Hakha, Thantlang, and Zokhua (Bawi Tawng,

2017, p. 9). In the Kalay area in Sagaing Division (where the author lives), speakers of Falam and

Hakha identify themselves as Lai, and most scholars also agree with this identification.

Lai Family

Central Chin

Other Chins

Lente

Hualngo

Hlawnceu

Sim

Laizo

Taisun

Zahau

Tapong

Bualkhua

Ngawn

Zanniet

Khualsim

Falam Hakha

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In the past, it appears that the term 'Laizo' (Lit. 'central people') was an alternative term for 'Chin' which collectively refers to all of the central Chin languages as a whole (Bradley, 1997, p. 30). Today, the term is classified by most speakers and researchers as one of the twelve dialects as displayed in Figure 4, and it has become the lingua franca spoken in Falam township (Khar Thuan, 2008, p. 13).

However, in daily life, the speakers seem to use the term 'Falam' instead of 'Laizo' when consciously or unconsciously referring to that particular dialect, but linguistically some of the dialects are so closely related to each other that it is almost impossible to distinguish them at the outer level. Concerning this mutual intelligibility, I interviewed a native speaker of Zahau, who lives in Falam, and he says that Zahau dialect is so similar to Laizo dialect that it is hard to distinguish the two except based on the accent or maybe a few lexical items (December 27, 2017). For this reason, this study is simply addressed as ‘A Discourse Analysis of Falam Folktales.’

1.3 Objectives The objectives of this study are as follows: (a) To investigate and describe all of the cohesive devices which help create a sense of meaning in Falam folktale texts by utilizing the integrated framework of cohesion. (b) To identify the most commonly used devices found in each category. (c) To determine the frequency of individual cohesive devices in all texts and show comparative overall results. (d) To present any resultant cohesion patterns discovered in the texts.

To achieve the objectives of this study, the following questions are asked: (a) What grammatical devices are utilized to connect things together in the texts? (b) Which cohesive elements, as featured in the integrated framework of cohesion, are not found in the texts? (c) Are there any significant patterns as a result of the overall discovery of the cohesive elements?

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1.4 Hypotheses The following hypotheses are related to the research questions as follows:

(a) What grammatical devices are utilized to connect elements together in the texts? Hypothesis: Cohesion through identity, cohesion through conjunction, and cohesion through lexical relation are the common devices utilized within the texts.

(b) Which cohesive elements are not found in the texts? Hypothesis: Falam Chin is not morphologically marked, but rather understood based on adverbial phrases and contexts; therefore, cohesion through inflectional patterns will not be present.

(c) Are there any significant patterns as the result of the overall discovery of the cohesive elements? Hypothesis: In traditional Falam Chin narratives, cohesion through repetition has a higher frequency than any other cohesive device.26

1.5 Methodology Six major steps were taken in order to carry out this study.

Step 1: Data Collection Three narrative texts have been selected from a book called 'Thuanthu Roling," written by a native Falam speaker (Salai Pasang, 1984) who is currently the principal of Bethany Theological Seminary in Yangon, Myanmar. The three texts include: (1) Ngai Tah le A Nu (Ngai Tah and Her Mother); (2) Keiti In Falanu (The Lady Who Drinks the Tiger's Water); and (3) Tluang Tlir Li (Snake Tluang Tlir Li). There are twenty-six stories in the book. The author of this thesis did a preliminary examination of each story, and found that most of them are very lengthy and some contained fewer cohesive devices than others. Therefore, selection of the texts was primarily done on the basis of reasonable length and the amount of cohesive elements.

Step 2: Editing the texts Over the years, the writing style of the Falam language has changed and been improved upon, and so, each of the three texts have been modernized and checked for accuracy by the author of this thesis, along with two other native speakers. This modernization was done with the permission of the author of the book, but the

26 This is based on my personal intuition as a native speaker of the language.

13

changes are only in the areas of lexical mistakes, incorrect spellings, morpheme division, and punctuation marks. No other changes were made.

Step 3: Software program for analysis Utilizing SIL's Fieldworks Language Explorer, the three narrative texts were interlinearized, translated into English, and analyzed.

Step 4: Determining the goals of this study After going through the process of interlinearizing the texts, specific objectives for this research and its corresponding questions were formulated.

Step 5: Theoretical framework The modified theory of cohesion, proposed in Halliday and Hasan (1976), Dooley and Levinsohn (2001), and Halliday and Matthiessen (2004), is synthesized and used to analyze the aspects of cohesion within the three texts. The integration of the three models results in four major areas of analysis: cohesion through identity, cohesion through conjunction, cohesion through inflectional pattern, and cohesion through lexical relation. A complete outline is given in Chapter 2 (Section 2.5).

Step 6: Presenting the findings In the final step, the author analyzes the three texts and presents the findings on the cohesive elements of each text separately in Chapters 3, 4, and 5. The final chapter gives the concluding summary of the overall results.

1.6 Limitation and scope This thesis has been restricted to the study of cohesion elements within three Falam texts which are known as traditional folktales. They have been complied by a native author (Salai Pa Sang, 1984), and they are limited to one discourse genre. Dooley and Levinsohn (2001) propose the possibility of cohesion through intonation by stating that, “the importance of intonation as a cohesive device should not be underestimated.” However, intonation is not included in the theoretical framework used in this study because this research paper deals only with written texts. Cohesion through intonation may have to do with coherence which is a different aspect of discourse, though it is similar to cohesion in meaning.

Unlike cohesion, coherence functions beyond the surface structure of texts, meaning that it is a cognitive or notional concept. As Chimombo (1998, p. 74) states, coherence is produced in the minds through the shared knowledge of the speaker and the hearer. Presumably, this includes a lot of contextual shared elements.

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Finally, this study is also limited to analyzing cohesion elements by utilizing one theoretical framework formulated out of three cohesion models (Section 2.2 in Chapter 2).

1.7 Contribution Cohesion is one of the most important and widely studied areas in the realm of text and discourse. Without cohesion, a text is likely to have no sense of meaning or could convey an incorrect meaning. Cohesion makes it possible for a text to be meaningful as a whole, by utilizing mechanical devices, such as the interrelation of lexical items (Chimombo 1998, p. 73). In other words, it is not possible to construct a logical argument of any kind or on any other subject matter within a text without cohesion elements. Therefore, the study of discourse cohesion and analysis is a significant aspect of textual research.

This study aims to give an analytical description of three Falam texts for the purpose of identifying cohesion elements using an integrated theoretical framework. Though there have not yet been many technical, in-depth studies done on the Falam Chin language, some studies within the fields of phonology, morphology, and syntax have been conducted (Chapter 2). At a discourse level, this study will be the first technical research paper for the Falam language: more specifically, on the subject of discourse cohesion. Currently, with a focus on the fundamental aspects of grammar, there is some research and revision being conducted on the Falam language. Other projects such as Bible translation and Bible commentaries are also being developed. It is hoped that the findings of this research will be something practically useful to the ministry of Bible translation, and an ongoing Bible revision. This work dicusses the common cohesive elements, that help to construct meaning and logic in written text, and thus, can also be a helpful resource for those who want to learn or desire a better understanding of the Falam language. Finally, the integrated framework of cohesion applied in this study may also be a small contribution to the subject of cohesion theory.

1.8 Overview This thesis is organized into six chapters. As already seen, Chapter 1 lays out the setting for this study in which the general background of the people, the goals of this study, the author's hypothesis, methodology, limitation, and the potential benefits this work might yield are introduced. Chapter 2 sets out the secondary

15

background for the study, that is a literature review focusing primarily on the target language and theories of cohesion. The three texts are then analyzed and described separately in Chapters 3, 4, and 5, respectively. All of the chapters include a summary at the end. The last chapter provides the concluding summary of all the findings, and adds some recommendations for further research.

1.9 Summary Using an integrated framework of cohesion, this study analyzes three Falam folktales for the purpose of identifying cohesion elements. Linguistically, Falam is one of the Kuki-Chin languages, descended from the TB languages of the ST language family. Its basic word order is SOV. Concerning the origin of the name 'Chin,’ there are at least four accounts, namely: a designation of the Burmese, the Chin-Lung tradition, the Chindwin theory, and the idea that its historical roots are outside of Myanmar. The last account is perhaps the most reliable, tracing historical evidence for the origin: possibly from China. Thus, the name 'Chin' does not appear to be a designation given by any other inhabitants of Myanmar.

The time of the Chin's entry into Myanmar is not clear, but it was not later than the 11th century. Geographically, Chin State is located in western Myanmar, and Falam town is located in the upper central area of the state. The Falam people are descendants of a tribe called ‘Shunkla.’ The word ‘Falam’ is not a name of a tribe or a language group, but originally the name of a town the Tahson had founded in the past. Today, Falam represents the twelve tribes in the district of Falam town, and the name became identified with the Laizo dialect, the lingua franca of the town. In terms of religion, the Falam people were once animists, but became Christians through the evangelization of American Baptist missionaries beginning in 1899. Living in hilly regions, they make their living primarily from farming. The population of Falam is roughly around one hundred thousand.

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Literature Review

2.1 Introduction This chapter presents an overview of the Falam language under five main sections. First, it discusses the language writing system, and some related technical research that have been undertaken in the past (2.2.). Secondly, it explores the grammatical elements and structures of the language, such as morphology, case marking, noun phrases, non-verbal clauses, and subordinate clauses (2.3). Thirdly, it introduces two key concepts: ‘discourse analysis,’ and ‘cohesion,’ including how the aspect of ‘cohesion’ fits into the discourse level study (2.4). Fourthly, it discusses the model of cohesion utilized for the analysis in this study (2.4), and finally, a summary of the chapter is given (2.5).

2.2 Falam Language The Chin did not have a proper writing system prior to the arrival of American Baptist missionaries and others such as surgeon Major A.G.E Newland27, Rev. Carson and Mrs. Carson, and Dr. J. H. Cope, particularly for the Hakha, Falam, and Cho languages.28 Using the Roman script, the basic orthography of Falam was invented and developed by Dr. J. H. Cope in 1924 as displayed in number 6, along with other related Chin languages in table 1 below.

27 “A medical officer in the southern column under the command of General Simon which advanced

into the northern Chin Hills from Kan and reached Hakha in 1890” (Bawi Hu, 2001, p. 4).

28 There are some people among the Chin who believe that before the arrival of the missionaries they

had a writing system on leather, but lost it. Though there are no historical evidences or hints to support

the claim, it might have been possible. In fact, it appears that there was at least one writing system

created in 1900 by a man, named Pu Pau Cin Hau. Some of these writings are still on old inscriptions

today as evidence. However, the system was criticized as being too complicated for people to learn

(“Zirhtu Kutken”, 2009, p. 1).

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Table 1 The Chin Languages and Year of Orthography Invention

No Language Invented by year

01 Lakher (Mara) Capt. S. R. Tikell 1852

02 Mizo Lt. Col. Thomas Herbert Lewin 1874

03 Kuki C. A Soppit 1874

04 Siyin Rundal 1891

05 Hakha Surgeon Major Newland 1894

06 Falam Rev. Joseph Herbert Cope 1924

07 Cho (Mindat) Rev. Joseph Herbert Cope 1929

As shown in the table 1, Falam people have had their writing system for only a little over 90 years. Although a number of studies on the language have been undertaken in the past, most publications are not technical research based papers. Among more in-depth, and, scholarly, linguistic works, Osburne’s The Transformational Analysis of Tone In The Verb System of Zahao29 (Laizo) Chin (1975) has been the earliest major work in relation to the Falam language. Other significant works also include: Khar Thuan’s master thesis (2008) on A Phonological Description of Falam, Champeon’s Falam Writer’s Handbook (2008), English Learner’s English-Chin Dictionary (2009), and Deborah King’s dissertation (2010) on Voice And Valence-altering Operations In Falam Chin: A Role And Reference Grammar Approach.

Though some researchers have dealt with some aspects of the language, there are scarcely technical papers written on the areas of discourse analysis and sociolinguistics. Currently, the Falam Writer's handbook (2008), which contains much of the fundamental information for a writer to know, is being revised and expanded. Some grammatical information in the book has been a great help to the analysis of the texts used in this thesis. A new Falam Bible translation is also being rendered with the New Testament completed, and the Old Testament is still in progress. Falam Bible commentary projects are also being developed.

Syntactically, Falam follows an S–O–V pattern, but it may not be taken as a rigid SOV since the word order can vary. Tense is not morphologically marked, but rather 29 Zahao (or Zahau) is one of the twelve dialects in Falam.

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understood primarily based on the adverbial phrases and contexts. It is a tonal language with four tones: low, high, rising, and falling. Excluding non-native consonants such as /g/ (g), /dʒ/ (j), /x/ (x), /w/ (w), and /j/ (y),30 there are twenty-one consonants, and five written vowels. Table 2 presents the consonants, and table 3 presents the vowels in Falam.

Table 2 Falam Consonants (Adapted from Champeon, 2008, p. 2)

Names The Falam Spellings IPA symbols Bilabial Stops ph, p, b /ph/, /p/, /b/

Nasal (liquid) m /m/

Labiodental Fricatives f, v /f/, /v/

Dental-alveolar Stops ṭh, ṭ /ṭh/ , /ṭ/

Alveolar

Stops th, t, d /th/ , /t/, /d/ Fricatives s, z /s/, /z/

Nasal n /n/ Flap (liquid) r /ɾ/ Lateral (liquid l /l/

Palatal Affricate c /tʃ/

Velar Stops kh, k /kh/, /k/ Nasal ng /ŋ/

Glottal Stop -h /ʔ/ Fricative h- /h/

Table 3 Falam Vowels (Adapted from Champeon, 2008, p. 9)

Front Back Falam IPA Falam IPA

High I /i/ u /u/

Mid E /e/ aw /ɔ/

Low a /a/

30 The phonemes are in slashes, and the equivalent Falam spellings are in parentheses.

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2.3 Grammar overview This section presents some basic information on the grammatical elements of the Falam Chin in which the discussions of later chapters are grounded. It explores five main features, such as morphology, case marking, noun phrases, non-verbal clauses, and subordinate clauses.

2.3.1 Morphology Falam is morphologically an agglutinative language,31 meaning that the words allow a number of affixes to be stuck together. Verbs and nouns are commonly agglutinated in Falam. The following position class tables are used as a way of displaying a position in which a certain class of morphemes can occur, and the numbers indicate a progressive order of affixes: negative for prefix, and positive for suffix. Tables 4 and 5 show how a Falam word may construct a fixed linear ordering structure with those given classes. No morpheme is provided in position 0 because the root belongs to an open class.

Table 4 Verb Structure

Table 5 Noun Structure

+0 N-ROOT

+1 (GEN)

+2 (INTS)

+3 (NUM)

–pa ‘male’ –nu ‘female’

–te ‘small’ –pi ‘big’

–pawl ‘Plural’ –Ø ‘Singular’

31 Languages are traditionally divided into four types: (a) anlytic (or isolating), (b) agglutinating, (c)

synthetic (fusional or inflectional), and (d) polysynthetic. Kroeger (2005, p. 22) mentions three

properties which characterize the agglutinating languages as follows:

(a) “each morpheme has a simple linear ordering relationship with all

other morphemes in the same word;

(b) each affix expresses only one grammatical feature or category;

(c) all affixes which express the same grammatical category have the

same ordering relationships with all other classes of morphemes.”

These properties relatively fit the characteristics of a Falam word.

–1 (CAUS)

0 V-ROOT

+1 (REFL)

+2 (CAUS)

+3 (ASP)

ti– ‘to cause’

–aw ‘act to oneself’

–ter ‘to cause’

–sal ‘again’

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In this section 2.3.1, a brief overview of the basic morphological formation in Falam is presented. The overview covers derivation, inflection, and compounding.

2.3.1.1 Derivation “Derivational morphology creates new lexemes from existing ones, with a change in the word’s lexical category or meaning, or both” (Fasol & Linton, 2006, p. 92). Falam derivational affixes are almost entirely suffixes. Nominalization is achieved when a nominalizer combines with a verb root. The following table is a list of some exemplary words that illustrate the process.

Table 6 Nominalization in Falam

ROOT/STEM NMLZ PATTERN DERIVED FORM hruai ‘like’ –tu [V + tu]N hruai ‘leader’ tha ‘good’ mi– [mi + V]N mitha ‘good person’ mawi ‘beautiful’ –dan [V + dan]N mawinak ‘beauty’ dam ‘well’ –nak [V + nak]N damnak ‘healing’ lungawi ‘thankful’ tuan ‘work’

–zia –ding

[V + zia]N [V + ding]N

lungawizia ‘thankfulness’ tuanding ‘work to do’

Examples (1) and (2) show a derivational process in which a noun is created from a verb through the nominalizer –tu, meaning ‘one that does’. The nominalizer –tu allows the predicate to become the doer of the action. The derived noun can occur in the subject or object position in a sentence. The nominalization pattern in the following contexts may be drawn as S: [[hruaiV + tuNMLZ]N{SUBJ, OBJ} (ADJ) VP].

(1) [hruai–tu] in a ti. lead-doer SUBJ it say V-NMLZ ERG 3SG.NOM V. The leader said (it). (subject position)

(2) [hruai–tu] (tha) kan tul. lead-doer good we need V-NMLZ ADJ 3PL.NOM V. We need a good leader. (object position)

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Falam uses the suffixes –tein and –in to derive adverbs from verb roots with no change of meaning. The two examples in table 7 demonstrate this process.

Table 7 Adverbialization in Falam

ROOT/STEM ADVBL PATTERN DERIVED FORM thinsau ‘patient’ –tein [V + tein]ADV thinsautein ‘patiently’ dim ‘quiet’ –in [V + in]ADV dimin ‘quietly’

Example (3) describes an adverbialization through the verb thinsau ‘be patient’ and the adverbializer –tu in a context.

(3) [Thinsau–ten] a sim. patient–ADVBL he tell V–ADVBL 3SG.NOM V He said it patiently.

The adverbialized verbs either precede or follow the subject unless the subject is omitted in a sentence, and the predicate follows after. They may be placed after the predicates in colloquial speech, but that usuage is considered bad Falam. Their positions in a sentence can be described as S:[[(ADV)] [{SUBJ, Ø}] [(ADV)] [VP]]. Example (4) demonstrateves an adverbialized verb that precedes the subject.

(4) [Thinsau–ten] Mawite in a sim. patient–ADVBL Mawite SUBJ she tell V–ADVBL PROP ERG 3SG.NOM V Mawite explained (it) patiently.

Adjectivalization occurs with a relatively limited set of nouns and verbs in Falam. Table 8 is a list of the Falam adjectivalizers that can attach to certain verbs and nouns to form adjectives.

Table 8 Adjectivalization in Falam

ROOT/STEM ADJVL PATTERN DERIVED FORM rin ‘trust’ –um [V{N} + um]ADJ rinum ‘faithful’ tih ‘alive’ –nung [V{N} + nung]ADJ tihnung ‘fearsome’ rual ‘friend’ –za [N{V} + za]ADJ rualza ‘a group of friends’

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(5) Mi [rin–um] a si. person trust–ADJVL he be N V–ADJVL 3SG.NOM COP He is a faithful man.

In example (5), the verb rin ‘trust’ is adjectivalized by the morpheme –um ‘exist’, and consequently, the derived form rinum ‘faithful’ (or ‘trustworthy’) is able to function as the modifier of the noun mi ‘person’.

The derived form may also function as the predicate of a sentence as in example (6).

(6) A [rin–um]. He trust–ADJVL 3SG.NOM V-ADJVL He is faithful.

Based on these two examples (5) and (6), it may safely be said that the Falam adjectivalized verbs can have two functions: (a) a modifier adjective [N ADJ]NP, and (b) a verbal predicate [SUBJ VP]S .

2.3.1.2 Inflection Inflectional morphology creates different forms of the same lexeme, without resulting in a change of a new lexical category (Kroeger, 2005, p. 247). Inflection is relatively common in Falam, particularly with verbs and nouns as shown in tables 9 and 10 below. Though any two different elements that belong to the same position class are normally mutually exclusive, inflection in Falam allows certain types of those elements to occur together in the same word. The same elements listed in the different columns of the table means that those elements can occur in different positions within a word. Repetition of the same element in a fixed linear order within the same word is possible, but not common.

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Table 9 Verb Inflection

–1 (CAUS)

0 ROOT

+1 (REFL, ASP, APPL)

+2 (CAUS, ASP, INT)

+3 (ASP, INT)

ti– ‘cause’

VERB

–aw ‘act to oneself’ – awk ‘act to oneself’

–sal ‘again’ –kir ‘return’

–sak ‘do it for’ –pi ‘along with’ –tlang ‘together’

–khawm ‘together’ –kawp ‘pair’

–ter ‘cause’ –sal ‘again’ –bik ‘most’

–deuh ‘more’ –sawn ‘more’

–sal ‘again’ –bik ‘most’

–deuh ‘more’ –sawn ‘more’

Table 10 Noun Inflection

0 ROOT

+1 (GEN)

+2 (INT)

+3 (NUM)

NOUN –pa ‘male’

–nu ‘female’

–te ‘small’ –pi ‘large’

–pawl ‘PL’

–Ø ‘SG’

Example (7) is given to show the linear ordering construction of the Falam verb proposed in table 9, which is from position –1 to position +3. The verb rem ‘be aligned’ contains four affixes, such as –ti ‘CAUS’, –awk ‘REFL’, –ter ‘CAUS’, and –sal ‘ASP’. In this particular example, the prefix –ti ‘CAUS’ is semantically and grammatically optional, that is to say that the predicate is still well-formed without the prefix in the sentence.

(7) Ka [(ti)–rem–awk–ter–sal]. 1SG.NOM CAUS–aligned–REFL–CAUS–ASP N CAUS-V–REFL–CAUS–ASP I re–aligned (them).

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Table 11 gives a list of two constructed examples vaw ‘pig’ and caw ‘cow’ to show the structure of the Falam noun as proposed in table 10.

Table 11 Noun Structure

ROOT GEN INT NUM PATTERN DERIVED FORM vawk ‘pig’

–pa –te –pawl

[N+GEN+INT]NP vawkpatepawl ‘little male pigs’

caw ‘cow’ –nu –pi –Ø [N+GEN+INT]NP cawnupi ‘female, adult cow’

2.3.1.3 Compounding Ingo Plag (2003, p. 135) defines the term ‘compound’ as “a word that consists of two elements, the first of which is either a root, a word or a phrase, the second of which is either a root or a word.” This section 2.3.1.3 introduces the three types of Falam compounds.

(a) Endocentric compound (b) Exocentric compound (c) Copulative compound

(a) Endocentric compound An endocentric compound is formed when two syntactic categories are joined together, one of which functions as the head, and the other one modifies the head. The head determines the core meaning and the lexical category of the compound. Therefore, endocentric compounds are called hyponyms of their head elements (Scalise & Vogel, 2010, pp. 167, 304). Example (8) illustrates this compound, and can be schematized as COMPDENDOCENTRIC: [[X]VERB + [Y]HEAD NOUN]Y-NOUN.

(8) [then] [bawm] [thenbawm] to swing + box Cradle VMODIFIER NHEAD N

(b) Exocentric compound An exocentric compound is formed when the meaning cannot be inferred from the compound word because the semantic head is outside the compound word (Ingo Plag, 2003, p. 145). Therefore, the result is unpredictable. Example (9) demonstrates this compounding, and its schema may be drawn as COMPDEXOCENTRIC: [ [X]VERB + [Y]VERB]Z-VERB :

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(9) [puar] [thau] [puarthau] to be full + to be fat conceited V V V

(c) Copulative compound A compulative compound is formed when a new meaning is generated by the two words joined together, none of which are subordinate to each other (Scalise & Vogel, 2010, p. 230). The schema may be drawn as COMPDCOPULATIVE: [ [X]VERB + [Y]VERB]XY-

VERB. Example (10) is an illustration of this compounding in Falam.

(10) [pal] [bet] [Palbet] to stomp + to stick to stomp and hold V V V

The three types of Falam compounds presented in this section are summarized in the following table.

Table 12 Three Types of Falam Compounds

Type Compound Literal meaning Gloss Pattern Endocentric then bawm

puar thau pal bet

[swing box] [full fat] [stomp stick]

‘cradle’ ‘conceited’ ‘stomp and hold’

[V+N]N [V+V]V [V+V]V

Exocentric Copolative

2.3.2 Case Marking “Case marking is a system in which the grammatical relation or semantic role of an NP is indicated by a marker on the NP itself” (Kroeger, 2005, p. 342). This section gives a brief analysis of the syntactic markings in both transitive and intransitive clauses, and describes the system of the language.

2.3.2.1 Transitive sentence The subjects of transitive sentences in Falam are marked with the clitic =in and the objects are zero-marked. Falam uses the same marking pattern despite the sematic roles of the arguments. The NP marking structure is as below.

NPSUBJ [=in] NPOBJ [=Ø].

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Sentence (11) is a constructed example of [Agent, Patent].

(11) Mawite [=in] thingkung [=Ø] a hau. Mawite =in tree zero she cut PROP SUBJ N OBJ 3SG.NOM V Mawite cut the tree.

Though the sentence without the clitic =in may sound grammatically and semantically correct as in (12), the inclusion of the clitic =in is considered more formal and complete.

(12) Mawite *[=Ø] thingkung [=Ø] a hau. Mawite zero tree zero she cut PROP SUBJ N OBJ 3SG.NOM V Mawite cut the tree.

Example (13) is a constructed example of [Experiencer, Stimulus], which expresses the same marking pattern as in (11).

(13) Mawite [=in] nauhak tap–awn [=Ø] (cu)32 a thei. Mawite =in child cry–voice zero that she know PROP =SUBJ N V-N OBJ DET 3SG.NOM V Mawite heard a child crying.

In example (13), the subject Mawite ‘PROP’ (experiencer) is marked by the clitic =in, and the object phrase nauhak tapawn ‘the sound of a child’s cry’ (the stimulus) is zero-marked.

2.3.2.2 Intransitive sentence The intransitive subjects are zero-marked in Falam. The pattern is as below.

NPSUBJ [=Ø].

The zero-marking pattern is demonstrated by the following examples (14), (15), and (16), which represent three semantic categories, such as [Agent], [Stimulus], and [Theme].

32 The optional clitic cu ‘DET’ specifies the noun phrase it follows, and suggests that the referent noun

phrase is already known.

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(14) Mawite [=Ø] a hngawk. Mawite zero she snore PROP SUBJ 3SG.NOM V Mawite is snoring. (15) Mangbang=au–aw [=Ø] a thang. discouraged=shout–voice zero it echo V N SUBJ 3SG.NOM V A wondering voice overwhelms. (16) Tidai [=Ø] (=cu) tidawng ihsin a luang–tla. water zero that aqueduct from it flow–fall N SUBJ DET N POST 3SG.NOM V Water flows down through the water pipe.

The intransitive subjects do not take a case marker. The clitic =cu may follow a noun phrase, as in (13) and (16), but it only appears to function as an optional modifier of the noun phrases.

2.3.2.3 The language system According to the examples given in sections 2.3.2.1 and 2.3.2.2, it is evident that objects of transitive and subjects of intransitive clauses have the same marking, namely =Ø, and subjects of transitive clauses have a special marker =in. This case-marking pattern, as displayed in table 13 below, fits the ergative-absolutive system. Therefore, Falam language may be interpreted as following an ergative-absolutive pattern in its NP case marking.

Table 13 Ergative System (NP)

Ergative Absolutive

Transitive Clause Agent: =in Patient: =Ø

Intransitive Clause Subject: =Ø

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2.3.3 Noun phrase A noun phrase is “a constituent which can fill an argument slot in clause structure. It has a noun or pronoun or demonstrative, etc. as head” (Dixon, 2010, p. 428). Falam NPs can fill three argument slots, such as subject, object, and object of postposition, and can be head-initial, head-embedded, or head-final. The following three tables 14, 15, and 16 describe the most common structures of the Falam noun phrases.

Table 14 Head-Initial NP Structure

Table 15 Head-Embedded NP Structure

Table 16 Head-Final NP Structure

An overview of the noun phrases discussed in this section are possessive NP, adjunct and complement NPs, demonstrative NP, and relative NP.

0 HEAD

+1 (MOD)

+2 (QTY)

+3 (DEI)

N AP REL CL

CLFP DET

–1 (POSS)/(DEI)

0 HEAD

+1 (MOD)

+2 (QTY)

+3 (DEI)

PRO N=ih DET

AP

CLFP DET

– 1 (POSS)/(MOD)/(DEI)

0 HEAD

PRO AP

REL CL DET

N

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2.3.3.1 Possessive NP Falam has two basic means of constructing a possessive structure as shown below.

(a) NPPOSSESSIVE-A: [[POSSP]R NHEAD (MOD)] (b) NPPOSSESSIVE-B: [[N]R ih [N]HEAD (MOD)]

Schemas (a) and (b) show that the possessor always precedes either the head of the possessive NP or the possessive case marker =ih. Table 17 is a list of the possessive pronouns in Falam.

Table 17 Possessive Pronouns

Singular Plural

First person ka ‘my’ kan ‘our’ Second person na ‘your’ nan ‘your’ Third person a ‘his’ an ‘their’

Example (17) demonstrates a possessive NP in the subject position, which has three modifiers attached to the head. The internal structure is NPPOSSESSIVE-A: [(POSS) NHEAD (ADJ1) (ADJ2) (NUM)3].

(17) [Ka uico (thar) (rang) (pa–khat)] a thi. I dog new white CLF–one it die 1SG N ADJ ADJ CLF–NUM 3SG.NOM V A new white dog of mine is dead.

In (17), the possessor ka ‘1SG.POSS’ precedes the head noun uico ‘dog,’ and the two modifiers thar ‘new’ and rang ‘white’ and the numerical adjective pakhat ‘one’ follow. Ordering them otherwise, as in (18), would be ungrammatical.

(18) *Ka uico pa–khat thar. I dog CLF–one new 1SG.NOM N CLF–NUM ADJ Attempted Schema: [(POSS) NHEAD (NUM) (ADJ)]NP.

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There are no special markings to distinguish between alienable and inalienable possessions in Falam. Example (19) shows that the same possessive pronoun ka ‘1SG.POSS’, that was used for the alienable possession uico ‘dog’ in (17), is used to indicate the inalienable possession lung ‘lung.’

(19) Na sim mi [ka lung] sungah a cam. you tell that my lung in it remain 2SG.NOM V REL 1SG.POSS N POST 1SG.NOM V What you said has remained in my heart.

When the possessor is a noun, the possessive marker =ih is used as in (20).

(20) [Peter=ih rualpi–pawl] ka thei. you clitic friend–PL I know PROP clitic N–PL 1SG.NOM V I know Peter’s friends.

In (20), the possessor noun Peter ‘Peter’ precedes the possessesive marker =ih and the possessed noun (or the head) rualpipawl ‘friends’ follow. The internal structure may be described as NPPOSSESSIVE-B: [[N]R ih [N]HEAD].

2.3.3.2 Completment and adjunct NPs The basic distinction between a complement and an adjunct is that a complement NP is selected by its head and functions as an obligatory element, whereas an adjunct NP is not selected by any head and occurs optionally in clause structure. The basic construction of a complement and adjunct noun phrases in Falam can be seen in the following schema of an imperative sentence.

SIMPERATIVE: [(PP)AJT (NP)AJT NPCOMP (DET)AJT VP]

Example (21) demonstrates a simple Falam complement phrase in the imperative sentence, in which tlangval ‘young man,’ the complement of the verb zoh ‘look,’ is the head that is modified by the determiner khi ‘that.’ The ordering structure is NPCOMPLEMENT: [NPHEAD (DET)].

(21) [tlangval (khi)] zoh hnik. young man that look REQ N DET V PRT Look at that young man.

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In general, the Falam adjuncts may either precede or follow the head nouns they modify. Example (22) illustrates the modifying adjunct samtawi ‘short hair’ preceding the head noun tlangval khi ‘that young man.’ The adjunct construction is NPADJUNCT: [(NHEAD –ADJ)].

(22) [(Sam–tawi) tlangval (khi)] zoh hnik. hair–short young.man that look REQ N–ADJ N DET V PRT Look at that young man with short hair.

However, it is more common for the adjunct PPs to normally be placed before other noun phrases in clause structure as demonstrated in (23). The construction of the adjunct PP is NPADJUNCT PP: [(N POST V)].

(23) [(Dawr ih to)] Sam–tawi tlangval khi zoh hnik. shop at sit hair–short young.man that look REQ N POST V N–ADJ N DET V PRT Look at that young man with short hair sitting at the shop.

The Falam NP may have several modifying adjuncts attached together, and can be headless as in (24).

(24) [(Sam–tawi)], [(kawr–var hruh)], [(mit–rang)], [ Ø (khi)] hair–short shirt–white wear eyes–white zero that N–ADJ N–ADJ V N–ADJ NHEAD DET That (one) wearing a white shirt with short hair, and white eyes

The construction of example (24) is NPADJUNCT: [(NP3) (NP2) (NP1) NHEADLESS (DET)].

2.3.3.3 Demonstrative NP There are two types of ‘demonstratives’ in Falam as below.

(a) Nominal demonstratives (b) Local adverbial demonstratives (Dixon, 2010, p. 224) (a) Nominal demonstratives The Falam nominal demonstratives can further be divided into four types. Each of these types can occur either in an NP with a noun or make up a complete NP. Table 18 gives a list of Falam nominal demonstratives.

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Table 18 Falam Nominal Demonstratives

In an NP with a noun/pronoun

As a full NP

Gloss & Deictic function

Basic forms

(hi) N hi hihi ‘this’ (near speaker) hi (kha) N Kha khakha ‘that’ (near addressee,

far from speaker) kha

(khi) N khi khikhi ‘that’ (far from both) khi (cu) N cu cucu ‘that’ (anaphoric) cu

The first form [(hi) N hi] is applied when the referent object is located near the speaker and specified as in (25).

(25) [(Hi) cabu hi] siar a nuam zet. this book this read it fun very DEM N DEM V 3SG.NOM V INTS It is really fun to read this book. (in an NP with a noun)

When the first demonstrative hi ‘this’ is dropped, the deictic reference becomes less emphatic as demonstrated in (26).

(26) [Cabu hi] na siar zo maw? book this you read PRF INTG N DEM 2SG.NOM V PRF INTG Have you read this book? (in an NP with a noun)

If a nominal demonstrative is duplicated, the duplicated form will function as a complete noun phrase in clause structure, and its deictic reference becomes more definite or specific as in (27).

(27) [hihi] ka cabu a si. this my book it be DEM 1SG.POSS N 1SG.NOM COP This is my book. (as a complete NP)

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The second form [khakha] suggests that the referent object is definite and located far from the speaker, but near to the addressee. Example (28) demonstrates this deitic function.33

(28) [khakha] ka cabu a si. that my book it be DEM 1SG.POSS N 1SG.NOM COP That is my book. (as a complete NP)

If the referent object is definite, but located far from both the speaker and the addressee, and the third form [khikhi] may be used as in (29).

(29) [khikhi] ka cabu a si. that my book it be DEM 1SG.POSS N 1SG.NOM COP That (one) is my book. (as a complete NP)

When the referent object is anaphorically referenced, the fourth form [cucu] is applied as in (30).34

(30) [cucu] ka thei lo. that I know it DEM 2SG.NOM V NEG I do not know that (one). (as a complete NP)

(b) Local adverbial demonstratives The local adverbial demonstratives of Falam are morphologically derived from the combination of the nominal demonstratives and the locative postposition =ah. They can be grouped into four main types as displayed in the table below.

33 The other variation form of the determiner kha ‘that’ is khai. It occurs mostly in a NP with a noun.

The construction is [khai NP kha].

(1) [khai cabu kha] ka ta a si.

that book that my mine it be

DEM N DEM 1SG.POSS POSS 1SG.NOM COP

That book is mine. 34 The other variation form of the determiner cu ‘that’ is cui. It can only occur in a NP with a noun. The

construction is [cui NP cu].

(2) [cui thil cu] ka thei lo.

that thing that I know it

DEM N DEM 2SG.NOM V NEG

I do not know that (one).

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Table 19 Falam Local Adverbial Demonstratives

Local Adverbial Demonstratives

Other Forms (more emphatic)

Gloss & Deictic function

hinah hinah hin ‘here’ (near speaker)

khanah khanah khan ‘there’ (near addressee, far from speaker)

khinah khinah khin ‘there’ (far from both)

cunah cunah cun ‘there’ (anaphoric)

In Falam, a local adverbial demonstrative often occurs as the sole locational specification, and is positionally movable in clause structure. Example (31) demonstrates the local adverbial demonstrative hinah ‘here’ occurring as the locational specification.

(31) Zangfahten [hinah] to. kindly here sit ADV DEM V Please sit here.

A Falam local adverbial demonstrative may also co-occur with an NP bearing local marking. Example (32) is an illustration of the local adverbial demonstratives khinah ‘DEM,’ which co-occurs with another locational NP tokhamsau ah ‘N POST.’ The Locative =ih marks the locational NP as the object of the demonstrative khinah.

(32) [khinah] ih [tokhamsau ah] to–tlang uh. over there at bench at sit–together IMP DEM POST N POST V–COM IMP Sit together over there at the bench.

2.3.3.4 Relative clause NP A relative clause is also known as an adjective clause that modifies a noun or pronoun. The Falam relative clause is introduced by a relativizer mi ‘that,’ which is homonymous with the nominalizer mi–. This should not be, as Dixon (2010, p. 316) commented, interpreted as though the relative clause is as a type of nominalization.

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The Falam relative clause NP is either head–initial or head–final. The construction can be seen in the following schemas.

NPREL CL: [NHEAD VP REL ] or NPREL CL: [VP REL NHEAD]

Example (33) demonstrates a head–initial NP, which consists of a relative clause as a modifier.

(33) [Va–te Ka awk mi] a suak. bird–small I catch that it escape N–DIM 1SG.NOM V REL 3SG.NOM V The little bird that I caught has escaped.

In (33), the head noun is va–te ‘little bird,’ and is modified by the relative clause ka awk mi ‘that I catch.’ The head noun may also come at the end of the noun phrase as in (34).

(34) [ka awk mi va–te] a suak. I catch that bird–small it escape 3SG.NOM V REL N–DIM 3SG.NOM V The little bird that I caught has escaped.

If there is another modifier in the relative NP, that modifier always precedes the relative clause, and the head noun follows. This structure can be seen in (35).

(35) [Lo ih ka awk mi va–te] a suak. farm at I catch that bird–small it escape N POST 3SG.NOM V REL N–DIM 3SG.NOM V The little bird that I caught in the farm has escaped.

2.3.4 Non-verbal clause Non-verbal clauses are constructions whose predicates are not main verbs. In Falam, such constructions are expressed through copula forms, three of which are shown in the table below. No copula is used for the attributive clauses in Falam, but a structure analogous to that of the verbal predicate is employed.

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Table 20 Three Falam Copulas

Copula Gloss Function si ‘be’ Equational um ‘be at,’ ‘exist’ Locational, Existential nei ‘have’ Possessive

Copula verbs are also referred to as the linking verbs—i.e., they connect the subject of a sentence to the non-verbal predicate. The non-verbal predicates are the elements that carry most of the lexical-semantic load in copular clauses (Givon, 2001, Vol. I, p. 119).

2.3.4.1 Equative clause “An equative clause is one in which the semantic predicate is expressed by a noun phrase” (Kroeger, 2005, p. 175). The Falam equative clause requires the copula si at the end of the clause as in the schema below.

CLEQUATIVE: [[NP1] CuTOP [NP2] PRO si]

This construction is displayed in sentence (36).

(36) [[ka rual] =cu [mi–tha] a si.] I friend about person–good it be SG.NOM N TOP N–ADJ 3SG.NOM COP My friend is a good man.

In (36), the NP1 ka rual ‘my friend,’ and the NP2 mitha ‘good person’ are equated by the copula si. Since the predicate NP2 is an indefinite description, the two NPs should not be interpreted as the same entity—i.e., the subject NP1 is a member of the class named by the predicate NP2.

2.3.4.2 Attributive clause “An attributive clause is one whose semantic predicate is an adjective phrase; typically used to describe a quality or attribute of the subject” (Kroger, 2005, p. 342). In Falam, modifiers of nouns are syntactically verbs. The following schema represents the structure of the Falam attributive clause, in which the modifier verb is referred to an ‘adjectivial predicate.’

CLATTRIBUTIVE: [NP PRO AP]

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The attributive clauses always consist of a noun or NP, a pronoun and an adjectival predicate, which modifies the noun or NP, a copula is not necessary: this seems to reflect what Dryer (2007, p. 236) says, “in some instances, the use of a copula is simply grammatically optional and is not grammatically conditioned.” The pattern can be seen in the constructed sentence (37).

(37) [Nau–te] [a cum]. baby–little it chubby N–DIM 3SG.NOM V The baby is chubby.

In (37), the adjectival predicate cum ‘chubby’ comes after the nominal pronoun a ‘it,’ which, in turn, precedes the subject noun naute ‘little baby.’

2.3.4.3 Locative clause A locative clause is one whose predicate is expressed by a locative prepositional phrase (Kroeger, 2005, p. 175). The Falam locative clause requires a copula um ‘be at.’ The locative construction in Falam may be described as follows.

CLLOCATIVE: [(PP) NP (ADJ) PRO COP]

Example (38) demonstrates the locative clause, which consists of a prepositional phrase, a noun phrase, a pronoun, and a copula. The PP may switch position with the NP, but the pronoun and the copula generally follow them.

(38) [(Laibarari =ah) cabu (tampi) a um.] library at book many it be at N LOC N ADJ 3SG.NOM V There are many books in the library.

The copula um is also used to describe the location where one lives as shown in the following sentence, which is composed of a prepositional phrase, a pronoun, and a copula. The locative predicate is described by the preposition phrase as in (39).

(39) [Yangon =ah kan um.] yangon at We live N LOC 3PL.NOM V We live in Yangon.

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2.3.4.4 Existential clause “An existential clause is a verb or a clause-type used to indicate that something exists or does not exist” (Kroeger, 2005, p. 344). In Falam, existential clauses are formed by the copula um ‘exist’, as are the locative clauses. The following schema shows the existential clause construction.

CLEXISTENTIAL: [(NP) PRO COP]

Sentence (40) shows an existential clause composed of a noun, a pronoun, and a copula. The non-physical existence of Pathian ‘God’ is expressed by using the copula um.

(40) [Pathian a um.] God it exist N 3SG.NOM COP God exists.

The copula um ‘exist’ is also used to indicate existence at a place in space and time as in (41).

(41) [(nauhak–pawl) lo =ah an um.] child–many farm =at they exist N–PL N LOC 3PL.NOM COP The children are at the farm.

In (41), the existence of nauhakpawl ‘children’ at the farm is expressed by using the copula um ‘exist.’ The schematic construction is CLEXISTENTIAL: [NP (PP) PRO COP].

2.3.4.5 Possesive clause A possessive clause is one in which [x] possesses [y]. Falam uses the copular verb nei ‘have’ to form a possessive clause structure. The schematic construction is as below. CLPOSSESSIVE:[NPD PROR COP]

Example (42) shows a possessive clause in which a possessed noun cawpi ‘cow’ is followed by the possessor pronoun ka ‘1SG.POSS,’ and the copula nei ‘have.’

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(42) [Caw -pi ka nei.] cow mature I has N AUG 1SG.POSS V I have a cow.

2.3.5 Subordinate clause A subordinate clause is a clause, that is dependent upon a main clause to be complete and meaningful. This section gives an overview of the four basic types of subordinate clauses in Falam: a complement clause, a direct quote, an adjunct (or adverbial) clause, and a relative clause.

2.3.5.1 Complement clause “A complement clause is a type of clause which fills an argument slot in the structure of another clause” (Dixon, 2010, p. 370). A complement clause completes the requirement of a predicate in a sentence. In Falam, a complement clause has the same structure as a main clause with the addition of final complementizer ti.

CLCOMPLEMENT: [NP VP (COMP)]

A complement clause in Falam usually precedes the main clause. Example (43) describes the complement clause structure marked by a complementizer ti ‘that.’

(43) [Mi–tha a si (=ti)] ka thei. person–good he be that I know N–ADJ 3SG.NOM Cop COMP 1SG.NOM V I know that he is a good person.

The complimentizer ti ‘that’ is optional, and often omitted in colloquial speech, but the omission does not effect any meaning in the clause as in (44).

(44) [Mi–tha a si Ø ] ka thei. person–good it be that I know N–ADJ 3SG.NOM COP COMP 1SG.NOM V I think s/he is a good person.

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2.3.5.2 Direct quotation A direct quote refers to the exact words of someone repeated and embedded in a clause whereas an indirect quote only expresses the content of what was said, but not the exact words spoken by the speaker (Kroeger, 2005, p. 225). A simple direct quote in Falam is expressed through the following formula.

CLDirect.Quote: [(SUBJ), “…,” VP]

The quote fills an argument slot in the main clause and has the same internal constituent structure as the main clause. The word order is SOV.

(45) [(Jesu in), “Keimah cu thutak ka si,” a ti.] Jesus ERG I about truth I be it say SUBJ ERG 1SG.NOM TOP N 1SG.NOM Cop 3SG.NOM V Jesus said, “I am the truth.”

In (45), the subject precedes the quote, and is followed by the verb phrase a ti. Another way of constructing a direct quote is by using the following formula.

CLDirect.Quote: [“…,” tiin (SUBJ) VP]

Sentence (46) illustrates this formula in which the quote is marked by the clitic =tiin and followed by the subject and the predicate.

(46) [“Bible siar hngilh hlah,” =tiin (a nu in) a cah.] Bible read forget not say it mother ERG it advise N V V NEG ClITIC 3SG.POSS SUBJ ERG 3SG.NOM V His/her mother said to him/her, "Don't forget to read the Bible".

2.3.5.3 Adjunct clause The adjunct clause is also called an adverbial clause which, in contrast to a complement as in section (2.3.5.1), functions as an optional element in a sentence. Adjunct clauses modify a predicate phrase or an entire clause by adding some information to the mainline information. The pattern of an adjunct clause in Falam is as below.

CLADJUNCT: [(VP CONJ)]

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Example (47) illustrates a simple adjunct clause in Falam, which is marked by the conjunction hlanah ‘before.’

(47) [(Thim hlanah)] an feh. dark before they go V CONJ 3PL.NOM V They went before it got dark.

In (47), the adjunct clause thim hlahah ‘VP1 CONJ’ precedes the main clause an feh ‘PRO VP2.’ The subject of the adjunct clause is omitted, and thus, its structure may be understood as CLADJUNCT: [(ØSUBJ VP2 CONJ)].

2.3.5.4 Relative clause “A relative clause is one that functions as a nominal modifier” (Payne, 1997, p. 325). In Falam, if the head of a defining relative clause, regardless of the gender, is the one doing the action in the sentence, the relativiser –tu ‘doer’ is used. The following schema describes the construction of a –tu relative clause.

CLRELATIVE:[NPOBJ (PRO) [V–REL]SUBJ (NPHEAD) (DET)]

Falam relative clause structure is distinct in that the predicate of the restrictive clause is normalized by the relativiser morpheme –tu ‘doer.’ Sentence (48) is an example of this type of relative clause.

(48) [Caw (a=) lei–tu] (pa) (kha)] ka tawng. cow it buy–doer male that I meet N 3SG.NOM V–REL N DET 1SG.NOM V I met the man who bought the cow.

In (48), the object caw ‘cow’ precedes the pronoun a ‘3SG.NOM’, which, in turns, precedes the subject phrase a leitu ‘one who buys,’ and is optionally followed by the head pa ‘male’ and the determiner kha ‘that.’ Since the morpheme –pa ‘male’ is optional, the clause can be headless as follows (49).

(49) [Caw (a=) lei–tu] Ø kha ka tawng. cow it buy–doer Zero that I meet N 3SG.NOM V–REL NHEAD DET 1SG.NOM V I met the woman who bought the cow.

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If the object of a relative clause functions as the head, the relativiser mi ‘that’ is used as in (50).

(50) [A lei mi] (caw) a thi. it buy that cow she die 3SG.NOM V REL NHead 3SG.NOM V The cow she bought is dead.

Based on examples (48), (49), and (50), it may be concluded that the Falam relative clauses generally precede the main clauses. They are marked by the relativisers –tu ‘doer’, and mi ‘that,’ and are found to be prenominal and can be headless.

2.4 General concepts This section gives a brief discussion on the definitions of the two terms ‘discourse analysis’ and ‘cohesion’, as relevant to this research paper and a cursory look at the importance of cohesion and how it fits into the linguistic discourse study.

2.4.1 Discourse analysis The rudimentary meaning of the term ‘discourse analysis’ applies to ‘the study of communication in a social context, spoken or written.’ It is sometimes defined as the study of language use above the level of a sentence (McCarthy, 1991, p. 7), but as Gee, and Handford (2012, p. 1) pointed out, even a sentence (e.g. “I pronounce you man and wife”) can be analyzed as a ‘communication,’ or as an ‘action’: the meaning cannot be achieved through the literal sentence-level interpretation. The concept of discourse analysis can be complicated at the deeper level of understanding.

Brown and Yule (1983, p. viii) indicate that by saying, “the term ‘discourse analysis’ has come to be used with a wide range of meanings which cover a wide range of activities.” They mention that scholars who work in different disciplines are focusing on different aspects of discourse as follows: sociolinguists are concerned with the structure of social interaction, and their conception of discourse study focuses on the features of social context; psycholinguists deal with issues concerned with language comprehension; philosophical linguists and formal linguists are devoted to the study of semantic relationships in text and their social contexts; and computational linguists are primarily engaged in the production of models of discourse processing and limited to working with short texts. For the analyses in their book, Brown and Yule (1983, pp. ix, 1) have taken the linguistic approach that emphasizes function of discourse, and thereby describe ‘discourse analysis’ as “the analysis of language in use.”

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A similar observation was made by Johnstone (2002, pp. xiii, 19, 7), who says that discourse analysis is a branch of academic study practiced by students of a variety of academic disciplines, such as Anthropology, Communication, Rhetoric, Literary, Cultural Criticism, Sociology, Psychology, Geography, Medicine, Law, Public Policy, Business, Legal, Educational Science, and innumerable other disciplines. She argues that discourse analysis is not necessarily a discipline or a sub-discipline intended only for a particular field of study. She defines the term as a methodology:

“a research method that can be (and is being) used by scholars with a variety of academic and non-academic affiliations from a variety of disciplines, to answer a variety of questions” (pp. xi, 12-18, 240).

Despite the different concerns mentioned above, it is important to note that the study of discourse, as a methodology, always involves two aspects by which meanings are achieved: context, and language. Concerning context–dependent meaning, Chesterman and Arrojo write:

“meanings are always context–bound. Depending on our viewpoint and our circumstances, we may perceive them to be either ‘more’ or ‘less’ stable but all of them are always equally dependent on a certain context” (cited in Pym, 2014, p. 115)

Discourse context consists of elements, such as “culture, participants, relationships between participants, setting, channel, attitudes toward the text, purpose, and topic,” and discourse language consists of elements, such as reference and coreference, words and lexical units, substitution and ellipsis, conjunction and clause relations, linguistic features, literal and nonliteral meaning, implicature, and nonverbal meaning” (Chimombo & Roseberry, 1998, pp. xi-xii). Cohesion devices are linguistic elements, and they belong to the second category, language discourse. However, though the language elements and discourse elements are separable, both features are necessary for the interpretation of any discourse.

Discourse analysis covers “two areas of linguistic concern: the analysis of dialogue, especially of live conversation, and the analysis of monologue” (Longacre, 1996, p. 7). The Falam folktales used in this study were produced as written texts by a single author, therefore, they may be referred to as monologue types (Dooley & Levinshohn, 2001, p. 4).

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2.4.2 Cohesion Cohesion is concerned with meaning, and has been the essential topic discussed in discourse analysis. It is the fundamental linguistic element, that corresponds with continuity of content, and creates semantic links within text35 between sentence and paragraph. Without cohesion devices, a text may not achieve a sense of well-established meaning.

Grimes (1975, p. 133) mentions three different kinds of relationships, which underlie discourse semantics, and one of them is the aspect of cohesion. They are content relationship, staging relationship, and cohesion relationship. Content relationship is concerned with cognitive or referential structure which cope with lexical and rhetorical relationships. Staging relationship is concerned with the expression of a speaker’s ideas, attitudes or perspective on the topic which is being addressed. Cohesion relationship is concerned with things which connect a discourse as a unified whole. Researchers have articulated the concept of cohesion in different ways, but substantially they agree on the fundamental meaning of the term.

Carter (1998, p. 80) gives a brief definition of cohesion as “the means by which texts are linguistically connected.” The linguistic devices in a coherent text always display a meaningful relation. Otherwise, an adequate mental representation of the text could not be achieved. Dooley and Levinsohn’s definition (2001, p. 27) reflects this relation: linguistic signals, also referred to as ‘cohesive ties,’ show “how the part of the text with which they occur links up conceptually with some other part.”

The meaningful interrelations in a text imply that the interpretation of an element is based on that of another. Halliday and Hasan (1976, p. 4) put it as follows:

“Cohesion occurs where the interpretation of some element in the discourse is dependent on that of another. The one presupposes the other, in the sense that it cannot be effectively decoded except by recourse to it. When this happens, a relation of cohesion is set up, and the two elements, the presupposing and the presupposed, are thereby at least potentially integrated into a text.”

The concept of cohesion is easy to be mistaken for ‘coherence.’ Both terms concern relations of meaning, and are normally treated as complementary concepts in discourse analysis. The difference between the two concepts is that cohesion is an observable linguistic phenomenon, which concerns how parts of a text are mutually

35 Throughout this research paper, the two terms ‘discourse’ and ‘text’ are used synonynmously.

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connected within a sequence, whereas coherence is a cognitive or notional concept that concerns how “the components of the textual world are made mutually accessible and relevant” (Carter, 1998, pp. 103-104).

From what has been noted, it is obvious that cohesion plays the key role in discourse analysis. Though a text that is cohesive may not necessarily be coherent, it is impossible for a text to fully make sense without cohesion. Therefore, it may be concluded that cohesion devices in text serve only as aids to understanding for the addressee.

2.5 Theoretical framework Of the three selected ‘cohesion’ sources, Halliday and Hasan (1976) has been the best-known work. They describe five different types of cohesion: reference, substitution, ellipsis, conjunction, and lexical cohesion. In Halliday (1985, 2004), these have been refined, and tightened up to four major types—substitution and ellipsis are treated under one category. Another description of cohesion is that of Dooley and Levinsohn (2001), which identified six major types of cohesion: descriptive expressions alluding to earlier entities, identity, lexical relations, morphosyntactic patterns, signals of relations between propositions, and intonation patterns. The major types of cohesion including their sub-types in these sources are listed in table 21.

Table 21 Comparison of the Three Selected Sources

Halliday & Hasan (1976)

Dooley & Levinsohn (2001)

Halliday & Matthiessen (2004)

Reference -Personal -Demonstrative -Comparative Substitution -Nominal -Verbal -Clausal Ellipsis -Nominal -Verbal -Clausal

Descriptive expressions Identity -Repetition (whole or partial) -Lexical replacement -Pronouns -Other pro-forms -Substitution -Ellipsis Lexical relations -Hyponymy -Part-whole

Conjunction -Elaboration (appositive, clarifying) -Extension (additive, adversative, varying) -Enhancement (matter, manner, spatio-temporal, causal-conditional) Reference -Co-reference (Personal, demonstrative)

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Halliday & Hasan (1976)

Dooley & Levinsohn (2001)

Halliday & Matthiessen (2004)

Conjunction -Additive -Adversative -Causal -Temporal Lexical Cohesion -Reiteration (same word, synonym or near-synonym, superordinate, general word) -Collocation

-Collocation Morphosyntactic patterns -Consistency of inflectional categories -Echoic utterances -Discourse pragmatic structuring Signals of relations between propositions Intonation patterns

-Comparative reference (general, specific) Substitution and Ellipsis -Clause (yes/no, wh) -Group (verbal, nominal) Lexical cohesion -Elaborating (repetition, synonymy, hyponymy) -Extending (meronymy) -Enhancing (collocation)

Dooley and Levinsohn (2001) is largely based on Halliday and Hasan (1976), and most of their descriptions of cohesion overlap with those of Halliday and Hasan, except for a few categories such as other pro-forms,36 consistency of inflectional categories, and intonation patterns. The following table is the resultant framework of the integration of the three sources. The first three types are grammatical, and the fourth, lexical. Since this research is restricted to written texts, the category of ‘intonation patterns’ is excluded from the list.

36 The concept of ‘pro-verb’ is already introduced in Halliday and Hasan (1976, pp. 125-7), but in

Dooley and Levinsohn (2001), it is treated as one of the sub-categories of identity.

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Table 22 The Resultant Framework of Cohesion

General type Major type Sub-type

Grammatical Cohesion

IDENTITY

Reference -personal -demonstrative -comparative37

Other pro-forms -pro-verb Substitution -nominal

-verbal -clausal

Ellipsis -nominal -verbal -clausal

CONJUNCTION

Apposition Clarification Addition Variation Spatio-temporal Manner Causal-conditional Matter

INFLECTIONAL PATTERN

Lexical Cohesion

LEXICAL RELATION

Repetition38 Synonymy Hyponymy Meronymy Collocation

The first major type of cohesion, IDENTITY, is concerned with cohesive elements that link to ‘identical forms, identical meaning, or identical reference or denotation” (Dooley & Levinsohn, 2001, p. 29). Identity can be classified into four subtypes: reference, other pro-forms, substitution, and ellipsis. Examples of each type are presented briefly below.

37 Comparative signals partial identity of denotation differently from others belonging to reference sub-

type.

38 In the framework used in the thesis, repetition is considered to be an identity relation according to

Halliday & Matthiessen’s classification (2004), and it belongs to lexical relation. Note that Dooley &

Levinsohn (2001) included repetition under identity, which is a category dedicated to signal something

associated with identity.

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Reference is futher divided into three types: personal, demonstrative, and comparative. Personal reference is expressed through the category of ‘person’ (i.e. personal pronouns, possessive pronouns, and possessive determiners). Demonstrative reference is expressed through the category of ‘location’— determiners and adverbs. And comparative reference is expressed through the category of ‘identity’ or ‘similarity.’ Each of these types is illustrated in the following sentences (51-53).

(51) Adrianna said she would like to visit Myanmar with her brother. (personal)

(52) Those are his original ideas. (demonstrative)

(53) If you don’t like the first option, choose the other option. (Comparative)

The term Other pro-forms in Dooley and Levinsohn (2001, p. 29) suggests that there are other kinds of pro-forms besides pronouns. Sentence (54) demonstrates an example of the pro-verb type.

(54) I told someone to feed the cat. Has it been done?

Substitution and Ellipsis can be treated as the same process. In substitution, one item is replaced by another item, and in ellipsis an item is omitted, but it can be interpreted that the item is replaced by zero as a form of substitution. Substitution can occur in three main contexts: nominal, verbal, and clausal. Below (55-60) is example of each type taken from Halliday and Hasan (1976).

(55) These biscuits are stale. Get some fresh ones. (nominal)

(56) He never really succeeded in his ambitions. He might have done, one felt, had it not been for the restlessness of his nature. (verbal)

(57) Is there going to be an earthquake? It says so. (clausal)

Examples (58-60) show that ellispsis also occurs in the same three contexts: nominal, verbal, and clausal.

(58) Four other Oysters followed them, and yet another four (0). (nominal)

(59) Have you been swimming? Yes, I have (0). (verbal)

(60) Has she taken her medicine? She has (0). (clausal)

The second major type of cohesion, CONJUNCTION, is concerned with cohesive elements that create certain meanings within a text, and thereby presuppose the

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presence of other elements in the discourse (Halliday & Hasan, 1976, p. 226). It differs from IDENTITY in that it does not link identical elements, but only “signals relationship that can only be fully understood through reference to other parts of the text (Nunan, 1993, p. 26). Conjunctive devices can be classified into eight categories: apposition, clarification, addition, variation, spatio-temporal, manner, causal-conditional, and matter. Each of these concepts, taken largely from Hansan (2004, pp. 540-548), is briefly presented and exemplified in (61-68).

(61) In downtown Yangon, motorbikes are not allowed, that is, they are prohibited. (Apposition: Some element is re-presented, or restated, either by exposition, the ‘i.e.’ relation, or by example, the ‘e.g.’ relation)

(62) Failure in a great enterprise is at least a noble fault. (Clarification: some element is not simply restated but reinstated, summarized, made more precise or in some other way clarified for the purposes of the discourse)

(63) Pride goeth before, and shame cometh after. (Addition: It is either positive and, negative nor or adversative but)

(64) Sometimes it lasts in love, but sometimes it hurts instead. (Variation: It involves replacive instead, subtractive except and alternative or types)

(65) If you doubt yourself, then indeed you stand on shaky ground. (Spatio-temporal: Spatial relations are expressed through spatial references (here, there), spatial adverbs (behind, nearby), and expressions containing a place noun or adverb plus reference item (in the same place, anywhere else). Temporal relations occur when some events in a text are conjunctively related in terms of the temporal unfolding of their happenings)

(66) Watch him and do likewise. (Manner: Manner conjunctives create cohesion by comparison, or by reference to means)

(67) As a man sows, so he shall reap. (Causal-conditional: In Causal-conditional, one is the cause, and another, the consequence)

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(68) I can't go along with you on that point. (Matter: Cohesion is achieved by reference to the ‘matter’ that has gone before. Many expressions of matter are spatial metaphors, involving words like point, ground, field; and these become conjuntive when coupled with reference items)

The third major type of cohesion, INFLECTIONAL PATTERN, is concerned with cohesion through the consistency/identity of inflectional categories in a sequence of clauses and sentences, for example, tense, aspect, etc. (Dooley & Levinsohn, 2001, pp. 30-31). Example (69) demonstrates a tense-marking inflectional pattern.

(69) The jumper landed sideways on the slope. The right ski snapped just in front of the boot. (The verbs landed and snapped in the past tense implies that both of these events are part of the main narrative sequence)

LEXICAL RELATION, the fourth major type of cohesion, is concerned with cohesive patterns established through the choice of lexical items—“a kind of choice that is open-ended, the selection of a lexical item that is in some way related to one occurring previously” (Halliday & Hasan, 1976, pp. 274, 303). Hoey (1991, p. 10) observes that lexical cohesion is “the only type of cohesion that regularly forms multiple relationships” in a text. It can be interpreted into five sub-types, such as repetition, synonymy, hyponymy, meronymy, and collocation. Each of these types are exemplified with examples (70-74) drawn from Halliday & Hasan (1976).

(70) Algy met a bear. The bear was bulgy. (Repetition)

(71) Everyone cheered. The leader acknowledged the applause. (Synonymy)

(72) Noah’s wife and his sons’ wives went to the fields to gather fruit and grain and vegetables. They would need plenty of food for themselves and the animals on the ark. (Hyponymy)

(73) Only apples grow on apple trees. (Meronymy)

(74) A little fat man of Bombay was smoking one very hot day. But a bird called a snip. Flew away with his pipe, which vexed the fat man of Bombay. (Collocation)

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2.6 Summary Falam uses the Roman script for its orthography in a system developed in 1927 by J. H. Cope. It has twenty-one consonants, and five written vowels. It is a tonal language with four tones: low, high, rising, and falling. The basic word order is S–O–V. The morphology of Falam indicates that it is an agglutinative language, and verbs and nouns are the two lexical categories frequently agglutinated. Notably, modifiers with adjectival function in Falam are syntactically verbs. The markings of the noun phrases indicates that it is an ergative system. NPs can be head-initial, head-embedded, or head-final, and occur in the position of the subject, object, and object of postposition. The relative clauses, and complement clauses take the same structure as the main clause, and always precede the main clause. Relative clause NPs are head–initial or head–final. Copulas are employed to express non–verbal constructions, specifically for equational, locative, existential, and possessive clauses. They are obligatory, and occur at the end of a clause. The concept of ‘discourse analysis’ is taken as a methodology, which covers two areas of concern: context, and language. Cohesion is an observable linguistic element, which makes sense of a text, and may fall into the area of language concern. Finally, the integration of the three selected sources is resulted in four major types of cohesion: identity, conjunction, inflectional pattern, and lexical relation.

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Cohesion in The Story of

“Ngai Tah and Her Mother”

3.1 Introduction The analysis presented in this chapter explores cohesive devices found in the story of Ngai Tah and Her Mother. The study is based on the theoretical framework laid out in chapter 2. The framework covers two domains: (a) grammatical, and (b) lexical cohesion. Grammatical cohesion deals with structural cohesive ties through identity, conjunction, and inflectional pattern, whereas lexical cohesion deals with a relationship between lexcal items. The discussion begins with the summary of the story. Secondly, it presents the analysis of the four major categories—(a) identity: (i) reference, (ii) pro–forms, (iii) substitution, and (iv) ellipsis; (b) conjunction: (i) apposition, (ii) clarification, (iii) addition, (iv) variation, (v) spatio–temporal, (vi) manner, (vii) causal–conditional, and (viii) matter; (c) inflectional pattern; and (d) lexical relation: (i) repetition, (ii) synonymy, (iii) hyponymy, (iv) meronymy, and (v) collocation. Finally, the results and summary of the chapter are given.

3.2 Folktale Summary The first story, Ngai Tah and Her Mother, is about a young girl who was thrown in a flood by her fellow villagers. The story is written in a third-person perspective by a native speaker, Salai Pa Sang (1984). It consists of eighty sentences. The characters involved are humans. The interlinearization and the translation were done by the author using the SIL's Fieldworks Language Explorer.39 The summary of the story is as follows:

Long, long ago, there was a beautiful young village girl called Ngai Tah. She was very beautiful and everyone in the village loved her. Her eyes glowed like the night stars and sparkled like the eyes of a cicada, and her hair was as black as the

39 https://software.sil.org/fieldworks/

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beautiful night sky. Everything she did was graceful and dignified. Whenever people met her, their concerns would melt away and they would be at peace.

One day it began to rain. It rained and rained and rained. Soon the rivers were overflowing their banks and Ngai Tah’s village, and all the surrounding towns and villages, were flooded. All the villagers, even the animals in the forest, had to leave their homes and start climbing the mountains to escape the flood.

It kept raining, and raining, and raining, and the water kept rising, and rising, and rising. Eventually, even many of the mountains were covered by the flood. The people kept climbing, and climbing, and climbing, and they soon all gathered at the top of the biggest mountain that had not yet flooded. Ngai Tah and her mother climbed, and climbed, and climbed, and got to the top of the mountain, but many, many, people, and many, many, animals were drowned. And still it kept raining, and raining, and raining, and water was everywhere, and the whole world was like the ocean.

Now, the stormy water was making the sound, “Ngai, Ngai, Ngai,” and people thought that the flood must be calling Ngai Tah, so they decided to drop her little handkerchief into the water. As soon as the handkerchief sank, the flood waters went down.

But still it kept raining, and raining, and raining, and before long the water was as high as ever. So then they threw her clothes into the water, and then all her belongings, and the flood waters went down again.

But still it kept raining, and raining, and raining, and before long the water was once more as high as ever. Finally, the people decided that it would be better for one person to die than the whole nation perish, and they seized Ngai’s Tah’s mother, and threw Ngai Tah into the water. As Ngai Tah was sinking, her mother cried “Ngaite, we will meet again at the salt bowl!”

After Ngai Tah had sunk, the rain stopped, and the waters went down again. Eventually everything dried up, but Ngai Tah became a great fish called Ngathaisawn, which was half-fish and half-human.

Ngai Tah’s mother was very sad over the loss of her daughter, and every day she cried and her tears became great salt wells. In order to cope with her loss, she decided to weave a great handloom. The handloom was so large that it went from mountain to mountain and no one could reach the shuttle. Many birds came to

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help, but only one old hornbill was able to fly to the end of the loom and make a knot. Ngai Tah’s mother missed her daughter and wandered all over the land and the mountains crying, “Ngaite”, but there was no answer, and in all the places she blew her nose, it turned into a pillar of salt.

Eventually, Ngai Tah’s mother died, still mourning her beloved daughter, and she too became a pillar of salt. It was said that she and her daughter, Ngai Tah, would often meet each other at the salt bowl!

3.3 Identity Cohesion through identical forms or denotation covers four subclasses such as reference, pro–forms, ellipsis, and substitution. The analysis of the story of Ngai Tah and Her mother showed that there were only two classes of identical denotation found to be at work in creating text–internal cohesive links such as (a) reference and (b) ellipsis. Substitution and pro–forms of any kind are not present. Cohesive links were created in seventy instances through the utilization of references and in two instances through ellipsis. Each of these, including their subclasses, will be discussed in the following sections. Table 23 describes the raw data and the percentage frequency of reference and ellipsis.

Table 23 Frequency of Identity Items

Types Raw Data Frequency40 reference 70 97% ellipsis 2 3%

3.3.1 Reference All three types of reference proposed in the theoretical framework in chapter 2 are found in the story. There were forty-eight incidences of cohesion through personal reference, fifteen incidences through demonstrative reference, and seven incidences through comparative reference. The following sections (3.3.1––3) will present each of these types with examples.

40 The frequency (or the raw data) provided here represents only the distribution within the given

category of cohesion; here, the category is Identity Items. This applies to other frequency statements in

the subsequent sections of the chapters, except for the overall result tables.

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3.3.1.1 Personal Reference The category of personal reference in English is divided into three classes: personal pronouns, possessive determiners, and possessive pronouns (Halliday & Hasan, 1976, p. 43). In the story of Ngai Tah, and her mother, one instance of personal pronoun and forty–seven instances of possessive determiners were found. The personal pronoun is amah ‘3SG’, and the possessive pronouns are a ‘3SG.POSS’, an ‘3PL.POSS’, mai ‘one’s’, amah 3SG. POSS’, mah ‘generalized person’, and kan ‘1PL.POSS’. There is no evidence of the use of possessive pronouns. Table 24 is a list of these personal reference devices with their occurrences.41

Table 24 Personal Reference Items

Categories Falam Lexical Gloss Text Frequency

Pronouns amah 3SG ‘he/she/it’ # 69 1 Determiners (Posessive pronouns/ Adjectives)

a 3SG.POSS ‘his/her/its’ # 2 (+34) 35 an 3PL.POSS ‘their’

(male/female) # 6, 8, 30, 80 4

mai one’s (generalized person) # 21 1 amah 3SG.POSS ‘its’ # 69 1 mah ‘one’ (generalized person) # 61 1 Kan 1PL.POSS ‘our’

(male/female) # 36, 42, 51, 58, 61

5

In the story, there was only one specified incidence of personal pronoun, of which the third person singular pronoun amah ‘3SG’ is the referential item. Sentence (75) is the context in which the pronoun amah ‘3SG’ is anaphorically utilized. It functions as head in the subject position for the referent Ngai Tah’s mother (NT. 064).

(75) Amah khal cu cilung =ah a cang ta. she also about pillar of salt at she turn RELQ 3SG.NOM ADV TOP N LOC AGR V RELQ She also became a pillar of salt. (NT.069)

In some instances, personal pronouns are left out or omitted due to the grammatical requirment of the language, but the pronominal clitic (or agreement marker) is always required. The clitic serves a grammatical function for the subject noun or pronoun. Thus, in the story of Ngai Tah and Her mother, the utilization of personal

41 Falam Chin does not have gender distinctions in personal pronouns.

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forms as reference items is not evidenced much on the surface level. The omission of a personal pronoun with an anaphoric reference can be observed in (76), and (77). The omitted pronouns (plus topic markers) are underlined in brackets, and in bold. The pronomical clitics are underlined without brackets, and in bold.

(76) (Amah cu) A umhar =cun a vak a tawi vivo. She TOP she feel lonely AJT she walk she meander continously PRO TOP ARG V AJT ARG V ARG V CONT Feeling lonesome, she was meandering around. (NT.065)

(77) Cui =hnu =ah =cun (Amah cu) a lungleng=cun a thi ta. that after at AJT She TOP she mourn AJT she die RELQ DET POST LOC AJT PRO TOP ARG V AJT ARG V RELQ After that, she (Ngai Tah’s mother) died mourning. (NT.068)

Unlike personal pronouns, the use of possessive adjectives (determiners) is pervasive in the story. There were altogether forty-nine incidences of these adjectives with a cohesive function. Thirty-eight of them were occurrences of a ‘3SG.POSS’, five of them of an ‘3PL.POSS’, one of them of mai ‘one’s’, one of them of amah ‘3SG.POSS’, one of them of mah ‘one’, and three of them of kan ‘1PL.POSS’. All of them, except mah, were anaphorically used, and function as premodifiers of their head nouns. A cohesive chain of these possessive determiners can be observed in (78). They are used in reference to Ngai Tah’s mother (NT.064). The possessed items are in bold, and the determiners are underlined and in bold.

(78) A fanu––te ngai =cun tlang ikip le her daughter––small miss AJT mountain everywhere and 3SG.POSS N––DIM V AJT N N CONJ

ram ikip a hrawngsuak ih a mitthli le land everywhere she wander and her tear and N N ARG V CONJ 3SG.POSS N CONN

a changhnap thawn … her mucus with 3SG.POSS N POST She (Ngai Tah’s mother) missed her daughter and wandered all over the land and the mountains, and with her tears and her mucus … (NT.066)

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Mah is a generalized person form with an individual human referent, meaning that it does not make a specific reference to a particular person or thing in the story. It is more of a term used by the author in reference to his general audience. Since it is a reference to something outside the text, it is exphoric, and may not be a significant part of creating cohesion in the texture of the story. Mah is included here in the category of possessive determiners because the structure of the postpositional phrase, in which it occurs, implies a possessive nature, i.e., the land is owned by the generalized person mah, as demonstrated in (79). The postpositional phrase is in bold, and the possessive determiner mah is underlined.

(79) Mah le ram thawn a nai -deuh mi oneself and land with it near more that PRO CONJ N POST ARG V INTS REL

le tlang -sang -deuh -pawl khi and mountain high more plural that CONJ N ADJ INTS PL DET Those mountains that are relatively high and closer to one and his land (NT.061)

3.3.1.2 Demonstrative Reference Like English (Halliday & Matthiessen, 2004, p. 556), Falam demonstrative reference items also function in nominal and adverbial groups. These demonstrative items help to contribute to the internal cohesion of the story of Ngai Tah and her mother. Fifteen references were detected. Of these, twelve incidences were selective nominal demonstratives, and three were adverbial demonstratives. They can be categorized into seven forms: hi, khi, cui, kha, khativek, cutin, and cuti. Table 25 displays each of these forms on a scale of proximity, along with the contexts in which they occur in the story, and their grammatical functions.

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Table 25 Demonstrative Reference Items

Class Forms Context Function Proximity Nominal Group (determiner)

hi [NP+hi]NP [hi+NP+hi]NP

postmodifier pre & post

near speaker (this)

khi

[NP+khi]NP

[RELCL+khi]REL NP Postmodifier head

far from the speaker & addressee (that)

cui [cui+NP]NP [cui+NP+Post]LOC

premodifier

far from speaker & addressee (that)

kha

[NP+kha]NP

postmodifier

far from speaker, but near to addressee (that)

Adverbial Group (adverb)

khativek [khativek+AJT]MANNER adjunct

in that way cutin [Cutin]MANNER that way cuti [Cuti+ih]CAUSAL MANNER because of that

On a scale of proximity, the nominal demonstratives hi, khi, cui, and kha refer to the location of a person or object that is participating in the story. All of the demonstratives in the story were utilized anaphorically, and functioned as head, premodifier, and postmodifier. Example (80), the opening sentence of the story, shows the anophoric use of the form hi ‘this’, which specifies the identity of its referent Ngai Tah as an entity that has already been introduced.

(80) Ngai Tah hi fala tleirawl—te a si. Ngai Tah this girl teenage—small she be PROP DEM N N—DIM ARG COP (This) Ngai Tah is a teenage girl. (NT.01)

The hi occurs in the opening line of the story, and presumably makes an anaphorical reference to the girl Ngai Tah in the title of the story—‘Ngai Tah and Her Mother’. Here, it functions as a postmodifier of the noun Ngai Tah. Though proximity can be distinguished by each demonstrative, numbers are not. This is evident in (81) in which the remote term khi, often used for a singular noun (NT.059, 060), is found functioning as a reference for a plural noun, and as head in the relative clause. The khi (underlined and in bold) can only be decoded by reference to its immediate

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antecedent, which constitutes a large part of the relative noun phrase (in bold) in the example below. (81) … Falam peng Conghoih khaw-lu tlang lenpi tlang-tluan … Falam mile Conghoih village-head mountain lenpi mountain-slope … N N N N-SUFF N N N-SUFF pa-hnih sang=hlei deuh a um mi khi a si. CLF-two high=more more it exist that that it be CLF-NUM ADJ=ADV ADV ARG V REL DEM ARG COP (lit.) It is those that are two high mountains in the Lenpi mountain Range of the upper section of Conghoih village in Falam township. (NT.058)

Like the nominal demonstratives, adverbial demonstratives also make the spatial distinctions or some similar deitic references as in (82). The two commonly found adverbial demonstratives in many languages here, and there are not present in the story. However, there were two manner adverbial demonstratives (khativek in ‘in that way’ and cutin ‘that way’), and one causal manner adverbial demonstrative (cuti ih ‘because of that’) that the story had used. These adverbial demonstratives are morphologically derived from the nominal demonstratives. (82) Cutin a nun ui cing le tap cing in

that way her life unwilling while and cry while AJT DEM 3SG N V ADV CONJ V ADV AJT

Ngai Tah cu ti-pi sung-ah a pil. Ngai Tah about water-big inside-at she sink PROP TOP sea POST-LOC ARG V That way, though Ngai Tah cried and did not want to die, she sank in the water. (NT.043)

Cutin ‘that way’ is the item functioning cohesively as a manner adverbial demonstrative. It contributes to the internal cohesion of the text by referring anaphorically to the preceding information of any extent (NT.042) and extended text that has led to the present situation of the girl Ngai Tah in (82).

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3.3.1.3 Comparative Reference Like demonstrative reference items, comparative reference items also function in nominal and adverbial groups (Halliday & Matthiessen, 2004, p. 556). They can be grouped as general comparison (identity, similarity, and difference) and specific comparison (quality and quantity). There were seven incidences of comparative reference in the story. One of them is a specific comparison, and the rest are general comparisons. They were expressed by means of conjunction and adverb, and functioned as elements within the nominal group, and the adjectival predicate. Table 26 gives the summary of these comparative reference items.

Table 26 Comparative Reference Items

Type Items Class Function Context General Comparison

Bangin ‘similar to’ vek ‘just like’

-CONJ -CONN -Nominal Group

Specific Comparison

Hnakcun…deuh ‘better than’

-CONJ -ADV

-CONN -AJT

-Clause -Adjectival Predicate

In (83), a general comparison is made between two entities through the use of the deitic comparative bangin, meaning ‘just like’ or ‘similar to’: (a) between the girl Ngai Tah’s eyes, i.e. a mitmen cu lit. ‘her eyes opening’ and the star at the night, i.e. zan ih arsi ‘the night’s star’; and (b) between her eyeballs, i.e. a mitmu ‘her eyeball’ and the cicada’s eyes, i.e. thengre mit ‘cicada eye’. Though the referents are things here, the comparison is precisely the process—the identity of being beautiful and pure. Thus, the referencing point may be said to be cataphoric here.

(83) A mitmen cu zan ih arsi bangin her eyes.open about night at star just like 3SG N TOP N POST N CONJ

a mawi ih a mitmu cu thengre mit bangin it beautiful and her eyes.ball about cicada eyes just like ARG V CONJ 3SG eyeball TOP N N CONJ

a thiang in a fai. it pure and it clean ARG V CONJ 3SG V Her eyes glowed like the stars at night and sparkled like the eyes of a cicada (NT.004)

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Example (84) demonstrates a particular comparison of quality, in which through the construction hnakcun … deuh lit. ‘than…more’, the comparative element mi hmuahhmuah kan thih thluh ‘the death of everyone’ is said to be inferior to its referent minung pa-khat thih ‘the death of one person’. Here, since the comparative hnakcun ‘than’ can only be decoded in relation to the succeeding information, the referencing may be interpreted as cataphoric.

(84) Tidai le a kai sinsin thotho i, “Ngai, Ngai, Ngai” water also it climb more.and.more still and Ngai Ngai, Ngai N ADV 3SG V ADV ADV CONJ N N N

a ti thotho si, mi hmuahhmuah kan thih thluh hnakcun it say still be one all we die completely than 3SG V ADV PRT PRO ADJ 1PL V ADV CONJ

minung pa-khat thih cu a tha deuh ding an ti i human CL-one die about it good more will they say and N CL-NUM V TOP 3SG V ADV FUT 3PL V CONJ

Ngai Tah cu thlak an tum. Ngai Tah about drop they plan PROP TOP V 3PL V Since the water continued to rise, and sound, "Ngai, Ngai, Ngai", they reasoned that it would be better for one person to die than everyone perish; (so) they planned to drop Ngaitah (in the water). (NT.036)

3.3.2 Ellipsis None of the three categories of substitution, i.e. nominal, verbal, nor clausal, are found in the story of Ngai Tah and Her Mother. Cohesion through ellipsis is detected in two instances, in the contexts of nominal, and verbal groups. Falam elliptical structure seems to be a less strictly cohesive relation than that of English, which is an overtly textual relation and identifiable without any difficulty. Halliday and Hasan (1976) explain ‘ellipsis’, as a general rule, as a situation in which “something that is structurally necessary is left unsaid; there is a sense of incompleteness associated with it”. This is observed in the story, as in (83), and (84).

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3.3.2.1 Nominal Ellipsis Example (85) shows an ellipsis within the nominal group. The sentence contains only the predicate thih le thih thluh ‘die completely’. The element that is structurally necessary, but ellipsed is the whole of the subject argument. The subject is presupposed, and can only be recovered anaphorically from the preceding text in the story. The presupposed subject refers to ‘people’ in the first plural form, and can thus be interpreted as the nominal phrase [Ø: kan zaten ‘we all’]. The adverb zaten ‘all’ is attached to the argument because it is implied and semantically required by the other adverb thluh ‘completely’ in the sentence.

(85) [Ø: kan zaten] thih le thih thluh. we all die and die completely 1PL.NOM ADV V CONJ V ADV [Ø: We all] die if necessary. (NT.038)

3.3.2.2 Verbal Ellipsis Example (86) may also be observed as an ellipsis, specifically within the verbal group. The sentence shows a sense of incompleteness, and requires for the missing information to be retrieved from elsewhere, though the context does not appear as explicit as in (85), particularly as to whether the presupposed item is structurally necessary.

(86) A nu–i mit lawngah [Ø: mawi] a si lo; her mother–’s eye only beautiful 3SG be not 3SG N–POSS N ADJ V it COP NEG

A hmuh-tu hmuahhmuah in an thin a nuam. it see-someone all ERG their liver it glad 3SG N ADJ ERG 3PL.POSS N 3SG V It is not only in her mother’s eyes [(that) Ø: she is beautiful]; Everyone who sees her feels peace in their hearts. (NT.006)

The information [Ø: mawi ‘beautiful’] is presupposed in this sentence, and it can only be decoded from previous NT.004, 005, 003, and 002 which tells the beauty of the young girl Ngai Tah. The thin a nuam ‘feel peace in heart’ in the second clause of example (86) may not be interpreted as the cataphoric reference of the elliptical item, but rather as a result, or a re-affirmation of the girl’s beauty in a different way.

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3.4 Conjunction Of the eight major types of conjunction, only four of them were found in the story of Ngai Tah and Her mother––(a) addition, (b) spatio–temporal, (c) manner, and (d) causal-conditional. Each of these conjunctives, along with their subtypes, will be exemplified and briefly discussed. Some devices that appear to be conjunctives, but are likely non-cohesive, or do not carry a strong cohesive force, are not included in the analysis. The four conjunctive types that were not present are apposition, clarification, variation, and matter. Table 27 gives the raw data and percentage frequency of conjunctive elements.

Table 27 Frequency of Conjunctions

Types Raw Data Frequency addition 14 61% spatio-temporal 5 22% manner 2 9% causal-conditional 2 9%

3.4.1 Addition The subtypes of addition are (a) positive ‘and’, (b) negative ‘nor’, and (c) adversative ‘but’ types (Halliday & Matthiessen, 2004, p. 543). There are ten instances of positive relation, and four adversative relation. None of the negative relation types were found. The (positive) additive i ‘and’ was found in twenty-five instances. It shows the highest frequency among the conjunctive additives. However, since it never occurred initially in the sentence, nor did it operate above the clause structure, it was not included in the list. Table 28 is a list of the two types of the conjunctive additives, along with the text incidences and number of the occurrences of each additive.

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Table 28 Additive Conjunctives

Types Lexical Items Text Frequency positive khal ‘also’ # 8, 12, 14, 69, 73 5

ve ‘also/as well’ # 20, 44, 47 3 khal…ve ‘also’ # 24 1 khalah ‘also’ # 62 1

adversative cuang ‘still’ # 15 1 asinan…thotho ‘however…yet/still’

# 32 1

asinan ‘however’ # 41, 63 2

In (87), the additive i functions as a positive additive, which adjoins the two clauses Minung tam–pi cu an pil ‘many people were drowned’ and an thi ‘they died’. Unlike the English additive extension and, the i42 is always embedded between the clauses, i.e. at the end of one clause and the beginning of another, and never occurs in sentence–initial or final position.

(87) Minung tam–pi cu an pil i an thi. human many–big about they drown and they die N ADJ–AUG TOP ARG V CONJ ARG V Many people drowned, and they died. (NT.019)

Example (88) demonstrates an adversative relation through the utilization of the conjunctive form asinan…thotho ‘however…still’. The conjunctive form links the two clauses (NT.031 and 032) in a constrasting manner.

(88) Ti–dai cu a niam sualso lala. water–cold about it go down gradually again N–V TOP ARG V ADV ADV The water slowly receded again. (NT.031)

Asinan a kai=so sal thotho i a tam sinsin. However it climb=up again still and it grow more and more CONJ ARG V=V ADV ADV CONJ ARG V ADV However, it still continued to rise, and it was getting higher. (NT.032)

42 The conjunctive form i is sometimes written as ih in writing. And the same form may be used for

other markers such as postposition or possessive. Their grammatical functions can only be determined

by the functions they exhibit in the story.

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3.4.2 Spatio–temporal There are five instances of spatio–temporal relation in the text. Two of them are spatial, and the other three are complex temporal conjunctions. Simple temporal conjunctions were not detected. Table 29 gives the list of these conjunctions.

Table 29 Spatio–Temporal Conjunctives

Type Lexical Items Text Frequency spatial (cui tlang) ihsin ‘from( that mountain)’,

(cui hmun) ahcun ‘in (that place)’ #59, 68 2

temporal (complex)

(a rei) hlanah ‘before (long)’, (tawkfang) ahcun ‘soon’, (tu khal) ahhin ‘even now’

#28, 34, 58 3

Example (89) demonstrates an instance of the conjunctive spatial relation, which is realized by the the adverbial constituent cui hmun ahcun ‘in that place’ occurring in the sentence–initial position.

(89) Cui hmun ahcun a lungleng =cun a thi ta. that place at she mourn adjunct she die RELQ DET N POST ARG V AJT ARG V RELQ She died mourning (her daughter) there. (NT.068)

In (90), a temporal conjunction relationship is established by relating two events in terms of the timing of their occurrences through the use of the adverbial constitutent a rei hlanah ‘before long’––the events before and after the conjunction. The conjunctive phrase presupposes the former event in connection with the later event.

(90) A puan–te a pil veten vei–khat cu a niam sualso her cloth–small it sink as soon as CLF–one about it go down slowly 3SG.POSS N ARG V CONJ NUM TOP ARG V ADV

lawk nan a rei hlanah a hung tam–sal temporarily though it take long before it come many–again ADV CONJ ARG V CONJ ARG V V–SUFF

i a kai sinsin. and it climb more and more CONJ ARG V ADV

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Though the water receded for a little while as soon as the handkerchief had sunk, before long it rose again, and rose more and more. (NT.028)

3.4.3 Manner Manner falls into two subtypes—(a) comparative, and (b) means (Halliday & Matthiessen, 2004, p. 546). Two forms of manner conjunctive are utilized to create cohesion by reference to means. Table 30 shows these two forms with their text references and frequency distribution.

Table 30 Manner Conjunctives

Type Lexical Items Text Frequency means cutin ‘that way’ # 43 1

cutiih ‘like that way’ # 50 1

Example (91) is an illustration of the conjunctive manner relation. In a sense, the use of the conjuctive device cutin ‘that way’ is not a direct reference to any specific element in the text, but presupposes the presence of other componenets in the immediate or surrounding context, which specifically indicates the manner by which the girl Ngai Tah sank into the water.

(91) Cutin a nun ui cing le tap cing=in that way her life unwilling while and cry while=AJT CONJ 3SG.POSS N V ADV CONJ V ADV=AJT

Ngai Tah cu ti–pi sung–ah cun a pil. Ngai Tah about water–big inside–at AJT she sink PROP TOP N–AUG POST–LOC AJT ARG V

That way, although Ngai Tah was crying and unwilling to lose her life, she sank into the water. (NT.043)

3.4.4 Causal–Conditional In the story of Ngai Tah and Her mother, the generic form of causal relation is expressed by curuangah ‘therefore’. Halliday and Matthiessen’s (2004, p. 514) classification of causal–conditional falls into causal and conditional types. Causal type has two subtypes: (a) general, and (b) specific. Conditional type has three subtypes: (a) positive, (b) negative, and (c) concessive. None of the conditional types are found. Table 31 gives one causal conjunctive found in the story.

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Table 31 Causal–Conditional Conjunctives

Type Lexical Items Text Frequency Causal (general, specific)

curuangah ‘therefore’ # 40, 47 2

The conjunction curuangah ‘therefore’ in (92) is a general type of causal cohesive device, which as a causal-effect device links the first causal event (NT.039) cohesively to the subsequent, resultant event. (NT.040)

(92) A fanu neihsun thih hnakcun mi–dang cu her daughter only die rather than person–other about 3SG.POSS N ADJ V CONJ N–SUFF TOP an thih thluh hmanah a ziang a poi lo. they die completely even if her anything she matter not ARG V ADV CONJ 3SG.POSS N ARG V NEG Rather than the death of her only daughter, she would not even care if all of the other people had to die. (NT.039)

Curuangah a fanute cu a pawm ih an lawng thei lo. Therefore her daughter about she hold tight and they snatch able not CONJ 3SG.POSS N TOP ARG V CONJ ARG V ADV NEG Therefore, she clutched her daughter to her chest, and they could not take her. (NT.040)

3.5 Lexical Relation Cohesion is achieved through the utilization of all five types of lexical relation proposed in the theoretical framework in Chapter 2. These relations are repetition, synonymy, hyponymy, meronymy, and collocation. Of these relations, lexical repetition has the highest frequency with ninety-two instances, and the relation of meronymy has the least with five instances. Others include ten instances of synonymy, seven instances of hyponymy, and sixty instances of collocation. Each of these, as displayed in table 32, will be briefly discussed with examples in the following sections.

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Table 32 Frequency of Lexical Relation

Types Raw Data Frequency Repetition 92 53% Synonymy 10 6% Hyponymy 7 4% Meronymy 5 3% Collocation 60 34%

3.5.1 Repetition Repetition is an elaborating relation based on identity (Halliday & Matthiessen, 2004, p.574). There is a total of ninety–two instances of cohesive ties through lexical repetition in the story. The name Ngai Tah ‘the girl Ngai Tah’ has the highest frequency with thirty-four occurrences, and the noun phrase a nu/nu/nui ‘her mother/mother/mother’s’ as the second, with eleven occurrencs. There are also other lexical items that occur several times throughout the story, but do not create cohesive links, or contribute any strong cohesive force to the text based on identity relation. For that reason, they are not considered as cohesive lexical repetition. These weak, or non–cohesive instances may involve items such as (a) Nunau ‘girl’ # 9, 72, 73, 74, (b) hmuahhmuah ‘all’ # 6, 12, 36, 50, 51, 74, (c) mawi # 4, 9, (d) thin # 6, 8, (e), (f) neihsun ‘only begotten’ #37, 39, (g) ram ‘land’ # 66, 67, etc. The lexical items that are more straightforward and repeated cohesively in the story are set out in table 33. Italics represent item analysed for cohesion, and square brackets represent cohesively related forms, either exact or partial.

Table 33 Lexical Repetition

Items Text Frequency Ngai Tah––[Ngai, Ngaite] # 1––18(3), 23(3), 24, 26(3), 27(4),

34, 36(4), 41(2), 42(2), 43, 44, 46, 48, 51, 52, 58, 61, 64, 66, 78

34

thiamtlang–– [thiamtlang] # 59––61 1 tlang sang––[tlang sang] # 13––21 1 tlangsangnak–– [tlangsannak] # 14––24, 66 2 a nu––[nu, nui] # 6––37, 41, 42, 43, 48, 51, 52, 58,

61, 64, 79 11

ni––[ni] # 16 1 ti––[tidai] # 18––22, 26, 27(2), 31, 36, 44 7

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Items Text Frequency puante––[puante] # 27––28 1 minung––[minung] # 13––19, 25, 36, 47(3), 72 7 ramsa––[ramsa] # 14––20 1 tidai––[tidai] # 18––22, 26, 27(2), 31, 36 6 thilri le hnipuan–– [thilri le hnipuan]

# 34––35 1

fanu––[fanute] # 37––39, 40, 41, 42, 49 5 cikheng––[cikheng] # 42––80 1 Lungleng le umhar–– [lungleng le umhar]

# 48––52, 53 2

hnap––[changhnap] # 51––66 1 hnaphnitnak––[hnaphnitnak] # 67––50 1 cikhur––[cikhur] # 50––51, 67, 70, 71 4 thiambannak––[thiambannak] # 55––58, 1 senthang––[sen thang] # 67––70, 71 2 lungto––[lungto] # 71––72 1 Nunau zahmawh vek kua–– [nunau zahmawh vek kua ]

# 73––74 1

As Halliday and Matthiessen (2004, p. 572) remarked, “in order for a lexical item to be recognized as repeated it need not be in the same morphological shape”, a lexical item is sometimes repeated in a different form in the story. This can be observed in (93), in which the noun fanu ‘daughter’ in NT.039 is anaphorically repeated with a different form fanu–te ‘N–DIM’ in NT.040.

(93) A fanu neihsun thih hnakcun mi–dang cu her daughter only die rather than person–other about 3SG.POSS N ADJ V CONJ N–SUFF TOP

an thih thluh hmanah a ziang a poi lo. they die completely even if her anything she matter not ARG V ADV CONJ 3SG.POSS N ARG V NEG Rather than the death of her only daughter, she would not have cared even if all the people had to die. (NT.039)

Curuangah a fanu–te cu a pawm ih an lawng thei lo. Therefore her daughter about she hold tight and they snatch able not CONJ 3SG.POSS N TOP ARG V CONJ ARG V ADV NEG

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Therefore, she clutched her daughter to her chest, and they could not take her. (NT.040)

3.5.2 Synonymy Like repetition, synonymy is also an elaborating relation based on identity (Halliday & Matthiessen, 2004, p.574). There are nine forms synonymously and antonymically used in the story with the total frequency of ten occurrences. This includes a simple synonym vanruah––ruahti ‘heaven rain––rain water’, and synonyms of some higher level of generality such as tlik suar lakah––ti sungih, tipi sungah ‘in the stormy sea––in the sea’, citisuahnak––putsuaknak ‘(the hole) out of which the fluid comes––the hole out of which it comes’, and sen thang ram––cui hmun ah ‘sen thang land––in that place’. The antonyms are tivapi––tivate ‘big river––small river’, tlang sang––tlang niam ‘high mountain––low mountain’, tlang hram––tlang zim ‘bottom of the mountain––top of the mountain’ and tum suk––kai so ‘go down––go up’. All these instances have in common the fact that one lexical item points back to another signaling a common referent. The items of the synonymy and the four antonymic items are displayed in Table 34, with their instances and frequency. The items in the square brackets represent cohesively related, either synonymous or antonymic forms.

Table 34 Synonymous Forms

Items Text Frequency vanruah––[ruahti] # 10––15 1 tlik suar lakah––[ti sungih, tipi sungah] # 41––42, 43, 44 3 citisuahnak––[putsuaknak] # 73––77 1 tivapi––[tivate (ant)] # 12 1 tlang hram––[tlang zim (anti)] # 12––25 1 tlang sang––[tlang niam (ant)] # 13––17 1 tum suk––[kai so (ant)] # 34 1 sen thang ram––[cui hmun ah] # 67––68 1

Example (94) is an instance of a lexical relation of synonymy, in which ruahti ‘water rain’ in NT.015 refers back to vanruah ‘heaven rain’ in NT.010. There is no definite article employed unlike in English, or any marker that would signal the two forms as the same referent. The surrounding context and the partial repetition of the word, i.e. ruah, could be the mechanism by which the two elements are inferred as the same referent.

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(94) Kum=khat cu van–ruah a tam tuk lawmmam. Year=one about heaven–rain it many very too much N=NUM TOP N–N ARG V ADV ADV One year there was a lot of rain. (NT.010)

Ruah–ti a kang cuang lo. rain–water it dry still not N––N ARG V ADV NEG The rain still had not eased. (NT.015)

3.5.3 Hyponymy The general sense of hyponymy is ‘be a kind of’: that is, a lexical relationship based on classification: specific to general (Halliday & Matthiessen, 2004, pp. 575, 574). There are five hyponymous forms found in the story with the frequency of seven instances. These are vapual ‘hornbill’, puante ‘cloth’, kawrte ‘shirt’, ngathaisawn ‘(ngathaisawn) fish’, and sen thang ‘(sent thang) land’. The instances and frequency of these forms are displayed in Table 35. The items in the square brackets represent cohesively hyponymous forms.

Table 35 Hyponymous Forms

Items Text Frequency vate––[vapual] # 56––57 1 hnipuan––[puante, kawrte] # 34, 35––27, 28, 30 3 ngapi––[Ngathaisawn] # 46––47, 78 2 ram––[senthang] # 67 1

Sentence (95) is an instance of a lexical relationship, in which the relation of hyponymy occurs. Vapual ‘hornbill’ in NT.057 is semantically related to vate ‘bird’ in NT.056 by virtue of class, and vate is a subordinate of vapual.

(95) Vate phunkim an ra =suak nan an zuang=thleng thei lo. bird all kinds they come=out though they fly=arrive able not N ADJ ARG V=V CONJ ARG V=V ADV NEG All kinds of birds came out, but none of them could fly there. (NT.056)

Vapual in ngerh khat cu a bang thei an ti. hornbill ERG knot one about it hang able they say

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N ERG N NUM TOP ARG V ADV ARG V They said that the hornbill was able to do one knot. (NT.057)

3.5.4 Meronymy Meronymy is in some sense an extension of hyponymy. It describes part-whole, or ‘be a part of’ relationship between lexical items (Halliday & Matthiessen, 2004, pp. 575). There are four meronymic items with the frequency of five occurrences found in the story, as displayed in table 36: (1) pawhte ‘breast’, mitnu ‘eyeballs’, citi ‘fluid’, and ci ‘salt’. The items in the square brackets represent cohesively meronymic forms.

Table 36 Meronymic Forms

Items Text Frequency ngathaisawn––[pawhte] # 47 1 a ruang le a rai––[mitmu] # 3––4 1 lungto––[citi, ci] # 72––73, 74, 76 3

Example (96) demonstrates an instance of a meronymic relation; that is, the ‘be a part of’ relationship between ngathaisawn ‘(ngathaisawn) fish’, and pawhte ‘breast’––pawhte ‘breast’ is a part, or a meronym of ngathaisawn.

(96) Curuangah Ngathaisawn cu minung ihsin cang a si ruangah Therefore Ngathaisawn about human from turn into it be because CONJ N TOP N POST V ARG COP CONJ

Minung pianzia a nei i minung pawhte bangin pawhte a nei ve. human shape it have and human breast like breast it have also N N ARG V CONJ N N CONJ N ARG V ADV Therefore, as Ngathaisawn was a human turned into a fish, it also has the structure of a human body with a breast similar to breast of a human. (NT.047)

3.5.5 Collocation Collocation is semantically a relation of enhancement,43 concerned with a particular association between words––that is a tendency to co–occur (Halliday & Matthiessen,

43 Since collocations include, but are not confined to, their cohesive effects, they are not fixed but

comparatively variable, and should be approached as a spectrum in mind, ‘strong’ at one end of the

scale and ‘weak’ at the other.

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2004, pp. 576-577). There are sixty instances of collocational pattern that contribute the internal cohesion of the story. As Halliday and Matthiessen (2004, p. 572) remarked, collocations are not closed sets, and evidentially this is observed in the fact that some of the collocation patterns in the story shade into other lexical cohesion, involving synonymy (e.g. Ngapi––ngathaisawn), and antonymy (e.g. tivapi––tivate). Table 37 gives a list of the lexical items that collocate each other. The first items in the list represent forms analyzed for cohesion, and the ones in the square brackets represent collocationally cohesive forms.

Table 37 Collocational Patterns

Items Text Frequency Ruang––[rai] # 3 1 fala––[hnipuan] # 1––34, 35 2 tivapi––[tivate] # 12 1 hmunrawn––[tlang] # 12––(+15) 16 tlang––[kai, so] # 12––13, 14, 24 3 tipithuanthum––[ti, tidai, tisuar, tilik suar, tilikpi]

# 18––18, 44, 22, 26, 27(2), 31, 36, 41, 43

10

an mang––[a bang] # 30 1 ngai––[tap] # 49––43 1 ci––[cikhur, cilung, citi, citisuahnak]

# 76/79––50, 51, 67, 70, 71, 69, 74, 73

8

lungleng––[umhar] # 48/52/53––48, 52, 53 3 thiamtial––[bang] # 54––54, 55, 57 3 vate––[zuang] # 56 1 changhnap––[hnaphnitnak] # 66––50, 67 2 ngathaisawn––[ngapi, tidai] # 47/78––18, 22, 26,

27(2), 31, 36, 46 8

In (97), the words vate ‘bird’ and zuang ‘fly/jump’ signal a strong collocational connection in terms of Rang to Process44. The semantic basis is the fact that flying is an activity birds do naturally; thus, the occurrence of zuang after vate contributes a strong cohesive effect to the text.

44 The phrase Range to Process is used by Halliday and Matthiessen (2004, p. 577) to refer to

‘participant + process relationships’ that forms collocational cohesion between words.

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(97) Vate phunkim an ra =suak nan an zuang=thleng thei lo. bird all kinds they come=out though they fly=arrive able not N ADJ ARG V=V CONJ ARG V=V ADV NEG All kinds of birds came out, but none of them could fly there. (NT.056)

3.6 Results Figure (5) displays the overall results of the analysis of cohesive devices found in the story of Ngai Tah and Her Mother. The horizontal axis represents the four major categories of cohesion along with their subtypes, and the vertical axis represents the frequency distribution.

Figure 5 Frequency Distribution (NT)

26%

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Identity Conjunction Inflectional Pattern Lexical Relation

Grammatical Cohesion Lexical Cohesion

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3.7 Summary Three major types of cohesive strategies were found at work in creating text-internal cohesive links in the story, as summarized in figure (5). These are identity, conjunction, and lexical relation. There is no evidence of cohesion through inflectional pattern. Of the three major types of cohesion, lexical relation indicates the highest frequency of occurrence at 65%, and has proved to be an important factor in contributing to the internal cohesion of the story. The use of identical forms and conjunction are also substantial. A total of 27% instances were identical form, and 9% were conjunction. Identity is analyzed as having four subclasses, but only two of them were found––reference and ellipsis. Cohesive devices such as pro–forms and substitution did not appear in the text. The cohesive elements found under the category of conjunction are addition, spatio–temporal, manner, and causal–conditional. There were no instances of apposition, clarification, variation, and matter. Of all the devices detected, lexical relation is found to occur most extensively in the story, particularly by means of lexical repetition and collocational bond. The analysis has revealed that 34% of devices used in the story are lexical repetition, 26% reference, and 22% collocation. Ellipsis and manner were at 0.66%, and thus are considered occurring the least in the story.

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Cohesion in The Story of

“The Lady Who Drinks the Tiger’s Water”

4.1 Introduction This chapter presents the analysis of cohesive devices found in the story of The Lady Who Drinks the Tiger’s Water. The analysis is based on the theoretical framework laid out in Chapter 2. First, it gives the summary of the story. Second, it presents the analysis of the four major categories of cohesion—(a) identity: (i) reference, (ii) pro–forms, (iii) substitution, and (iv) ellipsis; (b) conjunction: (i) apposition, (ii) clarification, (iii) addition, (iv) variation, (v) spatio–temporal, (vi) manner, (vii) causal–conditional, and (viii) matter; (c) inflectional pattern; and (d) lexical relation: (i) repetition, (ii) synonymy, (iii) hyponymy, (iv) meronymy, and (v) collocation. Finally, the results and summary of the chapter are given.

4.2 Folktale Summary The second folktale, The Lady Who Drinks the Tiger’s Water, is about a young man whose lover was half-human and half-tiger. The story is written in a third-person perspective by a native speaker, Salai Pa Sang (1984). It consists of seventy-one sentences. The characters involved are humans and tiger-human. The interlinearization and the translation were done by the author using the SIL's Fieldworks Language Explorer. The summary of the story is as follows:

A long time ago in a village, there was a young man and a young woman who were deeply in love with each other. Every day, they went to the farm, and worked together. They enjoyed each other’s company so much that sometimes they would forget the time to go home. The days with each other passed by so quickly and their love for each other grew deeper and deeper each passing day.

One hot summer afternoon, when the intense heat induced a great thirst, the young woman told her man that she was desperately thirsty. So the young man decided to go and fetch some water from a faraway river. Before he set out, he anxiously told his girl not to drink from the tiger’s well. However, because the young man took too

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long on his journey, the girl could no longer stand her thirst, and decided to drink from the tiger’s well. When the young man finally came back, she was no longer thirsty. The young man gave her water, but she did not want to drink it. Immediately, the young man knew that her girl had drunk from the tiger’s well. The young woman was sad because she knew she was no longer fully human. As the evening sun was setting in, the man asked the girl to go home with him. When they were getting close to their village, the woman roared, jumped, and disappeared.

The young woman would hunt, and every day would leave thighs of various prey at their hut on the farm. This made her parents glad. However, one day she left a human thigh, and that greatly frightened people in the village. Thus, the villagers decided to hunt her down. During the hunting, the young woman appeared to the young man, but the young man could not pull the trigger. The next day they hunted again, but the same thing happened—the woman appeared to the man, but the man could not pull the trigger. Both the young man and the young woman knew that humans and tiger–humans would never be able to live together in peace. Therefore, on the third day of their hunting, both of them decided to attack each other. The young man finally pulled the trigger, and killed the young woman. He wrapped her head in a bag and gave it to her parents. After the death of his girl, the young man felt very lonely, and sad. Every day, he went to the place where the corpse was laid and prepared for burial, and comforted himself with lament songs.

4.3 Identity The analysis of identity relations shows that reference, substitution, and ellipsis were the devices utilized in the story to achieve text cohesion. Substitution occurred in two instances, and ellipsis in eight instances. Reference was the most frequetly used device, which has a total of seventy–six occurrences. Pro–verbs were not found. The raw data and frequency distribution of the identity elements can be seen in table 38.

Table 38 Frequency of Identity Items

Types Raw Data Frequency reference 76 88% substitution 2 2% ellipsis 8 9%

The categories of reference, substitution and ellipsis are briefly discussed with examples in the following three sections, 4.3.1, 4.3.2, and 4.3.3.

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4.3.1 Reference The story of The Lady Who Drinks The Tiger’s Water exhibits cohesive links through three types of reference such as personal reference, demonstrative reference, and comparative reference. A total of seventy–six occurrences of reference were employed in the story: personal reference (60), demonstrative reference (11), and comparative reference (5). The references are largely anaphoric: one incidence is of exophoric relation, and the rest of the occurrences are anaphoric. A brief discussion on each type is given in the following three sections.

4.3.1.1 Personal Reference There are eight forms of personal reference, either pronoun or possessive, used cohesively in the story of The Lady Who Drinks the Tiger’s Water—(i) amah ‘3SG’, (ii) amahte ‘3SG’, (iii) a ‘3SG.POSS’, (iv) ka ‘1SG.POSS’, (v) na ‘2SG.POSS’, (vi) an ‘3PL.POSS’, (vii) mai one’s (generalized person), and (viii) kan ‘1PL.POSS’. Two of them were personal pronouns [(i), (ii)] functioning as head in the nominal group, and six of them [(iii–viii)] were personal determiners functioning as a deictic/premodifier in the nominal group. Table 39 gives a summary of these items, showing their lexical meanings and where each belongs in the category.

Table 39 Personal Reference Items

Categories Falam Lexical Gloss Pronouns amah 3SG ‘he/she/it’, ‘him/her/it’

amah–te 3SG ‘he/she/it’, ‘him/her/it’ Determiners (Adjectives)

a 3SG.POSS ‘his/her/its’ ka 1SG.POSS ‘my’ na 2SG.POSS ‘your’ an 3PL.POSS ‘their’ (male/female) mai one’s (generalized person) Kan 1PL.POSS ‘our’ (male/female)

There were sixty total instances of personal reference items. Of these, three were pronouns, and fifty–seven were determiners. There were no instances of the use of possessive pronouns, i.e. possessive items serving as head. All of the items were used endophorically; specifically in anaphoric reference. Table 40 is a list of the text references and frequency of each item.

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Table 40 The Frequency of Personal Reference

Falam Text Frequency amah # 16(2) 2 amah–te # 37 1 a # 8, 10, 11, 13, 14, 15(3), 17, 19,

24(3), 26, 27, 28, 30, 39(2), 42(2), 50, 56, 62, 68, 70(5), 71(3)

33

ka # 8, 45, 54, 67 4 na # 46, 55, 68 3 an # 11, 32(2), 36, 38, 39(2), 41, 43,

47(2), 58(2), 60 14

mai # 9 1 Kan # 32(2) 2

The use of the third person singular possessive determiner a ‘his/her/its’ is very frequent in the story. Of all of the reference items, it has the highest frequency of occurrences at 55%. Example (98) is a sentence in which the use of a ‘3SG.POSS’, as a reference chain, is seen occurring in the nominal groups to achieve an anaphoric relation: tlangvalpa ‘young man’— a ‘his’, falanu ‘young woman’— a ‘her’.

(98) A hngawng a tan hnuah a puan ken mi cun her neck he cut after his cloth bring thing with POSS N 3SG V CONJ POSS V V N INSTR

a lu a fun i a pi her head he wrap and his mother–in–law POSS N ARG V CONJ POSS N

le a pu a hun pek. and his father–in–law he go give CONJ POSS N ARG DMP V After he cut off her head, he wrapped it up with the cloth (he) had brought with him, and gave it to his father-in-law and mother-in-law. (TL.070)

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4.3.1.2 Demonstrative Reference Five forms of demonstrative reference were utilized in the story, either anaphorically or exophorically, to establish a cohesive relation by means of location, on a scale of proximity. Three of them (hi, khi, kha) occurred in an NP (nominal group), and two (cutin, cutiih) as local adverbs to a clause. None of the instances of nominal demonstratives displayed a complete NP. They did not occur as head—they only appeared either as a premodifier or postmodifier, whereas the two demonstrative adverbs appeared as adjuncts in the clause. Table 41 provides the list of the five demonstrative reference items as observed in the story with regard to their proximity and functions.

Table 41 Demonstrative Reference Items

Class Forms Proximity Function Nominal Group (determiner)

Hi ‘this’ near speaker postmodifier, premodifier khi

‘that’ far from the speaker & addressee

postmodifier

kha ‘that’ far from speaker, but near to addressee

postmodifier

Adverbial Group (adverb)

cutin ‘that way’ adjunct cutiih ‘because of that way’

There were a total of eleven referencing instances through demonstratives. Table 42 gives the text references and frequency of occurrence of each item. The demonstrative hi ‘this’ has the highest frequency of occurrence. The adverbial demonstratives cutin and cutiih were used as a reference to an extended passage of text in the story.

Table 42 The Frequency of Demonstratives

Forms Text Frequency hi # 1, 2(2), 10(2) 5 khi # 10 1 kha # 29 1 cutin # 5, 35 2 cutiih # 17, 39 2

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Example (99) shows the utilization of a chain of demonstrative reference items in a single sentence to achieve text–forming relations in the story.

(99) Curuangah a falanu ih hnenah cun, “ hi tikhur ih therefore his woman of side–at about this well of CONJ POSS N GEN N–POST TOP DET N GEN

tidai hi rak in aw hlah, tivapi ih ta khi water this then drink IMP not river–big of thing that N DET DMP V IMP NEG N GEN N DET

ka vung khai ding” a ti i tithawl thawn a feh. I go down fetch will he say and container with he go ARG V V FUT ARG V CONJ N INSTR ARG V Therefore, he said to his young woman, “Do not drink the water from this well. I am going to fetch water from the big river,” and then he set out with his water container. (TL.010)

The first demonstrative hi ‘this’ functions as a premodifier of the noun tikhur ‘well’ [hi tikhur ‘this well’]. There was no evidence of any previous occurrences of tikhur in the story prior to TL.010. Thus, the use of the demonstrative hi here may not be taken as an anaphora or a cataphora, but as an exophora, since the referencing is not within the textual elements of the story. The second (hi ‘this’) and third (khi ‘that’) demonstratives function as postmodifiers of their nouns; that is literally tidai hi ‘this water’, tivapi ih ta khi ‘that water from the big river’. Both of them are anaphoric since their referent tidai has already been introduced before.

4.3.1.3 Comparative Reference Three comparative referencing items were found operating as anaphoric devices. One (–dang ‘other’) is a general comparison, and the other two (sinsin ‘more’, asilole ‘if not/or’) fall into a specific/particular comparison. The general comparison was expressed through the adjectival predicate –dang ‘other’ occurring in the nominal group, along with the prenominalizer mi– ‘person’ (i.e. midang ‘another person/other people’). The two specific comparisons were made through the adverb sinsin ‘more’ as a modifying adjunct in a clause–final position, and the conjunctive asilole ‘if not/or’ as a coordinator in the nominal group. Table 43 gives a list of these comparative reference items.

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Table 43 Comparative Reference Items

Type Items Class Function Context General Comparison

–dang ‘other’

–ADJ (predicate)

MOD nominal group

Specific Comparison

sinsin ‘more’ ADV AJT adjunct asilole ‘if not/ or’

CONJ COORD

nominal group

The text references and frequency of the comparatives are given in table 44. The adverb sinsin occurred three times, and the other two, the adjectival predicate –dang and conjunctive asilole, one time each.

Table 44 Frequency of Comparative Items

Items Text Frequency –dang # 63 1 sinsin # 3, 27, 71 3 asilole # 38 1

In (100), cohesion is achieved through a relation of contrast set up by the adjectival predicate –dang in the nominal group with the nominalizer mi–, which has the meaning of ‘person’. The word –dang, meaning ‘other or another’, establishes an anaphoric relation by presuming a point of reference in the preceding text.

(100) Ziangahtile milai a deh zo ruangah mi–dang because human she kill PFV because NMLZ–other CONJ N 3SG V PFV CONJ N

tla in deh pang ding ti an phang. also them kill lest will that they worry ADV OBJ V ADV FUT COMP 3PL V Since she had already killed a human, they were worried that she might also kill them. (Lit. …kill us, the other people).

4.3.2 Substitution There were two instances of cohesion through substitution, namely substitution in the nominal group. There were no instances of substitution that occurred in the contexts of verbal and clausal relations. Table 45 shows the two items that were used as substitutes in the nominal group.

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Table 45 Nominal Substitution

Items Gloss Context thil ‘thing’ NP: [POSS N thil Adjectival predicate TOP] ta ‘thing/one’ NP: [N POST ta DET

In (101), the substitute thil ‘thing’ is a general word used in relation to the direct quote ka ti a hal ‘I’m thirty’, specifically referring to the noun ti ‘water’. The presupposed referent ti is head of the nominal group ka ti ‘1SG.POSS NHEAD’, and the substitute thil is head of the nominal group mai fala thil duh Lit. ‘the thing one’s girl wants’ [POSS N NHEAD V].

(101) Falanu cun a tlangvalpa ih hnen–ah cun “ka ti a hal” a ti. young about her man of side–at AJT my water it thirsty she say N TOP POSS N GEN POST AJT POSS N ARG V ARG V The young woman said to her young man, “I’m thirsty.” (TL.008)

Tlangvalpa khal cun mai fala thil duh cu hawl–suak a tum ve. young man also about one’s woman thing like about seek–out he intend also N ADV TOP POSS N N V TOP V ARG V ADV The man also wanted to go and get the thing his woman wanted. (TL.009)

The word ta seems to have different functions in different contexts (e.g. ta ‘away/leave’ as REQL in TL.037— clause–final position). As a substitute in the nominal context, it has the idea of ‘one’ or ‘thing’. In (102), ta is an anaphoric substitute for the word tidai ‘water’. The presupposed item tidai is head of the nominal constituent tikhur ih tidai hi ‘N POST NHEAD DET’, and the substitute ta is head of the phrase tivapi ih ta ‘N POST NHEAD’.

(102) Curuangah a falanu ih hnenah cun, “hi tikhur ih therefore his woman of side–at about this well from CONJ POSS N GEN N–POST TOP DET N POST

tidai hi rak in aw hlah, tivapi ih ta khi water this then drink IMP not river–big from thing that N DET DMP V IMP NEG N POST N DET

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ka vung khai ding” a ti i tithawl thawn a feh. I go down fetch will he say and container with he go ARG V V FUT ARG V CONJ N INSTR ARG V

Therefore, he said to his young woman, “Do not drink the water from this well. I am going to fetch water from the big river,” and then he set out with his water container. (TL.010)

4.3.3 Ellipsis Ellipsis is a situation in which an element is omitted from a sentence or clause and can only be decoded by referring to the preceding text (Nunan, 1993, p. 25). Eight instances of elliptical form were found in the story. All of them occurred in direct speeches, specifically in the nominal group. The omission is not just a part of the noun phrase, but the entire phrase. Example (103) is an instance in which the omission of a noun in a direct quotation was found; the noun keiti ‘tiger water’ in TL.022 is ellipsed in TL.023. Words bolded and underlined represent the noun, whereas the symbol Ø represents the omitted element.

(103) “kei–ti na in si fawh maw?” a ti. tiger–water you drink be true INTG he say N–N 2SG V V PRT INTG ARG V “Did you drink the tiger’s water?” he asked. (TL.022)

Falanu cun “[Ø: keiti] ka in lo” a ti. young woman ERG [Ø: tiger water] I drink not she say N ERG [Ø: N] 1SG V NEG ARG V She replied, “I did not drink [Ø: the tiger’s water].” (TL.023)

Table 46 shows the other seven instances, along with text references, and frequency of occurrence.

Table 46 Nominal Ellipsis

Forms ellipsis Text Tidai in aw hen… [Ø: tidai] Ka duh lo # 21—22 Falanu … Zo tal in nan hmu maw? # 46—48, 60

Ka hmu nan ka kap thiam lo # 46—49, 61 Na hmuh le va kap mai aw # 46—51 Va kap thlang aw # 46—64

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4.4 Conjunction Conjunctions are thematic devices that contribute cohesion to a text by creating logico-semantic relationships “between text spans of varying extent, ranging from clauses within clause complexes to long spans of a paragraph or more” (Halliday & Hasan, 1976, p. 538). The relationships can only be decoded through referencing other parts of the text (Nunan, 1993, p. 26). The logico-semantic relations that are manifested in the story of The Lady Who Drinks the Tiger’s Water through conjunctions fall into five sub-categories: clarification, addition, spatio-temporal, manner, and causal-conditional. A brief summary of the conjunction frequency is as follows (table 47):

Table 47 Frequency of Conjunctions

Types Raw Data Frequency clarification 1 5% addition 4 20% spatio-temporal 6 30% manner 4 20% causal-conditional 5 25%

The categories of apposition, variation, and matter were not found in the story. Each of the five types, including their sub-categories, will be briefly discussed in the following five sections.

4.4.1 Clarification There is only one instance of elaborating relation in the story, namely through clarifying relation. Sentence (104) is the context in which this occurred.

(104) Ziangahtile milai a deh zo ruangah mi–dang because human she kill PFV because person–other CONJ N 3SG V PFV CONJ N

tla in deh pang ding ti an phang. also them kill lest will that they worry ADV OBJ V ADV FUT COMP 3PL V Since she had already killed a human, they were worried that she might also kill other people like them. (TL.063)

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The conjunctive ziangahtile occurred in the sentence-initial position to signal an explanation or clarification. It has the meaning of ‘because/the reason is’. In (104), it establishes a cohesive link by signaling that the subsequent event is an elaboration of a previous event/passage in a clarifying manner.

4.4.2 Addition There were four instances of additive conjunction that mark logico-semantic relations in the additive sense, specifically through adversative relation. Logico-semantic relations through positive and negative conjunction are not present. Certain additive conjunctives are not included in the list as they only function as coordinators of words or phrases within a clause or sentence, but not as a logico-semantic marker at a structural level for sentences (Halliday & Hasan, 1976, p. 235). Table 48 gives the additive conjunctive that occurred in four instances.

Table 48 Additive Conjunctives

Types Items Text Frequency adversative asinan ‘however’ # 21, 24, 40, 57 4

In (105), an adversative relation, i.e. ‘contrary to expectation’ (Halliday & Hasan, 1976, p. 250), is established between the first sentence (TL.020) and the second (TL.021) by the conjunctive asinan ‘however’ occurring initially in the sentence.

(105) “Tidai in aw hen” a ti i a hun pe. water drink IMP PRT he say and he go give N V IMP PRT 3SG V CONJ ARG DMP V He reached out to her and said, “drink water”. (TL.020)

Asinan “ka duh lo” a ti. however I like not she say CONJ 1SG.NOM V NEG ARG V However, she said, “I don’t want (it)”. (TL.021)

The conjunctive i is frequently found in the story (#1, 7, 10, 11, 20, 25, 32(2), 35, 36(3), 41, 42(2), 43, 46(2), 48, 55, 60, 66, 68(2), 69, 70, 7). It is always embedded in complex sentences which may contain multiple clauses, as in (106)–-which has four clauses. The clauses are tied together by the positive conjunctive i ‘and’ in three instances to form a single coherent passage.

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(106) Lam–hla nawn an feh i an khua an thlen zik thlang cun road–far very they go and their village they arrive almost PFV AJT N ADJ 3PL V CONJ POSS N ARG V ADV PFV AJT

falanu cu “paw” a ti i mikei ah a cang i a zuang–hlo. woman about paw she say and tiger into she become and she jump–lost N TOP N ARG V CONJ N POST ARG V CONJ ARG V After they had walked a long distance, and when they had almost reached their village, the young woman roared, “Paw”, and she jumped and disappeared. (TL.036)

However, here the conjunctive i is not analyzed as one of the additive conjunctives in the list since it did not occur intially in the sentence, nor did it occur elsewhere to establish an additive relation between independent sentences. This is reflected in Halliday and Hasan’s remark (1976, p. 238) –- that is, “the conjunctive relations are not logical but textual; they represent the generalized types of connections that we recognize as holding between sentences.”

4.4.3 Spatio–Temporal The spatio-temporal relation is expressed through the categories of spatial and complex in six instances in the story. Spatial relation is achieved through the adverbial conjunctive hmunkhat ih Lit. ‘in one place’ [N LOC], whereas complex relation is through zanlam ‘evening’, and a thaisun ‘next day’. Other place references were also found in the story; but they are not structurally cohesive as they do not establish textual links elsewhere. Table 49 is a summary of the spatio-temporal conjunctives found in the story.

Table 49 Spatio-Temporal Conjunctives

Types Subtypes Items Text Frequency Spatial place hmunkhat ih

‘in one place’ # 2 1

Complex (temporal)

specific zanlam ‘evening’ # 35, 48, 59 3 a thaisun ‘next day’ # 50, 62 2

In (107), a temporal conjunction relationship is established by means of the simple conjunctive a thaisun ‘the next day’occurring initially in the sentence. The a thaisun creates a sequence for the timing of the occurrences of the events in TL. 048 and TL.050, particularly signaling that the TL.050 event is preceded by the TL.048 event.

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(107) Zanlam khua a sim in an suak–khawm i “zo evening weather it late AJT they out–together and anyone N N ARG V AJT 3PL V–APPL CONJ N

tal in nan hmu maw” ti–in an sut–aw–khawm. at least ERG you see INTG say–AJT they ask–RECP–together ADV ERG 2PL V INTG V–AJT ARG V–RECP–APPL In the evening when it was getting late, they came together and asked each other, “Did any of you (at least) see her?” (TL.048)

A thaisun cu hual–sal an tum thotho. its tomorrow about hunt–again they plan still POSS N TOP V–SUFF 3PL V ADV Still they planned to hunt again the next day. (TL.050)

4.4.4 Manner The category of manner is further classified into two: comparative and means. There were four instances of conjunctive relations expressed through means, as shown in table 50. There is no evidence of a conjunctive relation through comparison.

Table 50 Manner Conjunctives

Type Items Text Frequency means cutin ‘that way’ # 5, 35 2

cutiih ‘like that way’ # 17, 39 2

In (108), a manner conjunctive relation is expressed by means of the adverbial conjunctive phrase cutin ‘that way’. Cutin ‘that way’ is a reference to an extended passage (TL.003, and more) as it presupposes earlier events which convey the fact that the young man and the young girl are in love and very happy.

(108) A ni ni in an duh–aw sinsin. it day day AJT they love–RECP more and more 3SG N N AJT ARG V–RECP ADV They loved each other more and more each day. (TL.003)

Cutin nuam lutuk in an feh–tlang theu. that way enjoy very much AJT they go–together usually ADV V ADV AJT 3PL.NOM V HAB In such manner, they usually went together very happily. (TL.005)

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4.4.5 Causal–conditional The category of causal has two subtypes: (a) general, and (b) specific, whereas conditional has three: (a) positive, (b) negative, and (c) concessive (Halliday & Matthiessen, 2004, p. 514). There were two instances of causal relation expressed through the ‘general’ type conjunctive curuangah ‘therefore’, and three instances of conditional relation through the ‘concessive’ type adverbial conjunctive thotho ‘still’. The specific subtype of causal, and the negative, and positive subtypes of conditional were not found in the story. Table 51 displays the two causal-conditional conjunctives found in the story.

Table 51 Causal-Conditional Conjunctives

Types Items Text Frequency causal curuangah ‘therefore’ # 10, 42 2 conditional thotho ‘still’ # 50, 53, 62 3

In (109), there is a causal relation, i.e. “cause-effect relation” (Halliday & Matthiessen, 2004, p. 411), between two events expressed through a simple form of the causal conjunctive curuangah ‘therefore’ occurring initially in the sentence. The ‘effect’ clause marked by curuangah is linked to the ‘cause’ clause or clauses in the preceding text (TL.008, 009).

(109) Tlangvalpa khal cun mai fala thil duh cu hawl–suak a tum ve. young man also about one’s woman thing like about seek–out he intend also N ADV TOP POSS N N V TOP V ARG V ADV The man also wanted to go and get the thing his woman wanted. (TL.009)

Curuangah a falanu ih hnenah cun, “hi tikhur ih therefore his woman of side–at about this well of CONJ POSS N GEN N–POST TOP DET N GEN

tidai hi rak in aw hlah, tivapi ih ta khi water this then drink IMP not river–big of thing that N DET DMP V IMP NEG N GEN N DET

ka vung khai ding” a ti i tithawl thawn a feh. I go down fetch will he say and container with he go ARG V V FUT ARG V CONJ N INSTR ARG V

Therefore, he said to his young woman, “Do not drink the water from this well. I am going to fetch water from the big river,” and then he set out with his water container. (TL.010)

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4.5 Lexical Relation Lexical relation is, as the name implies, concerned with cohesive ties between lexical items (Martin, 1992, p. 290). Using the five categories of lexical relation set out in the theoretical framework, the story of The Lady Who Drinks the Tiger’s Water was analyzed, and the result shows that all five categories were utilized to achieve cohesive ties within the text. The frequencies of each lexical category can be seen in table 52.

Table 52 Frequency of Lexical Relation

Types Raw Data Frequency Repetition 79 61% Synonymy 3 2% Hyponymy 13 10% Meronymy 11 9% Collocation 23 18%

Lexical repetition occurred most frequently in the story with a frequency of 61%. Each of the five categories will be briefly exemplified and discussed in the following five sections.

4.5.1 Repetition Cohesion through lexical repetition is achieved by means of identity relation (Halliday & Matthiessen, 2004, p.574). A total of seventy-nine instances of lexical repetition were found in the story. The repetition occurred at various levels: that is, word, phrase, and clause. Some reiterations were not an elaborating relation based on identity; thus, they were not counted as a strong cohesive lexical repetition. The more straightforward and cohesively repeated items are set out in table 53 with text references and frequency. Italics represent items analyzed for cohesion, and square brackets represent cohesively related forms, either exact or partial.

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Table 53 Lexical Repetition

Items Text Frequency falanu––[falanu, fala] # 1––8, 9, 10, 11, 23, 26, 36, 38,

41, 42, 44, 46(2), 51, 53, 55, 56, 64, 68, 69, 71

21

tlangvalpa––[tlangvalpa] # 1––8, 9, 11, 19, 24, 25, 31, 33, 35, 37, 42, 44, 45, 49, 51, 53, 54, 61, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 71

25

lo––[lo] # 1––11 1 hmunkhat––[hmunkhat] # 1––2, 46, 57 3 duhaw––[duhaw] # 1––3 1 ti a hal––[ti a hal] # 7––8 1 tidai––[tidai] # 19––20 1 tikhur––[khur] # 10––11 1 keiti––[keiti] # 11––22 1 mikei––[mikei] # 12––15, 17, 29, 36, 39, 41, 64 7 milai––[milai] # 15––40, 41, 58, 63, 64 5 thinlung––[thinlung] # 12––15, 34, 58 3 ruahnak––[ruahnak] # 12––15 1 thlam––[thlam] # 25––32, 38 2 khua––[khua] # 32––34, 36 2 tlun––[tlung] # 33––34, 35(2), 37 4 lu––[lu] # 42––70 1 khawsen––[khawsen] # 43––60 1 skhan––[sakhan] # 43––52, 66 2 “tuu lut…lang”––[“tuu lut …lang”]

# 45––54, 67 2

“tuu lut…law”––[“tuu lut …law”] # 46––55 1 suakkhawm––[suakkhawm] # 48––60 1 “ka hmu …”[“ka hmu…”] # 49––61 1 a thaisun …––[a thaisun…] # 50––62 1 falanu cu…[falanu cu…] # 44––53 1 zanlam khua––[zanlam khua] # 35––48 1 deh––[deh] # 41––63(2), 68 3 nu le pa––[nu le pa] # 42––51, 64 2 thi––[thih] # 69––71 1

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The opening line of the story introduces the two main characters: falanu ‘young woman’, and tlangvalpa ‘the young man’ (TL.001). These two characters were repeated most frequently in the story. Example (110) demonstrates an instance in which they were repeated for the first time in the sequential unfolding of the story. The word cun, after fanalu ‘young woman’, is somewhat like the use of the definite article ‘the’ in English (Halliday & Matthiessen, 2004, p. 572); it signals ‘specificity and referential tie’, meaning that the item falanu has already been introduced somewhere in the discourse.

(110) Falanu le tlangvalpa hi an duh–aw ngaingai i nitin in woman and man this they love–RECP really and every day AJT N CONJ N DET ARG V–RECP ADV CONJ ADV AJT

hmunkhat ah lo feh–tlang in an tlakaw ringring theu. one place at farm go–together AJT they hang out always usually N POST N V–COM AJT ARG V ADV ADV A young man and a young girl were deeply in love with each other, and every day they went to the farm and spent time together. (TL.001)

Falanu cun a tlangvalpa ih hnen–ah cun “ka ti a hal” a ti. young about her man of side–at AJT my water it thirsty she say N TOP POSS N GEN POST AJT POSS N ARG V ARG V The young woman said to her young man, “I’m thirsty.” (TL.008)

4.5.2 Synonymy Halliday and Matthiessen’s (2004, pp. 572-574) discussion on synonymy covers three topics: (a) identity of reference, (b) without identity of reference, and (c) antonymy. There were three instances of the use of synonymy in the story, but no occurrences of an antonym or synonym without a special referential relation were found. All three of the synonymous forms occurred in the same word class––that is, the noun category as displayed in (i), (ii), and (iii):

(i) N––N ka ti Lit. ‘my water’ [POSS N] mai fala thil Lit. ‘one’s girl thing’ [POSS N N]

(ii) N––N ka ti Lit. ‘my water’ [POSS N] tivapi ih ta ‘that of big river’ [N GEN N]

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(iii) N––N minung thinlung Lit. ‘human liver’ [N N] milai thinlung Lit. ‘human liver’ [N N]

The forms thil ‘thing’, and ta ‘thing’ are referential at a higher level of generality. This category of synonym shades into the category of substitution in section 4.3.2, where the two items were interpreted as substitutes. This is reflected in what Halliday and Hasan (1976, p. 91) said, “In addition, there is a borderline where substitution shades into lexical cohesion, involving the use of GENERAL WORDS such as thing in a cohesive function”. The item milai ‘human’, the synonym of minung, occurs six times, but only one occurrence is based on identity and has a strong cohesive function. The text references and frequency of the synonymous forms are displayed in table 54.

Table 54 Synonymous Forms

Items Text Frequency ti––[thil, ta] # 8––9, 10 2 minung––[milai] # 12––58 1

4.5.3 Hyponymy Unlike the relations of repetition and synonym, hyponymy is a lexical relation based on classification; that is, ‘specific to general’, meaning that the first item belongs to a class of thing, and the second, “either (i) a superclass or a subclass or (ii) another class at the same level of classification” (Halliday & Matthiessen, 2004, p. 574). Carter (1998, p. 21) reflected it this way, “a kind of asymmetrical synonymy; its basic organization is hierarchical”. There were thirteen incidences of hyponym relation in the story. Of the three hyponymous forms listed in the table 55, milai ‘human being’ and mikei ‘tiger-being’ are different classes, but occur at the same level of classification, i.e. ‘being’. The other two forms, hnemhrang ‘(hnemrang) cloth’ and deh ‘to kill and eat’, express a relation in the sense of ‘specific to general’.

Table 55 Hyponyms

Items Text Frequency puan––[hnemrang] # 70, 42––42 1 that––[deh] # 41, 68––41, 63(2), 68 4 milai––[mikei] # 15, 40, 41, 58, 63, 64––12,

15, 17, 29, 36, 39, 41, 64 8

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In (111), the word hnemrang is a hyponym of the word puan ‘cloth’, signaling that the meaning of hnemrang is included in the meaning of puan; that is to say, puan is a superordinate of hnemrang.

(111) Curuangah a fala nu le pa cun tlangvalpa cu therefore her girl mother and father ERG young man about CONJ POSS N N CONJ N ERG N TOP

an thah asile a lu na tuam i na fun nakah an ti i they kill if her head you wrap and you bag with they say and 3PL V CONJ POSS N 2SG V CONJ 2SG V INSTR ARG V CONJ

hnemrang puan an ken. hnemrang cloth they give N N ARG V Therefore, the girl's parents gave the young man a hnemrang cloth, and told him that the cloth is for him to bag the girl’s head if the villagers kill her. (TL.042)

A hngawng a tan hnuah a puan ken mi cun... her neck he cut after his cloth bring thing with POSS N 3SG V CONJ POSS N V N INSTR With the cloth that he brought … (TL.070)

4.5.4 Meronymy Meronymic relation is based on the concept of ‘be a part of’ (Halliday & Hasan, 2004, p. 575); that is, a part-whole relationship between lexical items (Carter, 1998, p. 21). Eleven meronyms were found in thirteen instances in the story. Table 56 gives a summary of the meronymic items with text references and frequency. Italics represent items analyzed for cohesion, and square brackets represents cohesively related meronyms.

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Table 56 Meronyms

Items Text Frequency lo––[khur] # 11––11 1 tikhur––[tidai] # 10––10 1 taksa––[thinlung, ruahnak, thin, lu, cawn]

# 15––12, 15, 34, 58, 27, 40, 42,

7

mithmai––[mit] # 13, 47––14, 1 mit––[mitthli] # 14––30, 59 1 thlam––[zautlang] # 32––32 1 zukneng––[cawn] # 38––38 1

Example (112) shows that khur ‘well’ (synonymous here with ti-khur, Literally meaning ‘water well’) is a part of lo ‘farm’; there is a meronymic relation between the two items in that khur is a meronym of lo.

(112) Tlangvalpa cu a va rei deuh ruangah falanu young man about he go stay long more because woman N TOP ARG V V ADV CONJ N

in a tihal a rak tuar thei nawn lo i ERG her thirst she then bear able anymore not and ERG POSS N ARG DMP V ADV ADV NEG CONJ

an lo khur ih Kei–ti a rak in. their farm well at tiger–water she then drink POSS N N POST N ARG DMP V Because the young man stayed a little long, the young woman could no longer put up with her thirst, and she drank the tiger’s water from the well on their farm. (TL.011)

4.5.5 Collocation Collocational relationship is concerned with “a particular association between the items in question—a tendency to co-occur” (Halliday & Hasan, 2004, pp. 576-577). In general, collocates are observed as open sets—that is, they may extend and shade into other categories of cohesive relation. Halliday & Hasan (2004, p. 577) noted that some collocates are weak, whereas others are strong in terms of collocational bonds. Strong cohesive effect is achieved through strong collocational bond. Twenty–three instances of items, that express strong cohesive collocational ties,

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were found in the story of the Lady Who Drinks the Tiger’s Water. Italics in table 57 represent item analyzed for cohesion, and square brackets represent cohesively related forms.

Table 57 Collocates

Items Text Frequency tikhur, tithawl––[tidai, khai] # 10––10(2), 19(2), 20 6 thlam––[cawl, cawlh] # 25, 32, 38––25(2) 3 mikei––[paw, zuanghlo, keu, deh]

# 29, 36, 39, 41, 64––36(2), 68(2), 69, 41, 63(2)

8

cangtial li––[kap, kah] # 45, 46, 54, 55, 67, 68––51, 64 2 nu––[pa] # 64––42, 51, 64 3 pi––[pu] # 70––70 1

Example (113) demonstrates a collocational bond between the two items: thlam ‘hut’, and cawl ‘rest’ or cawlhpi ‘rest with’. A semantic basis of these collocates lies in the fact that huts are commonly erected on the farm, primarily with the purpose that the farm worker may rest from his or her work. Thus, there is a strong collocation bond between thlam and cawl; this makes the occurrence of cawl or cawlhpi in the sentence cohesive.

(113) "Thlam ah kan va cawl hrih ding" a ti i hut at we go rest bit will he say and N POST 1PL V V ADV FUT ARG V CONJ tlangvalpa cun a cawlh–pi. man ERG he rest–along with N ERG ARG V–COM The young man said, “Let’s go and rest at the hut”, and he rested with her. (TL.025)

4.6 Results Figure (6) displays the overall results of the analysis on cohesive devices found in the story of The Lady Who Drinks The Tiger’s Water. The horizontal axis represents the four major categories of cohesion along with their subtypes, and the vertical axis represents the frequency distribution.

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Figure 6 Frequency Distribution (TL)

4.7 Summary Based on the four major categories of cohesion proposed in the theoretical framework, the story of The Lady Who Drinks The Tiger’s Water was analyzed. The result has shown that three of the four categories were found. Those found are: (i) identity, (ii) conjunction, and (iii) lexical relation. Lexical relation, as a major category, indicates the highest frequency distribution at 55%, whereas identity indicates distribution at 37%, and conjunction at 9%. There were no instances of the use of inflectional pattern. The devices found under the category of identity fall into three subtypes: (i) reference, (ii) substitution, and ellipsis. Most references were anaphoric. There is no evidence of the use of pro-verbs. Of the eight subtypes of conjunction, five of them were found: (i) clarification, (ii) addition, (iii) spatio-temporal, (iv) manner, and (v) causal-conditional. The story contains a large number of conjunctives, but the ones that show a logico-semantic relationship between texts are few, as displayed in figure (6). Lexical relation is a very dominant device that contributes greatly to texture within the story. It has the higest frequency distribution at 55%, which includes all of the five subclasses: 34% of repetition, 1% of synonymy, 6% of hyponymy, 5% of meronymy, and 10% of collocation. As a single cohesive device, the frequency of lexical repetition at 37% is higher than any other devices found in the story, whereas the least frequency distribution points to substitution and synonymy, namely 1% each.

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Identity Conjunction Inflectional Pattern Lexical Relation

Grammatical Cohesion Lexical Cohesion

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Cohesion in The Story of

“Tluang Tlir Li”

5.1 Introduction Chapter 5 investigates the cohesive devices employed in the story of Tluang Tlir Li. The investigation is based on the four major categories of cohesion set out in the theoretical framework. First, it gives a summary of the story. Second, it presents an analysis of the four major categories of cohesion—(a) identity: (i) reference, (ii) pro–forms, (iii) substitution, and (iv) ellipsis; (b) conjunction: (i) apposition, (ii) clarification, (iii) addition, (iv) variation, (v) spatio–temporal, (vi) manner, (vii) causal–conditional, and (viii) matter; (c) inflectional pattern; and (d) lexical relation: (i) repetition, (ii) synonymy, (iii) hyponymy, (iv) meronymy, and (v) collocation. Finally, the results and summary of the chapter are given.

5.2 Folktale Summary The third folktale, Tluang Tlir Li, is a story of a young woman who fell in love with a snake named Tluang Tlir Li. The story is written in a third-person perspective by a native speaker, Salai Pa Sang (1984). It consists of fifty-seven sentences. The characters involved are humans and animal. The interlinearization and the translation were done by the author using the SIL's Fieldworks Language Explorer. The summary of the story is as follows:

Long ago, there were two sisters who lived in a small village. Every day, they worked on their farm chasing away birds that would come and try to eat the crops. The older sister Ngun Hnu was in love with a large snake named Tlaung Tlir Li who lived in a lake on their lower farm. Every day when they arrived at the farm, Hngun Hnu would ask her little sister to go and call Tluang Tlir Li, and Tluang Tlir Li would come to the upper farm to see her. The two spent every day together at the hut. They were so happy and they often forgot about her little sister. The little sister would usually go and chase the birds on the lower and upper farms by herself.

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However, Ngun Hnu always had rips in her clothes from playing with her boyfriend. This made her parents wonder since it was happening every day. Later on, they figured out that she had a boyfriend, and was also pregnant. Therefore, one day her father decided not to let her go to the farm. Instead, he and the little sister went. The father disguised himself as a girl and laid down in the hut, then he asked Ngun Hnu’s sister to go and call Tluang Tlir Li. As usual, Tluang Tlir Li eagerly came out, but Ngun Hnu was not there this time. With a sharp sword, Ngun Hnu’s father chopped him into three pieces. He then left the head on the upper farm, the tail on the lower farm, and the intestines on a log. The next day, Ngun Hnu and her sister went to the farm without knowing that her boyfriend was dead. As usual, she asked her little sister to go and call Tluang Tlir Li. However, there was no answer. Eventually, she found the head, tail, and organs of her boyfriend, which her father had left on the farm, and she broke down and cried and cried.

As the sun was going down, she and her sister headed for home with the firewood they had collected. When they arrived, their dog came out wagging its tail and welcoming them. Ngun Hnu was annoyed, and rebuked the dog, but it didn’t want to go away. She then became angrier. She dropped the firewood on the dog, and the dog died. When her father saw that she’d just killed their dog, he also became angry. He took his knife and slit her pregnant belly with its sharp edge. All of a sudden, many snakelets came out, and filled the ground of their home. They killed the snakelets, but missed one and it got away inside the village. People believe that the snakes are still around because of the seed of that missing baby snake.

5.3 Identity Identity deals with cohesive elements that link to ‘identical forms, identical meaning, or identical reference or denotation” (Dooley & Levinsohn, 2001, p. 29). Ninety-six instances of identical forms through reference items were found in the story. Pro-forms, substitution, and ellipsis were not were found. The raw data and frequency of identity elements are displayed in table 58.

Table 58 Frequency of Identity Items

Types Subtypes Raw Data Frequency Reference

Personal 69 72% Demonstrative 20 21% Comparative 7 7%

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5.3.1 Reference The category of reference is concerned with items which have the property of reference, meaning that ‘instead of being interpreted semantically in their own right, they make reference to something else for their interpretation” (Halliday & and Hasan, 1976, p. 31). The analysis of referencing devices used in the story of Tluang Tlir Li shows that the three categories of references, i.e. personal references, demonstrative references, and comparative references, were anaphorically utilized. It also shows that there were ninety-six total incidences including: sixty-nine personal items, twenty demonstrative items, and seven comparative items. A brief discussion of each category is given in the following three sections.

5.3.1.1 Personal Reference Six forms of personal reference devices found in the story fall into two categories: (a) personal pronouns, and (b) personal determiners/adjectives. The personal pronouns are amah ‘3SG’, and nangmah ‘2SG’. The personal determiners are a ‘3SG.POSS’, ka ‘1SG.POSS’, na ‘2SG.POSS’, and an ‘3PL.POSS’. Both personal pronouns and determiners occurred in the nominal group, with pronouns functioning as head, and determiners functioning as a premodifier. All of the references are anaphoric relations. As in the first and second stories, there was no evidence of the use of possessive pronouns in this story. Table 59 gives a summary of these items, showing each form, their lexical meanings and where each belongs in the category.

Table 59 Personal Reference Items

Categories Falam Lexical Gloss Pronouns Amah 3SG ‘he/she/it’, ‘him/her/it’

nangmah 2SG ‘you’ Determiners (Adjectives)

A 3SG.POSS ‘his/her/its’ ka 1SG.POSS ‘my’ na 2SG.POSS ‘your’ An 3PL.POSS ‘their’ (male/female)

Sixty–nine instances of personal reference items were found. Of these, the third person singular a ‘3SG.POSS’ has the highest occurrence with a total of forty–six instances. Generalized forms such as mai ‘one’s’ and mah ‘one’ were not utilized.

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Table 60 displays the reference contexts in which each form occurred, as well as the frequency of each item.

Table 60 The Frequency of Personal Reference

Falam Text Frequency amah # 42 1 nangmah # 54 1 a # 2, 5, 8, 8, 13(3), 14, 15,

16, 17(2), 19(2), 21(2), 22, 25, 26(3), 28, 32(2), 33, 34, 35(2), 36, 37, 38, 40, 44, 45, 46, 48(4), 53(4), 54(3)

46

ka # 8(3), 9(2), 19, 40, 43 8 na # 43, 53, 54(2) 4 an # 4, 8, 9, 10, 12, 13, 51, 55,

56 9

Multiple clauses are often adjoined by the conjunctive i ‘and’ or by adjuncts, and can be lengthy as in the following example. Example (114) demonstrates the use of personal reference items in a context, specifically the personal determiners such as a ‘her’, an ‘their’, and ka ‘my’. Each of these items occurred as premodifiers in the nominal groups: [DET N]NP.

(114) Lo an thlen veten a naunu–te kha farm they arrive as soon as her younger–small DET N 3PL V CONJ POSS N–DIM DET

Tluang Tlir Li ko ding–in a fial i a naunu–te cun tluang tlir li call will–AJT she ask and her younger–small AJT PROP V FUT–AJT 3SG V CONJ POSS N–DIM AJT

an lo taw tlang ihsin: “Ka u Tluang Tlir Li, their farm lower mountain from my older tluang tlir POSS N N N POST POSS N PROP

ka u Lai Tlir Li, Ka u Ngun Hnu in hung seh a lo ti, my older lai tlir li my elder ngun hnu ERG come IMP she you say POSS N PROP POSS N PROP ERG V IMP 3SG 2SG V

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Hung ma tu” ti–in a vung au theu. come PRT PRT say–AJT she go shout usually V PRT PRT V–AJT 3SG V V HAB As soon as they arrived on the farm, she would ask her little sister to go and call Tluang Tlir Li, and her sister would go and shout from the mountain of their lower farm, “My older (sister) Tluang Tlir Li, my older (sister) Lai Tlir Li, my older (sister) Ngun Hnu is asking you to come.” (TT.008)

5.3.1.2 Demonstrative Reference There were six demonstrative referencing items employed in the story that create text-forming relations by means of ‘verbal pointing’ on a scale of proximity. These devices fall into two categories: (i) nominal group (khi, cui, and kha), and (ii) adverbial group (cutin, cutiih, and cusi cun). The nominal demonstratives appeared either as premodifier or postmodifier to a noun phrase or a clause; they did not occur alone forming a complete NP. The adverbial demonstratives are simply adjuncts that make a reference to an extended passage of text in the story. All of them indicate the anaphoric reference. The following schemata show the contexts in which each of the item appeared.

Noun phrase Adverbial phrase [[CL] khiPOSTMOD]NP [cutinPREMOD [CL]]S [cuiPREMOD [REL CL]]NP [cutiihPREMOD [CL]]S [cuiPREMOD [N POST]NP [(ADV) cutiih PREMOD CL]S

[[N] khaPOSTMOD]NP [cuisi cun PREMOD [CL]]S [[(POSS) N] khaPOSTMOD]NP

The nominal demonstrative hi ‘near the speaker’ was not found in the story though it is a frequently used device in the stories of Ngai Tah and Her Mother, and of The Lady Who Drinks the Tiger’s Water. Table 61 gives a summary of the demonstrative reference items with their meanings and functions.

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Table 61 Demonstrative Reference Items

Class Forms Proximity Function Nominal Group (determiner)

khi ‘that’ far from the speaker & addressee

postmodifier cui premodifier kha ‘that’ far from speaker,

but near to addressee postmodifier

Adverbial Group (adverb)

cutin ‘that way’ adjunct cutiih ‘because of that way’

cuisi cun ‘from that point’ There were a total of twenty instances in which the demonstrative referencing items were utilized to establish text-forming relations. Of the five referencing demonstratives, kha ‘that’ is the most frequently used device in the story and has a total of eleven occurrences. Table 62 provides the text references and frequency of each item.

Table 62 Frequency of Demonstrative Reference

Forms Text Frequency khi # 44 1 cui # 4, 57 2 kha # 8, 16, 25, 26, 29,

35, 44, 45, 52, 54, 56 11

cutin # 9, 20, 34 3 cutiih # 14, 21 2 cusi cun # 47 1

In (115), cui ‘that’ is utilized as a premodifier of the relative clause NP an hrelh mi rul fate pakhat ‘one little snakelet that they missed (to kill)’: cuiPREMOD[SUBJ V REL NHEAD (ADJ) (NUM)]. Cui refers anaphorically to the preceding event, namely pakhatte an that man lo i khaw sungah a rak lut hlo man ‘they missed one little snakelet, and it escaped into the village and disappeared.’

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(115) An sungten an suak i rulfa–pawl cu an their family they go out and snakelet–many about they POSS N 3PL V CONJ N–PL TOP 3PL

that ciamco nan pakhatte kha an that man lo i kill a lot though one that they kill yet not and V ADV CONJ NUM DET 3PL V ADV NEG CONJ

khaw sungah a rak lut hlo man. village in it then enter lost already N POST 3SG DMP V V ADV Although everyone in the family came out to kill the snakelets, they missed one, and it escaped into the village and disappeared. (TT.056)

Cui an hrelh mi rul fate pakhat in ci a zaih i that they miss that snake baby one ERG seed it reproduce and DET 3PL V REL N N NUM ERG N 3SG V CONJ

tutiang rul an umnak a si. until now snake they exist it be ADV N 3PL V 3SG V The snakelet that they missed bred, and as a result there are snakes until now. (TT.057)

5.3.1.3 Comparative Reference The comparative reference items can be categorized into general comparison, and specific comparison. General comparison refers to a comparative reference in terms of “likeness and unlikeness, without respect to any particular property,” whereas specific comparison is concerned with a relation in terms of quantity or quality (Halliday & and Hasan, 1976, p. 77). In the story of Tluang Tlir Li, general comparison was expressed through four forms that function either as adjective in the nominal group or as conjunction in the clause: dang, dangdang, dang bangin, and kel bangin. Particular comparison was made by means of two adverbs functioning in the clause as adjunct: deuhdeuh, and sinsin. A summary of these items is shown in table 63 below.

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Table 63 Comparative Reference Items

Type Items Class Function Context General Comparison

dang ‘other’ ADJ MOD NP dangdang ‘other/different’

dang bangin ‘like other’ ADJ CONJ CONN CL kel bangin ‘like the same’

Specific Comparison

deuhdeuh ‘more and more’ ADV MOD AJT sinsin ‘more’

There were a total of seven instances. The text references and frequency of the comparatives are given in the following table.

Table 64 Frequency of Comparative Reference

Forms Text Frequency dang # 26 1 dangdang # 20 1 dang bangin # 29, 38 2 kel bangin # 26 1 deuhdeuh # 14 1 sinsin # 22 1

In (116), a general comparison is made through the use of dangdang, meaning ‘different/other’, in the nominal group. Dangdang is anaphoric and functions as an adjective modifying the noun hni ‘skirt/longyi’.

(116) Cutin nitin hni dangdang a thleng ringring theu. that way every day skirt different she change always usually ADV ADV N ADJ 3SG V ADV ADV Like that, every day she changed into a different skirt. (TT.020)

5.4 Conjunction Halliday and Matthiessen (2004, p. 534) mentions two types of conjunction: conjunction proper and conjunction continuity. Conjunction proper is often not used cohesively in text, but conjunction continuity, as the name suggests, are “markers that indicate when a clause beginning a new turn relates to a clause in the previous turn” (Halliday & Matthiessen, 2004, p. 534). Thus, as Nunan (1993, p. 26) also remarked, the semantic relation of conjunction can only be recovered through referencing other parts of the text. The analysis presented in this section deals with

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those devices that serve in the system of continuity. The devices found in the story marked five types of relations: addition, spatio-temporal, manner, causal-conditional, and matter. A summary of the conjunction frequency can be seen in table 65.

Table 65 Frequency of Conjunctions

Types Raw Data Frequency Addition 1 6% spatio-temporal 8 44% Manner 5 28% causal-conditional 3 17% matter 1 6%

5.4.1 Addition There is one instance that marked the additive relation, namely through the adversative asinan ‘however’. The two sub-classes of addition, negative and positive, were not present. Table 66 shows the conjunctive asinan and its text reference.

Table 66 Additive Conjunctives

Types Items Text Frequency adversative asinan ‘however’ # 49 1

Example (117) is an instance in which the additive relation occurred in the story. The two sentences, TT.048 and TT.049, were linked by the adversative conjunctive asinan ‘however’ occurring initially in the sentence.

(117) A tahnak le a aunak ah a dang hmuah a pit her cry and her shout due to her throat all it close POSS N CONJ POSS N CONJ POSS N ADJ 3SG V

thluh i a tawng hman a tawngsuak thei nawn lo. completely and her talk even she speak out able anymore not ADV CONJ POSS N ADV 3SG V V ADV NEG Due to her intense crying and sobbing, she lost her voice and could not speak anymore. (TT.048)

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Asinan ziangkhal sawt nawn hlah, tah man however anything progress anymore not cry value CONJ N V ADV NEG N ADJ

a thahnem nawn ta lo. it worth anymore PRT not 3SG V ADV PRT NEG However, it didn’t matter how much she cried; nothing changed. (TT.049)

5.4.2 Spatio-temporal Spatio-temporal devices were used eight times in the story through subclasses such as spatial, simple, and complex. Complex has the highest frequency of occurrence with five instances. All of the devices, except for tutiang ‘until now’, occurred in the sentence-initial position as markers of ‘structural conjunctive continuity.’ A summary of these conjunctives is given in table 67.

Table 67 Spatio-temporal Conjunctives

Types Items Text Frequency spatial thlam ahcun ‘at the hut’ # 35, 45 2 simple tutiang ‘until now’ # 57 1 complex a zan ‘that night’ (specific) # 34 1

zanlam ‘evening’ (specific) # 50 1 a thaisun cu ‘the next afternoon’ (specific)

# 35 1

ni dang bangin ‘like other day(s)’ (repetitive) # 38 1 cuveten ‘immediately’ (immediate) # 55 1

In (118), a temporal relation is established by the temporal conjunction cuveten ‘immediately’, functioning as adjunct, and occurring initially in the second sentence. The conjunction links the second event in TT.055 anaphorically to the first event in TT.054 in terms of temporal sequence.

(118) A pa cun Ngun Hnu in an ui–pi cu a thing phurh her father about ngun hnu ERG their dog–big about her wood carry POSS N TOP PROP ERG POSS N–AUG TOP POSS N V

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mi in a nen that kha a hmuh tikah, “nunau cubang cu that with it crush die that he see when girl like that about REL INSTR 3SG V V DET 3SG V CONJ N ADV TOP

nangmah hman na faraipi thawn,” a ti i Ngun Hnu ih you even you pregnant with he say and ngun hnu of PRO ADV POSS N POST 3SG V CONJ PROP GEN

farai pum cu a nam–te ki in a rai–sak. pregnant belly about his knife–small top with he slide–BEN ADJ N TOP POSS N–small N INSTR 3SG V–BEN When her father saw that Ngun Hnu had dropped her wood, killling their dog, he said, “A girl like you with your pregnant belly,” and slit Ngun Hnu’s pregnant belly with the edge of his knife. (TT.054)

Cuveten rulfa an suak ciammam i immediately snakelet they out a lot and ADV N 3PL V ADV CONJ

an tual khat in an tla ciamco. their ground full AJT they fall a lot POSS N V AJT 3PL V ADV Immediately, a lot of snakelets came out and filled the ground of their home. (TT.055)

5.4.3 Manner Manner conjunctives create ‘structural continuity’ in the text by means of reference to means and comparison (Halliday & Matthiessen, 2004, p. 546). Two forms of manner conjunctive were found in five instances, but there is no evidence of the use of comparative conjunctive in the text. The text references and frequency distribution of two manner conjunctives are shown in table 68.

Table 68 Manner Conjunctives

Types Items Text Frequency means cutin ‘that way’ # 20, 34 2

cutiih ‘like that way’ # 7, 14, 21 3

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In (119), cutin ‘that way’ is an adverbial adjunct, functioning as a manner conjunctive, and occurring initially in the second sentence TT.034. The conjunctive cutin indicates ‘the manner in which the girl’s father left the farm after killing the snake’ by relating the event in TT.034 to the preceding events in TT.033, 032, and 031 (Appendix C).

(119) A ril cu thlawh–pawn thingpi parah a ban ta. his intestine about cut–next log on he hang REQL POSS N TOP N N POST 3SG V REQL He hunged his intestine(s) on the log next to the farming area. (TT.033)

Cutin Ngun Hnu pa cu ziang thu hman sim loin that way ngun hnu father about what about anything tell without ADV PROP N TOP DET N N V CONJ

inn ah daiten a zan cu a tlung ta. home at quietly its night about he go home REQL N POST ADV POSS N TOP 3SG V REQL Like that, without saying a thing, Ngun Hnu’s father quietly went home that evening. (TT.034)

5.4.4 Causal-Conditional There were three instances of the use of causal-conditional in the story, specifically concessive conditional— asinan ‘however’. Causal conjunctives were not found. Table 69 shows the text references and frequency of the causal-conditional conjunction asinan ‘however’.

Table 69 Causal-Conditional Conjunctives

Types Items Text Frequency conditional (concessive)

asinan ‘however’ # 29, 39, 41 3

The conjunctive relations of concessive, and adversative, i.e. the sub-type of additive conjunction, are in some ways similar in certain context. Halliday and Matthiessen (2004, p. 548) commented on this by saying, “the concessive (‘despite X, nevertheless Y’) overlaps with the adversative (‘X and, conversely, Y’)”, but their emphases are different. In (120), the two sentences (TT.038) and (TTT.039) are

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linked together by the conjunctive asinan ‘however’; here asinan is not adversative, but concessive as it indicates the use of the formula ‘despite X, nevertheless Y’.

(120) Ni dang bangin a naunute cu Tluang Tlir Li vung kawh a fial thotho. day other like her sister about tluang tlir li go call she ask again N ADJ CONJ POSS N TOP PROP V V 3SG V ADV Like the other days, she asked her little sister to go and call Tluang Tlir Li. (TT.038)

Asinan sawn–tu le be–tu a nei nawn lo. however reply–NMLZ and talk–NMLZ she has anymore not CONJ N–NMLIZ CONJ N–NMLZ 3SG V ADV NEG However, there was no answer. (TT.039)

5.4.5 Matter The only ‘matter’ cohesive device found is the adverbial conjunctive cuisi cun ‘from that point’. It is used as a positive spatial metaphor in the text. Negative spatial metaphors were not found. Table 70 gives the text reference and frequency of the matter conjunctive found in the story.

Table 70 Matter Conjunctives

Types Items Text Frequency positive cuisi cun ‘from that point’ # 47 1

Example (121) is an instance in which the anaphoric use of the adverbial conjunctive cuisi cun ‘from that point’ occurred as a positive spatial metaphor in the sentence-initial position. The conjunction knits the event in TT.047 and the events in TT.046 and TT.045 (Appendix C) together in terms of spatial metaphorical relation.

(121) Lo lu lamah a lu a hung hmu. farm upper on his head she go see N N POST POSS N 3SG V V She went to the upper farm and saw his head. (TT.046)

Cuisi =cun sunnivui in a tap a rak. from there =AJT whole afternoon AJT she cry she sob ADV =AJT ADV AJT 3SG V 3SG V From that point, she broke down and sobbed. (TT.047)

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5.5 Lexical Relation The analysis of the story of Tluang Tlir Li shows the use of the five categories of lexical relation proposed in the theoretical framework. A brief summary of the occurrences of these devices are shown in table 71 with their frequency.

Table 71 Frequency of Lexical Relation

Types Raw Data Frequency Repetition 175 91% Synonymy 2 1% Hyponymy 2 1% Meronymy 4 2% Collocation 9 5%

5.5.1 Repetition There were a total of one hundred and seventy-five instances of elaborating relation through lexical repetition. The references were either generic or specific identity relation. The repeated forms occurred at the levels of the word and phrase. A summary of the repeated items is given in table 72, along with text references and frequency. Italics represent items analyzed for cohesion, and the square brackets represent cohesively related forms, either exact, partial, or generic.

Table 72 Lexical Repetition

Items Text Frequency khaw––[khaw] # 1––56 1 unau hnih––[unau hnihte] # 1––3, 50 2 hmin––[hmin] # 2––5 1 ngun hnu––[ngun hnu] # 2––6, 7, 8, 11, 13, 16, 17, 19, 21,

22, 25(2), 26, 27, 29, 30, 31, 34, 35, 36, 40, 42, 44, 52, 53, 54(2)

27

nitin––[nitin, nitinin] # 3––6, 9, 11, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21 8 lo––[lo] # 3––8, 25, 26, 35, 44, 5 lo taw––[lo taw] # 4––8, 12, 19, 32 4 lo lu––[lo lu] # 12––19, 32, 46 3 tilipi––[tilipi] # 4––4 1 rulpi––[rulpi] # 4––26, 28, 31 3

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Items Text Frequency tluang tlir li––[tluang tlir li, lai tlir li]

# 5––6, 8(3), 9, 10, 38, 42(2) 9

leng––[lenawk] # 6––7 1 naunute––[naunute] # 8––8, 10, 13, 25, 35, 37, 38, 40 8 ko––[ko, kawh] # 8––9, 10, 26(2), 38, 40, 41 7 ka u––[ka u] # 8––8(2), 40 3 fial––[fial] # 8––26, 38, 40 3 thlen––[thlen, thleng] # 3––26, 30, 51 3 hung––[hung] # 8––6, 8, 9(2), 28, 30, 44, 45, 46,

50, 51 11

rawl––[rawl] # 9––9, 13 2 pek––[pek] # 9––9 1 thlam––[thlam] # 10––17, 30, 45 3 rit––[rit] # 3––12, 19 2 dawi––[dawi, dawinak] # 12––19 1 pa––[pa, pai] # 13––15, 21, 25, 26, 27, 30, 34,

43, 44, 54 10

nu––[nu] # 13––15, 19, 21 3 tlvangvalpa––[tlangvalpa] # 13––17, 43 2 suncaw––[suncaw] # 13––14 1 cutiih––[cutiih] # 7––14, 21 2 hni––[hni] # 17––19, 20 2 nute––[nute] # 19––44 1 theih––[thei] # 9––21, 36 2 theih––[theih, thei] # 24––24, 48 2 pum––[pum] # 22––54 1 thil––[thil] # 21––24 1 feh––[feh] # 3––25(2), 35, 44 4 nunau––[nunau] # 26––54 1 tawng––[tawng] # 28––29, 30, 43(3) 5 kawlnam sauseu––[kawlnam sauseu]

# 26––30 1

lu––[lu] # 32––46 1 ril––[ril] # 33––45 1 inn––[inn] # 34––51 1 tlung––[tlung] # 34––50 1

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Items Text Frequency sim––[sim] # 15––16, 34, 37 3 sim––[sim] # 42––43 1 ral––[ral] # 42––42, 43(2) 3 tappawn––[tappawn] # 44––45 1 hmu––[hmu, hmuh] # 45––46, 54 2 tap––[tahnak, tah] # 47––48, 49 2 zanthing––[thing] # 50––53, 54 2 uipi––[ui, uipi] # 51––52(2), 53, 54 4 nen that––[nen that] # 53––54 1 phurhmi––[phurhmi] # 53––54 1 rulfa––[rulfapawl, rulfate] # 55––56, 57(2) 3 that––[that] # 56––56 1

In (122), the item unau hnih ‘two siblings’ in the first sentence (TT.001) is repeated as unau hnih–te. The repeated form has an added diminutive –te; Despite their different morphological shapes, there is still a cohesive tie as they are co-referential.

(122) khuahlanah khaw pakhat ahhin fala mawi–te long ago village one at girl beautiful–small ADV N NUM LOC N ADJ–DIM

unau hnih an rak um. sibling two they then exist N NUM 3PL DMP V Lit. Long ago, there were two beautiful sibling girls who lived in a village. (TT.001)

An unau hnihte cun nitin lo ah rit kil in an feh theu. they sibling two about every day farm at bird watch AJT they go usually 3PL N NUM TOP ADV N LOC N V AJT 3PL V HAB Every day, they went to the farm to chase away the rit (i.e. bird). (TT.003)

5.5.2 Synonymy Halliday and Matthiessen (2004, p. 572) mentions that lexical cohesion is also achieved by means of the selection of vocabulary, in which an item is in some sense synonymous with a preceding one. This type of synonymous relation was found in two instances in the story. Table 73 displays the two synonymous items with text references and frequency.

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Table 73 Synonymous Forms

Items Text Frequency nau pai––[faraipi, farai] # 22––54 1 tlangvalpa––[papi] # 43––44 1

Example (123) demonstrates an instance in which lexical cohesion is established by means of a relation of synonym. The word papa in sentence TT.044 has the meaning of ‘one’s husband’. In this particular context, it is anaphorically used as a synonym for the girl’s tlangval, meaning ‘the girl’s young man/boyfriend’, in sentence TT.043.

(123) A tlangvalpa ih thlarau khal cun a hun sawn ve i: her man of spirit also AJT he come up reply also and POSS N GEN N ADV AJT 3SG V V ADV CONJ

“Sim Lam ral khal tawng hla ing, Zo ral khal tawng hlah ing, sim side enemy also face not PRT what enemy also face not PRT N N N ADV V NEG PRT DET N ADV V NEG PRT

Na pa milian nam cem ka tawng,” tin a hun sawn. your father rich sword cost I face AJT he come reply POSS N ADJ N ADJ 3SG V AJT 3SG V V The spirit of her boyfriend replied, “I’m not facing sim enemy, nor any other enemy. I face your father’s rich sword.” (TT.043)

Ngun Hnu cu a pa in lo feh zawngah “Nute ngun hnu about her father ERG farm go while nute PROP TOP POSS N ERG N V CONJ N

Tap–pawn ah bapi le kawlhra ka lo rawh–sak khi firepit–next at man and sweet potato I you roast–for that N POST N CONJ N 1SG 2SG V–BEN DET

na thlen in hung thur awla” a ti mi kha a vun mang. you arrive when go take out PRT he say that that she go remember 2SG V CONJ V V PRT 3SG V REL DET 3SG V V Hgun Hnu then remembered what her father had said to her as he was leaving for the farm, “Nute, I have roasted sweet potato and papi (one’s husband) in the kitchen. Go and take them out when you get home.” (TT.044)

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5.5.3 Hyponymy Lexical cohesion through hyponymy is based on classification: that is ‘be a kind of’ (Halliday & Matthiessen, 2004, pp. 575, 574). As shown in table 74, only two instances of hyponymy were found. The item in the square brackets represents a cohesively hyponymous form.

Table 74 Hyponymous Forms

Items Text Frequency rawl––[suncaw] #13––13, 14 2

Martin (1992, p. 308) mentions that “hyponyms do not directly presume their superordinates, but they may presume them indirectly through bridging.” This may be observed in the following instance (124), in which suncaw Lit. ‘afternoon food’ refers back to rawl ‘food’ in terms of hyponymy relation –– rawl is a superordinate of suncaw.

(124) A nu le a pa ih an ken mi rawl khal Ngun Hnu cun her mother and her father of they give that food also ngun hnu about POSS N CONJ POSS N GEN 3PL V REL N ADV PROP TOP

a thlangvalpa cu a rak do theu i an naunute her man about she then treat usually and their sister POSS N TOP 3SG DMP V HAB CONJ POSS N

cu suncaw loin a um ringring theu. about afternoon food without she exist always usually TOP N CONJ 3SG V ADV HAB Ngun Hnu would also take the food which was prepared by her parents for her sister, and give it to her boyfriend; (so) her little sister would always go without the afternoon food. (TT.013)

Cutiih suncaw ei ding a co theu lo ruangah a rilrawng that way food eat will she get usually not because she hungry ADV N V FUT 3SG V HAB NEG CONJ 3SG V

le bang in a ni ni in a tumtawl deuhdeuh. and tired AJT its day day AJT she thin more CONJ V AJT POSS N N AJT 3SG V ADV Because she did not get food to eat in the afternoon, she was hungry and tired, and day by day she became thinner and thinner. (TT.014)

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5.5.4 Meronymy Meronymy is based on a part-whole relationship; that is to, ‘be a part of’ (Carter, 1998, p. 21; Halliday & Hasan, 2004, p. 575). There were four instances of meronymic relation in the story. The italics in table 75 represents item analyzed for cohesion, and the square brackets represent cohesively related meronyms.

Table 75 Meronymous Forms

Items Text Frequency rulpi––[lu, meilam, ril] # 31––32, 33, 45, 46, 4

Example (125) is the context in which lexical cohesion is achieved through meronymic relation. The three items, lu ‘head’, meilam ‘tail side’, and ril ‘intestine’, are co-meronyms of rulpi ‘snake’.

(125) Ngun Hnu pa cun rulpi cu tan thum ah a rak sahtan. ngun hnu father ERG snake about cut three in he then cut off PROP N ERG N TOP N NUM POST 3SG DMP V Ngun Hnu’s father cut the snake into three pieces. (TT.031)

A lu cu lo lu ah a ret i a mei–lam his head about farm upper on he put and his tail–side POSS N TOP N N POST 3SG V CONJ POSS N–ADJ

cu lo taw lamah a ret. about farm lower on he put TOP N N POST 3SG V He left his head on the upper section of the farm, and the tail and the rest on the lower section. (TT.032)

A ril cu thlawh–pawn thingpi parah a ban ta. his intestine about cut–next log on he hang REQL POSS N TOP N N POST 3SG V REQL He hunged his intestine(s) on the log next to the farming area. (TT.033)

5.5.5 Collocation Lexical cohesion through collocation is achieved by means of lexical items that collocate each other. There are nine instances of collocational pattern that contribute to the internal cohesion of the story. Table 76 gives a list of the collocates

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found in the story. The italics represent forms analyzed for cohesion, and the square brackets represent collocationally cohesive forms.

Table 76 Collocates

Items Text Frequency lo––[thlam] # 13––10 17 30 45 4 ninghang––[lungsia] # 53––53 1 Kawlnam ––[sahtan] # 26, 30––31 2 nu––[pa] # 13––13, 21 2

In (126), there is a strong collocational bond between the kawlnam ‘sword’ and sahtan ‘cut’. Swords were usually used to cut or kill animals or enemies; thus, he occurrence of sahtan after namsau in this incidence gives a cohesive effect to the text.

(126) Thlam cu hung thleng nakhaw Ngun Hnu pa ih hut about go up arrive AJT ngun hnu father of N TOP V V AJT PROP N GEN

kawlnam samseu thawi hmuaknak lawng a tawng. sword long with greeting only he encounter N ADJ INSTR N ADV 3SG V When he arrived at the hut, he encountered only the welcome of the long sword of Ngun Hnu’s father. (TT.030)

Ngun Hnu pa cun rulpi cu tan thum ah a rak sahtan. ngun hnu father ERG snake about cut three in he then cut PROP N ERG N TOP N NUM POST 3SG DMP V Ngun Hnu’s father cut the snake into three pieces. (TT.031)

5.6 Results Figure (7) displays the overall results of the analysis of cohesive devices found in the story of Tluang Tlir Li. The horizontal line represents the four major categories of cohesion along with their subtypes, and the horizontal line represents the frequency of distribution.

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Figure 7 Frequency Distribution (TT)

5.7 Summary The analysis of the story of Tluang Tlir Li shows that three major types of cohesive devices were utilized in the text. These are identity, conjunction, and lexical relation. The major category of inflectional pattern was not found. Of the three major types found, lexical relation indicates the highest frequency at 63%, and the least frequency of occurrence points to the use of conjunction at 6%. The devices found under the category of identity are references, such as personal, demonstrative, and comparative. Substitution and ellipsis were not found. The conjunction devices found fall into five groups: addition, spatio-temporal, manner, causal-conditional, and matter. No occurrences of apposition, clarification, and variation, were found. Lexical relation is substantially used, particularly lexical repetition. Each of the five subcategories were found: repetition, synonymy, hyponymy, meronymy, and collocation. Of all the devices found in the subcategories of the three major types, lexical repetition, with 57% frequency, has shown to be the most used device to create cohesion in the story. The second most utilized device is reference, which has an occurrence of 31%. Additive and matter conjunctives have the lowest frequency of occurrence.

31%

0% 0% 0% 0% 0% 0% 0% 3% 2% 1% 0% 0%

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Identity Conjunction Inflectional Pattern Lexical Relation

Grammatical Cohesion Lexical Cohesion

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Conclusion

6.1 Introduction The aim of this study was to investigate common cohesive devices that were utilized in the three selected folktales. The investigation was based on a theoretical framework (2.5), which is comprised of four major categories of cohesion: (1) identity, (ii) conjunction, (iii) inflectional pattern, and (iv) inflectional pattern. The study was carried out to achieve four objectives as follows: (1) to investigate all of the cohesive devices that are used in the three selected texts, (2) to identify the most frequenly used devices in each category, (3) to present the frequency of individual cohesive devices in all texts, and show a comparative result, and (4) finally, to present any pattern that appears in the texts. The following two sections, 6.2 and 6.3, will present the overall findings of the study in relation to the objectives of the paper. Finally, some suggestions for further research will be provided in section 6.4.

6.2 Summary In the story of Ngai Tah And Her Mother, cohesive ties were created by the three major categories of cohesion: (i) identity, (ii) conjunction, and (iii) lexical relation. There were no instances of cohesive ties created by the category of inflectional pattern. The first category, identity, was expressed through reference and ellipsis. Reference indicates a higher frequency of occurrence at 26% than ellipsis which exhibits only 1%. The other two subclasses of identity, pro–forms and substitution, were not found. The second category, conjunction, was expressed through four devices, such as addition, spatio–temporal, manner, and causal–conditional. The other four, apposition, clarification, variation, and matter, were not found. Of the four devices found, additive conjunction shows the highest frequency at 5%, and the lowest frequency was manner and causal-conditional. In lexical relation, which is the third major category of cohesion, all five devices proposed in the framework were found. These devices are repetition, synonymy, hyponymy, meronymy, and collocation. Repetition shows the highest frequency of occurrence at 34%, and meronymy, the lowest frequency at 2%. (Figure 5).

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The second story, The Lady Who Drinks The Tiger’s Water, also manifested the use of the three major categories of cohesion found in the first story. The first category, identity, is expressed through reference, substitution, and ellipsis. Reference shows the highest frequency of occurrence at 32%, and substitution, the lowest frequency at 2%. The second category, conjunction, is expressed through five devices, such as clarification, addition, spatio–temporal, manner, and causal–conditional. There were no incidences of the other three conjunctive devices, such as apposition, variation, and matter. Of the conjunctive devices found, spatio–temporal device shows the highest frequency at 3%, and clarification, the least at 0% (1 incidence)45. The other three conjunctives were tied with each other at 2%. Like in the first story, the second story also exhibits the use of all of the five lexical relation devices proposed in the framework, and furthermore, the repetition device here also indicates the highest frequency of occurrece at 34%. (Figure 6).

The same three major categories of cohesive strategies were found at work in creating text–internal cohesive links in the third story, Tluang Tlir Li. Identity link is expressed only through reference. The other four devices were not found in the story. However, the reference devices alone still manifests, like in the first and second stories, a high frequency at 31%. The devices found under the category of conjunction are addition, spatio–temporal, manner, causal–conditional, and matter. Spatio–temporal conjunction is the most used device, which indicates 3%. Both additive and matter devices show 0% (1 incidence), and are considered to be the lowest frequency of occurrence. (Figure 7).

6.3 Conclusion The hypotheses put forth in the introduction are met by the results of the study.

Hypothesis (1): Cohesion through identity, cohesion through conjunction, and cohesion through lexical relation are the common devices utilized within the texts.

Hypothesis (2): Falam Chin is not morphologically marked, but rather understood based on adverbial phrases and contexts; therefore, cohesion through inflectional patterns will not be present.

Hypothesis (3): In traditional Falam Chin narratives, cohesion through repetition has a higher frequency than any other cohesive device.

45 In places where the raw data is not provided in brackets, the 0% indicates the complete absence of

the given item in the story.

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The analysis of the three folktales confirmed the utilization of the three major categories of cohesive strategies in creating cohesive ties in the three texts. These major devices are identity, conjunction, and lexical relation. The major category of inflectional pattern was not found in any of the stories. Of the three major categories, lexical relation showed the highest frequency of occurrence at 63%, with identity as the second highest at 30%. The lowest frequency of ocurrence points to the category of conjunction at 6%.

The analysis also confirmed that reference is the only cohesive device of identity that was used in all three stories. As for the category of conjunction, only four devices were found in all three. These devices are addition, spatio–temporal, manner, and causal–conditional. The frequencies of additive conjunction and spatio–temporal are tied with each other at 2%, whereas manner and causal–conditional are tied at 1%. Finally, the analysis also evidenced that all five subtypes of lexical relation were used as cohesive devices in the three stories. These devices are repetition, synonymy, hyponymy, meronymy, and collocation. Lexical repetition occurred most frequently in the stories. The overall result indicates that it has the highest frequency of occurrence at 43%, and synonymy, the lowest frequency at only 2%.

As a single cohesive device, repetition shows the highest frequency at 43%, and manner and causal–conditional, the subtypes of conjunction, shows the lowest frequency at 1% each. A summary of the overall results and patterns found in the analysis of the three stories can be seen in table 77. The frequency and the raw data only represent the result of the individual cohesive devices that were found in all of the three folktales.

Table 77 Overall Result, Pattern, and Frequency of Cohesive Devices

Types Subtypes S 1 S 2 S 3 Total Frequency Identity Reference 70 76 96 242 242 30% 30% Conjunction Addition 14 4 1 19

59 2%

6% Spatio–temporal 5 6 8 19 2% Manner 2 4 5 11 1% Causal–conditional 2 5 3 10 1%

Lexical Relation Repetition 92 79 175 346 495

43%

63% Synonymy 10 3 2 15 2% Hyponymy 7 13 2 22 3% Meronymy 5 11 4 20 3% Collocation 60 23 9 92 12%

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6.4 Further Research The study of cohesive devices in this paper is based on three folktale texts written by one author, and a theoretical framework formulated out of three cohesion sources. In order for better understanding of how cohesive strategies work in Falam texts, a more indepth study would be necessary. This might indicate the use of a text corpus larger than three normal short stories, and diferent types of genre. It would also be interesting if one could formulate a theoretical framework for the analysis out of four or five (or more) cohesion sources. The work of Michael Hoey (1991) on lexical cohesion may prove to be useful for a more thorough understanding of lexical relationships between texts. Another possible area for further reasearch on cohesion would be on the effectiveness of individual cohesive devices. This study faced the challenge of distinguishing between elements that have strong cohesive effect, and elements that do not. There is no a sharp line drawn between some elements in terms of their cohesive effect. One of the examples found in the stories was the additive conjunction i ‘and’, which is similar to the English conjunction and in terms of meaning. However, it cannot adjoin one sentence to another or to an extended passage of text occurring initially in the sentence, though it may tie multiple clauses together in a sentence. The study reveals that the conjunciton i was one of the most frequently used devices in the three stories. It would be interesting to do a more indepth study on cohesive devices of that sort to get a better understanding of the nature of their cohesive effect and performance within text.

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APPENDIX A NGAI TAH AND HER MOTHER

NT.001 Ngai Tah hi fala tleirawl––te a si. Ngai Tah this girl teenage––small she be PROP DEM N N––DIM ARG COP (This) Ngai Tah is a teenage girl.

NT.002 A hmel that––zia cu zoh khawhawk loin a tha. her face good––ness about look enough not she good POSS N V––NMLZ TOP V ADV NEG ARG V She is so beautiful that they cannot take their eyes off of her.

NT.003 A ruang le a rai ah zohthanungza––te a si. her body and her shape at lovely thing––small she be POSS N CONJ POSS N LOC N––DIM ARG COP She has a lovely figure.

NT.004 A mitmen cu zan ih arsi bangin a mawi i a mitmu her eyes.open about night at star just like it beautiful and her eyes ball 3SG N TOP N POST N CONJ ARG V CONJ POSS N

cu thengre mit bangin a hiang in a fai. about cicada eyes just like it pure and it clean TOP N N CONJ ARG V CONJ ARG V Her eyes glowed like the stars at night and sparkled like the eyes of a cicada.

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NT.005.

Van=dum bangin a dum lengli. sky=black like it black condition N=ADJ CONJ ARG V ADV Her eyes are as beautiful as the night black sky.

NT.006 A nu ih mit lawngah a si lo; her mother of eye only 3SG be not 3SG N POSS N ADJ it COP NEG

A hmuh-tu hmuahhmuah in an thin a nuam. it see-someone all ERG their liver it glad 3SG N ADJ ERG 3PL.POSS N 3SG V It is not only in her mother’s eyes [(that) Ø: she is beautiful]; Everyone who sees her feels peace in their hearts.

NT.007 A hnen an thlen ahcun ziang dang hman an ruat thei dah lo. her side they arrive when anything other not they think able ever not POSS N 3PL V CONJ N ADJ NEG 3PL V ADV ADV NEG They cannot think of anything else when they are with her.

NT.008 An thin helhkam mi khal a dai thluh theu. their liver concern thing also it cold completely usually 3PL.POSS N V N ADV 3SG V ADV ADV Even the concerns they have in their hearts would go a way.

NT.009 Nunau ziazate thawn milaw in a nungcang a mawi. girl character with match AJT her behavior it beautiful N N POST V AJT POSS N 3SG V Matching a girl’s personality traits, her behavior is graceful and pleasant.

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NT.010 Kum=khat cu van–ruah a tam tuk lawmmam. Year=one about heaven–rain it many very too much N=NUM TOP N–N ARG V ADV ADV One year there was a lot of rain.

NT.011 Han ti um nawn lo =in a sur rero. cease ever exist anymore not AJT it fall continuously V ADV V ADV NEG AJT ARG V ADV It rained without ceasing.

NT.012 Tiva–pi le tiva–te pawl khal an liam thluh i river–big and river–small many also they overflow completely and N–AUG CONJ N–AUG PL ADV ARG V ADV CONJ

Hmunrawn le tlang hram hmuahhmuah a khat thluh thlang. lowland and mountain root all it full completely PFV N CONJ N N ADJ ARG V ADV PFV Big rivers and small rivers overflowed (their banks), and all of the lowlands and valleys were completely filled with water.

NT.013 Minung tam–pi cu tlang sang deuhdeuh pan =in an kai. human many–big about mountain high more headed AJT they climb N ADJ–AUG TOP N ADJ ADV V AJT ARG V Many people climbed to the high mountains.

NT.014 Hramlak ih um ramsa phunkip khal tlangsannak an pan=so vivo. Forest in exist animal all kinds also hilly region they go up continously N POST V N N ADV N ARG V V CONT All kinds of animals in the forest were also going up high into the mountains.

NT.015 Ruah–ti a kang cuang lo. rain–water it dry still not N––N ARG V ADV NEG The rain still had not eased.

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NT.016 A ni ni =in a tam sinsin. its day day AJT it many more and more POSS N N AJT ARG V ADV It kept rising each day.

NT.017 Tlang niam deuh pawl cu an pil cuahco thlang. mountain low more many about they sink gradually PFV N ADJ ADJ PL TOP ARG V ADV PFV The valleys flooded gradually.

NT.018 Tipithuanthum ti bangin leilungtlun pumpin a li khat demdem i sea water like world whole it flood full vastly and N N CONJ N ADJ ARG V V ADV CONJ

tidai a hungtho i tisuar a hung heraw awnthawm cu water it rise and wave it Come turn sound about N ARG V CONJ N ARG V V N TOP

“Ngai, Ngai, Ngai” tin a thang. Ngai Ngai Ngai AJT it echoe N N N AJT ARG V Like the water in the sea, the entire world was flooded, and the sound of the rising waves sounded, “Ngai, Ngai, Ngai."

NT.019 Minung tam–pi cu an pil i an thi. human many–big about they drown and they die N ADJ–AUG TOP ARG V CONJ ARG V Many people drowned, and they died.

NT.020 Ramsa ticawklo an thi ve. animal uncountable they die also N ADJ 3PL.NOM V ADV Countless animals died as well.

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NT.021 Tlang sang pahnih pakhat te lawng an tang i micak deuhdeuh le Mountain high two one small only they left and strong man more and N ADJ NUM NUM DIM ADV ARG V CONJ N ADV CONJ

mai umnak ram thawi a nai deuh pawl vial an luat lai hrih. one residence land with it close more many only they escape IPFV still one’s N N POST ARG V ADV PL ADV ARG V IPFV ADV There were only a few high points left (dry), and only strong people and those whose residence was close to the mountains were escaping.

NT.022 Tidai cu a thang sinsin. water about it echoe more and more N TOP ARG V ADV The water rose more and more.

NT.023 “Ngai, Ngai, Ngai” tin a awn so vivo. Ngai Ngai Ngai AJT it sound up continuously N N N AJT ARG V V CONT It (the water) continued to sound, "Ngai, Ngai, Ngai".

NT.024 Ngai Tah tei nu–fa khal cu tlangsannak pan cun an feh so ve. Ngai Tah of mother–child about hilly region headed AJT they go up also PROP POSS N TOP N V AJT ARG V V ADV Ngai Tah and her mother were also going up to the high mountain area.

NT.025 Minung ticawklo tlang zim ah an tawngaw. human countless mountain edge at they meet N ADJ N N POST ARG V Countless people came to meet at the top of the mountain.

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NT.026 Tidai in le a huncim so vivo i “Ngai, Ngai, Ngai” tiphahin water ERG PRT it flood up continuously and ngai ngai ngai AJT N ERG PRT ARG V V ADV CONJ N N N AJT

tlang khal cu a cimpil zik cuahco thlang. mountain also about it flood almost gradually PFV N ADV TOP ARG V N ADV ADV PFV The water kept rising and sounding, "Ngai, Ngai, Ngai", and the water had almost reached up the mountain.

NT.027 Tidai awn cu “Ngai, Ngai, Ngai” a ti ruangah Ngai Tah a ko a si water sound about ngai ngai ngai it say because ngai tah it call it be N N TOP N N N ARG V CONJ PROP ARG V ARG COP

ding an ti i a puante cu tidai sungah an vun thlak. will they say and her cloth about water inside they go down drop FUT ARG V CONJ POSS N TOP N POST ARG V V Because the water was sounding, "Ngai, Ngai, Ngai", they said that it must be calling Ngaitah, and they dropped her little handkerchief in the water.

NT.028 A puan–te a pil veten veikhat cu a niam sualso lawk her cloth–small it sink as soon as one about it go down slowly temporarily 3SG.POSS N ARG V CONJ NUM TOP ARG V ADV ADV

nan a rei hlanah a hung tam–sal i a kai sinsin. though it take long before it come many–again and it climb more and more CONJ ARG V CONJ ARG V V–SUFF CONJ ARG V ADV Though the water receded for a little while as soon as the handkerchief had sunk, before long it had rose again, and rose more and more.

NT.029 Amah kel ah a cangsal. its original at it return POSS N POST ARG V It returned to its original state.

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NT.030 An mang a bang i a kawr–-te an thlak–-sal. their dream it like and her shirt–-small they drop–-again POSS N ARG V CONJ POSS N ARG V They were perplexed and dropped her little shirt again.

NT.031 Ti–dai cu a niam sualso lala. water–cold about it go down gradually again N–V TOP ARG V ADV ADV The water slowly receded again.

NT.032 Asinan a kai=so sal thotho i a tam sinsin. However it climb=up again still and it many more and more CONJ ARG V=V ADV ADV CONJ ARG V ADV However, it still continued to rise, and it was getting higher.

NT.033 An pil zik duahdo thlang. they sink almost almost PFV 3PL.NOM V ADV ADV PFV They had almost sunk (into the water).

NT.034 Ngai Tah ih thilri le hnipuan an thlak caan ahcun malte sung ngai tah of stuff and clothes they drop when AJT little during PROP POSS N CONJ N ARG V CONJ AJT N POST

cu a tumsuk theu nan, tawkfangah cun a kai so thotho about it go down usually though soon POST it climb up still TOP ARG V HAB CONJ ADV POST ARG V V ADV Though the water receded a little bit when they dropped Ngaitah's clothes in, it still went up again after a while.

NT.035 A thilri le hnipuan an thlak thluh. her stuff and clothes they drop completely POSS N CONJ N 3PL.NOM V ADV They dropped her clothes and all of her things.

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NT.036 Tidai le a kai sinsin thotho i, “Ngai, Ngai, Ngai” a ti thotho water also it climb more.and.more still and Ngai Ngai, Ngai it say still N ADV 3SG V ADV ADV CONJ N N N 3SG V ADV

si, mi hmuahhmuah kan thih thluh hnakcun minung pakhat thih cu be one all we die completely than human one die about PRT PRO ADJ 1PL V ADV CONJ N NUM V TOP

a tha deuh ding an ti i Ngai Tah cu thlak an tum. it good more will they say and Ngai Tah about drop they plan 3SG V ADV FUT ARG V CONJ PROP TOP V ARG V Since the water continued to rise, and sound, "Ngai, Ngai, Ngai", they reasoned that it would be better for one person to die than for everyone to perish; (so) they planned to drop Ngaitah (in the water).

NT. 037 A nu in le a fanu neihsun–-te a si ruangah a siang lo. her mother ERG PRT her daughter only–-small she be because she willing not POSS N ERG PRT POSS N ADJ–-DIM ARG COP CONJ ARG V NEG Because she (Ngai Tah) was the only daughter she had, her mother was not willing to let go of her.

NT.038 Thih le thih thluh. die and die completely V CONJ V ADV [Ø: We all] die if necessary.

NT.039 A fanu neihsun thih hnakcun mi–dang cu her daughter only die rather than person–other about 3SG.POSS N ADJ V CONJ N–SUFF TOP

an thih thluh hmanah a ziang a poi lo. they die completely even if her anything she matter not ARG V ADV CONJ 3SG.POSS N ARG V NEG Rather than the death of her only daughter, she would not even care if all of the other people had to die.

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NT.040 Curuangah a fanu–te cu a pawm ih an lawng thei lo. Therefore her daughter about she hold tight and they snatch able not CONJ 3SG.POSS N TOP ARG V CONJ ARG V ADV NEG Therefore, she clutched her daughter to her chest, and they could not take her.

NT.041 Asinan Ngai Tah nu cu an kaihhrem i a fanu Ngai Tah cu a however ngai tah mother about they seize and her daughter ngai tah about she CONJ PROP N TOP ARG V CONJ POSS N PROP TOP ARG

siang lo cingten hramhramin an lawn i tilik suar lakah an thlak sak. willing not while forcefully they snatch and water stormy among they drop for V NEG CONJ ADV ARG V CONJ N ADJ POST ARG V BEN However, they seized Ngaitah's mother and against her will, took Ngai Tah and dropped her into the stormy waves.

NT.042 Ngai Tah nu cu a fanute ti sungih a pil zawngah cun “Ngaite, ngai tah mother about her daughter water inside she sink while AJT ngaite PROP N TOP POSS N N POST ARG V CONJ AJT PROP

cikheng ah kan tawngaw–-sal leh ding” a ti ta. salt bowl at we meet–-again again will she say RELQ N POST ARG V–-SUFF ADV FUT ARG V RELQ As her daughter sank into the water, she said, "Ngaite, we will meet again at the salt bowl."

NT.043 Cutin a nun ui cing le tap cing in that way her life unwilling while and cry while AJT DEM 3SG N V ADV CONJ V ADV AJT

Ngai Tah cu ti-pi sung-ah a pil. Ngai Tah about water-big inside-at she sink PROP TOP sea POST-LOC ARG V So though Ngai Tah cried and was unwilling to die, she finally sank into the water.

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NT.044 Ngai Tah ti sungih a pil vete cun tilikpi cu a tum sualso ve. ngai tah water inside she sink as soon as AJT water about it descend gradually also PROP N POST ARG V CONJ AJT N TOP ARG V ADV ADV As soon as Ngaitah sank into the water, the stormy water began to recede as well.

NT.045 A niam sinsin i a kang lanta dah. it go down more and more and it dry remain ever 3SG.NOM V ADV CONJ ARG V ADV PRT It kept going down and finally dried up.

NT.046 Ngai Tah cu ngapi ah (Nathaisawn) a cang an ti. ngai tah about fish at ngathaisawn she become they say PROP TOP N POST N 3SG.NOM V ARG V They say that Ngai Tah became a big fish named Ngathaisawn.

NT.047 Curuangah Ngathaisawn cu minung ihsin cang a si ruangah Therefore Ngathaisawn about human from turn into it be because CONJ N TOP N POST V ARG COP CONJ

Minung pianzia a nei i minung pawhte bangin pawhte a nei ve. human shape it have and human breast like breast it have also N N ARG V CONJ N N CONJ N ARG V ADV Therefore, as Ngathaisawn was a human turned into a fish, it also has the structure of a human body with a breast similar to the breast of a human.

NT.048 Ngai Tah nu cu a lungleng le a umhar lutuk ah ngai tah mother about she mourn and she feel lonely very at PROP N TOP ARG V CONJ ARG V ADV POST

umngaihnak le nunngaihnak khal a thei lo. how to be and how to live also she know not N CONJ N ADV ARG V NEG Because of her great sorrow and loneliness, she did not even know what she should do.

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NT.049 A thinhnemtu bik le a aipuannak bik a si theu her comforter most and her happiness most it be usually POSS N ADJ CONJ POSS N ADJ ARG COP HAB

mi a fanute ngai in nitin a tap theu. who her daughter miss AJT every day she cry usually REL POSS N V AJT ADV ARG V HAB Missing her daughter who was her best comforter and greatest happiness, she cried everyday.

NT.050 Cutiih a tahnak i a hnaphnitnak hmuahhmuah cu that way her cry at her blow nose all about ADV POSS N POST POSS N ADJ TOP

cikhur ah an cang an ti. salt well at they become they say N POST ARG V ARG V People believed that all the snots from her crying turned into a salt well.

NT.051 Kan lai–ram i ci–khur hmuahhmuah khi Ngai Tah nui hnap a si an ti. our chin–land at salt–well all that ngai tah mother’s snot it be they say POSS N POST N ADJ DET PROP N N ARG COP ARG V People believed that all of the salt wells in our Chin Land are made of the snot of Ngaitah's mother.

NT.052 Ngai Tah nu cu a lungleng le umhar a tuar nawn lo. ngai tah mother about her sorrow and loneliness she bear anymore not PROP N TOP POSS N CONJ N ARG V ADV NEG Ngaitah's mother could no longer bear her sorrow and loneliness.

NT.053 Lungleng le umhar in thih a theih si lo. mourning and loneliness with die it possible be not N CONJ N CONJ N ARG V COP NEG (However) one cannot die of mourning and feeling lonely.

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NT.054 A umngaihnak thei lo ah “Thiamtial ka bang ding” a ti. her what to do know not because handloom I warp will she say POSS N V NEG CONJ N ARG V FUT ARG V Not knowing what to do, she said, “I will do handloom weaving.”

NT.055 A thiambannak cu tlang khat in a ral tlang khatlam her handloom about mountain one from its opposite mountain other side POSS N TOP N NUM POST POSS N N N

hmuh ban ceu ah a si i a bang theitu an um lo. see reachable just at it be and it warp able man they exist not V ADJ ADV POST ARG COP CONJ ARG V N ARG V NEG Her handloom bar went from one mountain to the other side of its opposite mountain, and nobody could hang it.

NT.056 Vate phunkim an ra =suak nan an zuang=thleng thei lo. bird all kinds they come=out though they fly=arrive able not N ADJ ARG V=V CONJ ARG V=V ADV NEG All kinds of birds came out, but none of them could fly there.

NT.057 Vapual in ngerh khat cu a bang thei an ti. hornbill ERG knot one about it hang able they say N ERG N NUM TOP ARG V ADV ARG V They said that the hornbill was able to do one knot.

NT.058 Tu khal ahhin kan nupa–– pawl cun Ngai Tah nu ih thiamban––nak now also at our parent––many AJT Ngai Tah mother of handloom––NMLZ N ADJ LOC 1PL.POSS N––PL AJT PROP N POSS N––NMLZ

an ti i Falam peng Conghoih khaw–lu tlang lenpi tlang-tluan they say and Falam mile Conghoih village–head mountain lenpi mountain-slope ARG V CONJ N N N N-SUFF N N N-SUFF

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pa-hnih sang=hlei deuh a um mi khi a si. CLF-two high=more more it exist that that it be CLF-NUM ADJ=ADV ADV ARG V REL DEM ARG COP Even now our parents say that it is on those two high mountains in the Lenpi mountain range of the upper section of Conghoih village in Falam township, where Ngai Tah’s mother did her handloom weaving.

NT.059 Cui tlang ihsin khatlam nitlaknak lam Mizoram i Tan kham that mountain from other side sunset side mizoram at tan kham DET N POST N ADJ N N POST N

Tlun tlang sangpi khi a khatlam a thiamtlang a si an ti. above mountain high that its other side her handloom bar it be they say POST N ADJ DET POSS N POSS N ARG COP ARG V On a very high mountain on the Tan Kham of Mizoram, located on the sunset side from the (two) mountains, is the other side of her handloom edge.

NT.060 Mihrek in Thlantlang peng Farrawn khawlu some ERG thlangtlang mile farrawn village head N ERG N N N N

i Tombuk tlang khi a si an ti. at tombuk mountain that it be they say POST N N DET ARG COP ARG V Some say that it is Tombuk Mountain, located in the upper section of Farraw village in Thlantlang township.

NT.061 Kan Lai thuanthu ah aphunphun an rel i our Chin history at various ways they say and 1PL.POSS N N LOC N ARG V CONJ

Mah le ram thawn a nai deuh mi oneself and land with it near more that PRO CONJ N POST ARG V INTS REL

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le tlang sang deuh pawl khi Ngai Tah nu ih thiamtlang and mountain high more plural that Ngai Tah mother of edge of handloom CONJ N ADJ INTS PL DET PROP N POSS N

tin an puh i hmin an sak cio. AJT they attribute and name they build each AJT ARG V CONJ N ARG V ADV. In our Chin history, this story is told in various ways, and each person name the mountain that are high and close to his or her land as the handloom edge of Ngaitah’s mother.

NT.062 Hi tilik thuanthu hi miphun dangdang thuanthu khal ah an nei cio. this flood story this tribe other story also at they have each DET N N DET N ADJ N ADV POST ARG V ADV Different tribal groups have this flood story in their folklore.

NT.063 Asinan an simdan le an reldan cu a dang cio ding. however their way of telling and their way of saying about it differ each will CONJ POSS N CONJ POSS N TOP ARG V ADV FUT However, the way they tell the story will be different.

NT.064 Ngai Tah nu cu a thinnawmnak ding–ah le a umhar–hnemtu ngai tah mother about her nappiness will–for and her loneliness–comforter PROP N TOP POSS N FUT–CONJ CONJ POSS N

ding–ah khua a ruat rero nan ziangkhal a lunghnemtu will–for village she think continuously though anything her comforter FUT–CONJ N ARG V ADV CONJ N POSS N

ding a um thei cuang lo. will it exist able still not FUT ARG V V ADV NEG Though Ngaitah’s mother kept thinking about how she could be comforted and be happy, nothing could really help with her loneliness.

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NT.065 A umhar =cun a vak a tawi vivo. she feel lonely AJT she walk she meander continously ARG V AJT ARG V ARG V CONT Feeling lonesome, she was meandering around.

NT.066 A fanu––te ngai =cun tlang ikip le her daughter––small miss AJT mountain everywhere and 3SG.POSS N––DIM V AJT N N CONJ

ram ikip a hrawngsuak i a mitthli le land everywhere she wander and her tear and N N ARG V CONJ 3SG.POSS N CONN

a changhnap thawn tlangsan––nak ikip cun “ngaite” tin her mucus with high moutain––NMLZ everywhere AJT ngaite AJT 3SG.POSS N POST N––NMLZ N AJT N AJT a au nan sawn––tu le be––tu she shout although reply––someone and talk––someone ARG V CONJ V––NMLZ CONJ V––NMLZ

an um nawn cuang si lo. they exist anymore still be not ARG V ADV ADV COP NEG

She missed her daughter and wandered all over the land and the mountains crying, “Ngaite”, but there was no answer.

NT.067 A hnaphnitnak ipiangin cikhur ah an cang vivo i netabik cun her nose blowing every salt well at they become continuously and finally in POSS N ADJ N POST ARG V ADV CONJ ADV POST

Hakha peng Sen Thang ram lam–-ah a thleng. hakha mile sen hang land side–-LOC she arrive N N N N POST ARG V All the places she blew her nose turned into pillars of salt, and finally she reached the land of Senthang in Hakha township.

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NT.068 Cui =hnu =ah =cun a lungleng=cun a thi ta. that after at AJT she mourn AJT she die RELQ DET POST LOC AJT ARG V AJT ARG V RELQ After that, she (Ngai Tah’s mother) died mourning.

NT.069 Amah khal cu cilung =ah a cang ta. she also about pillar of salt at she turn RELQ 3SG.NOM ADV TOP N LOC AGR V RELQ She also became a pillar of salt.

NT.070 Sen Thang cikhur tin tutiangah hin hminthang zetin a um. sen thang salt well with until now in popular very it exist N N POST ADV POST V ADV ARG V Until now, that pillar is famous and known as Senthang's Pillar of Salt.

NT.071 Sen Thang cikhur cu lungto ihsin a suak mi a si. sen thang salt well about rock from it come out thing it be N N TOP N POST ARG V N ARG COP Senthang’s salt well is something that comes out of a rock.

NT.072 Cui lungto cu minung pian a keng i nunau a bang deuh an ti. that rock about human shape it has and girl it resemble more they say DET N TOP N N ARG V CONJ N ARG V ADV ARG V People say that the stone takes the form of a human being, and it looks more like a girl.

NT.073 A citisuahnak khal cu nunau zahmawh vek kua ihsin a suak ti a si. her fluid hole also about girl female organ like hole from it come out say it be POSS N ADV TOP N N ADJ N POST ARG V V ARG COP It is said that the hole from which the fluid comes out is similar to that of a female organ.

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NT.074 Hlan pipu deuh pawl cun kha ti vekin nunau zahmawh vek kua past people more PL PRT that say like girl female organ like hole N N ADV PL PRT DET V DET N N ADJ N

ihsin citi a hung irhsuak kha mihrekkhat cu an hnih a suak from fluid it come out that some people about their laughter it get out POST N ARG V V DET N TOP POSS N ARG V

theu i ahnihsantu hmuahhmuah in inn an thlen tawkfang ah an thi. usually and one who laugh all ERG home they arrive soon at they die HAB CONJ N ADJ ERG N ARG V ADV POST ARG V The fact that water comes out of a hole similar to that of a female organ was funny to people in the past, but everyone who laughed at it died soon after they got home.

NT.075 Thihnak a si an ti. death it be they say N 3SG.NOM COP ARG V They say that it is death.

NT.076 Curuangah Sen Thang ci an er tikah titler in hlat nawn ah an lak. therefore sen thang salt they get when water pipe with far away at they get CONJ N N ARG V CONJ N INSTR N ADJ POST ARG V Therefore, when they get salt they get it with a water pipe far away (from the hole).

NT.077 A putsuaknak kha hmuh ban si nawn hlahseh tinak a si. its fluid hole that see reachable be anymore not meaning it be POSS N DET V ADV V ADV NEG N ARG COP That means that the place from which the fluid flows would no longer be where it could be seen.

NT.078 Ngai Tah cu Ngathaisawn ah a cang. ngai tah about ngathaisawn at she become PROP TOP N POST 3SG.NOM V Ngai Tah became a Ngathaisawn fish.

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NT.079 A nu cu ci ah a cang. her mother about salt at she become POSS N TOP N POST 3SG.NOM V Her mother became salt.

NT.080 An nu–-fa in cikheng ah an tongaw sal theu. their mother–-child ERG salt bowl at they meet again usually POSS N ERG N POST 3PL.NOM V ADV ADV They usually meet each other again at the salt bowl.

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APPENDIX B THE LADY WHO DRINKS THE TIGER’S WATER

TL.001 Falanu le tlangvalpa hi an duh–aw ngaingai i nitin in young woman and young man this they love–RECP really and every day AJT N CONJ N DET ARG V–RECP ADV CONJ ADV AJT

hmunkhat ah lo feh–tlang in an tlakaw ringring theu. one place at farm go–together AJT they hang out always usually N POST N V–COM AJT ARG V ADV ADV A young man and a young girl were deeply in love with each other, and everyday they went to the farm and spent time together.

TL.002 Hmun–khat ih hna an tuan–tlang hi an nawm tuk–ah place–one at work they work–together this they enjoy very–AJT N–NUM POST N ARG V–COM DET ARG V ADV–AJT

nitlak hman hi an thei theu lo. sunset even this they know usually not N ADV DET ARG V HAB NEG They enjoyed working together so much that they were usually unaware of the sun going down.

TL.003 A ni ni in an duh–aw sinsin. it day day AJT they love–RECP more and more 3SG N N AJT ARG V–RECP ADV They loved each other more and more each day.

TL.004 Ni–sa hman sa an ti lo. sun–heat even hot they say not N ADJ V 3PL.NOM V NEG They did not even notice the heat from the sun.

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TL.005 Cutin nuam lutuk in an feh–tlang theu. that way enjoy very much AJT they go–together usually ADV V ADV AJT 3PL.NOM V HAB So they usually went together very happily.

TL.006 Nikhat cu ni a sa nawn. one day about sun it hot very ADV TOP N 3SG.NOM V ADV One day, it was sunny and very hot.

TL.007 Khua a hlum i ti a hal rero thlang. weather it hot and water it thirsty continously PFV N ARG V CONJ N ARG V ADV PFV The weather was hot and (they) were getting thirsty.

TL.008 Falanu cun a tlangvalpa ih hnen–ah cun “ka ti a hal” a ti. young about her man of side–at AJT my water it thirsty she say N TOP POSS N GEN POST AJT POSS N ARG V ARG V The young woman said to her young man, “I’m thirsty.” (TL.008)

TL.009 Tlangvalpa khal cun mai fala thil duh cu hawl–suak a tum ve. young man also about one’s woman thing like about seek–out he intend also N ADV TOP POSS N N V TOP V ARG V ADV The man wanted to go and get what his woman wanted.

TL.010 Curuangah a falanu ih hnenah cun, “hi tikhur ih therefore his woman of side–at about this well from CONJ POSS N GEN N–POST TOP DET N POST

tidai hi rak in aw hlah, tivapi ih ta khi water this then drink IMP not river–big from thing that N DET DMP V IMP NEG N POST N DET

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ka vung khai ding” a ti i tithawl thawn a feh. I go down fetch will he say and container with he go ARG V V FUT ARG V CONJ N INSTR ARG V Therefore, he said to his young woman, “Do not drink the water from this well. I am going to fetch water from the big river.” Then he set out with his water container.

TL.011 Tlangvalpa cu a va rei deuh ruangah falanu in a tihal a rak young man about he go stay long more because woman ERG her thirst she then N TOP ARG V V ADV CONJ N ERG POSS N ARG DMP

tuar thei nawn lo i an lo khur ih Kei–ti a rak in. bear able anymore not and their farm well at tiger–water she then drink V ADV ADV NEG CONJ POSS N N POST N ARG DMP V Because the young man was gone so long, the young woman couldn’t stand her thirst, and she drank the tiger’s water from the well in their farm.

TL.012 A in ngah veten minung thinlung nei nawn she drink finish once human heart have anymore ARG V V CONJ N N V ADV

lo–in mikei ruahnak a nei ve. not–AJT tiger thinking she have also NEG–AJT N N ARG V ADV As soon as she finished drinking, her human mind was gone and she started to think like a tiger.

TL.013 A mit–hmai khal cu a dang. her eyes–face also about it different POSS N ADV TOP 3SG.NOM V Her facial expression also changed.

TL.014 A mit a sen. her eyes it red 3SG.POSS N 3SG.NOM V Her eyes were red.

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TL.015 A taksa milai pian si hmansehla a ruahnak le her body human shape be even though her thinking and POSS N N N V CONJ POSS N CONJ

a thinlung hmuahhmuah in mikei a si zo. her heart all ERG tiger she be PFV POSS N ADJ ERG N ARG V PFV Although she still had a human body, all of her thoughts and desires had turned into those of a tiger.

TL.016 Amah le amah khal a thei–aw. her and her also she know–REFL N CONJ N ADV ARG V She also knew herself.

TL.017 Cutiih mikei ka cang zo ti a theih cun a um a nuam nawn lo. that way tiger I become PFV that she know AJT her being it enjoy anymore not ADV N 1SG V PFV COMP ARG V AJT POSS N ARG V ADV NEG When she realized that she had become a tiger, she was no longer at peace.

TL.018 Khawruahhar, ninghang le lungsia in a rak um. feel lost sad and mad AJT she then exist V V CONJ V AJT 3SG.NOM DMP V She felt lost, sad, and angry.

TL.019 Tlangvalpa cu a tidai khai in a hung thleng. young man about his water fetch AJT he come arrive N TOP POSS N V AJT 3SG.NOM V V The young man came back from fetching the water.

TL.020 “Tidai in aw hen” a ti i a hun pe. water drink IMP PRT he say and he go give N V IMP PRT 3SG V CONJ ARG DMP V He reached out to her and said, “Drink water.”

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TL.021 Asinan “ka duh lo” a ti. however I like not she say CONJ 1SG.NOM V NEG ARG V However, she said, “I don’t want (it).”

TL.022 “kei–ti na in si fawh maw?” a ti. tiger–water you drink be true INTG he say N–N 2SG V V PRT INTG ARG V “Did you drink the tiger’s water?” he asked.

TL.023 Falanu cun “ka in lo” a ti. young woman ERG I drink not she say N ERG 1SG.NOM V NEG ARG V She replied, “I did not drink (it).”

TL.024 Asinan a mit–men le a umtudan tlangvalpa in a zoh tikah however her eye–open and her action young man ERG he look when CONJ POSS N CONJ POSS N N ERG ARG V CONJ

a hmuihmel kel a keng nawn lo ti cu fiangten a thei. her expression same she hold anymore not that about clearly he know POSS N ADJ ARG V ADV NEG COMP TOP ADV ARG V However, when the young man looked at her eyes, and her physical movements, he clearly knew that she was no longer the same.

TL.025 "Thlam ah kan va cawl hrih ding" a ti i tlangvalpa cun a cawlh–pi. hut at we go rest bit will he say and man ERG he rest–along with N POST 1PL V V ADV FUT ARG V CONJ N ERG ARG V–COM The young man said, “Let’s go and rest in the hut,” and he rested with her.

TL.026 Falanu cu a tha a bang. young woman about her strength it tired N TOP POSS N ARG V The young woman was feeling tired.

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TL.027 A thin a nuam lo sinsin. her liver it enjoy not more and more POSS N ARG V NEG ADV She became more and more unhappy.

TL.028 A tlangval a duh fawn si. her young man she love yet be POSS N ARG V ADV COP But she also loved her young man.

TL.029 Mikei a si zo kha a thei. tiger she be PFV that she know N ARG COP PFV DET 3SG V She knew that she had become a tiger.

TL.030 A mitthli a luang thluahthlo. her tear it drop heavily POSS N ARG V ADV Her tears were falling down.

TL.031 Tlangvalpa cun a hnem rero nan a hnem thei cuang lo. young man ERG he comfort continuously though he comfort able still not N ERG ARG V ADV CONJ ARG V V ADV NEG The young man tried to comfort her, but he couldn’t.

TL.032 An thlam zautlang cun an khua a hi cuan i, “kan run thang their hut window AJT their village she up gaze and our sector POSS N N AJT POSS N ARG DMP V CONJ POSS N

rung lang, thiamtial ka rem–nak; Kan sumtual rung lang, come appear handloom I weave–NMLZ our ground come appear DMP V N ARG V–NMLZ POSS N DMP V

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Valza ka pum–nak” a ti i a tap zawk rero thlang. (people) I (do)–NMLZ she say and she cry repeatedly continously PFV N ARG V–NMLZ ARG V CONJ ARG V ADV ADV PFV She gazed over from the hut’s window toward their village, and said, “Come appear our sector, where I weave; come appear (our ground where I play with friends),” and she was crying and crying.

TL.033 Tlangvalpa cun tlun a sawm rero nan a duh nawn lo. young man ERG go home he invite continuously though she want anymore not N ERG V ARG V ADV CONJ ARG V ADV NEG Though the young man asked her to go home (with him), she did want to go home.

TL.034 Khua ih va tlun ding cu a thinlung in a ngam nawn lo. village to go go home will about she heart ERG she dare anymore not N POST V V FUT TOP ARG N ERG ARG V ADV NEG She no longer dared to go home.

TL.035 Cutin s unvuten tah–aw phahin an umkhawm hnuah zanlam that way whole day cry–RECP while they stay after evening ADV ADV V–RECP CONJ ARG V CONJ N

khua a sim in tlangvalpa cun “tlung uhsi” a ti i an tlung weather it late AJT young man ERG go home let’s he say and they go N ARG V AJT N ERG V REQ ARG V CONJ ARG V So after they stayed crying the whole day, the young man said, “Let’s go home,” and they set out.

TL.036 Lam–hla nawn an feh i an khua an thlen zik thlang cun road–far very they go and their village they arrive almost PFV AJT N ADJ 3PL V CONJ POSS N ARG V ADV PFV AJT

falanu cu “paw” a ti i mikei ah a cang i a zuang–hlo. woman about paw she say and tiger into she become and she jump–lost N TOP N ARG V CONJ N POST ARG V CONJ ARG V After they had walked a long distance, and when they almost reached their village, the young woman roared, “Paw”, and she jumped and disappeared.

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TL.037 Tlangvalpa cu a lungleng le umharte thawn amah–te young man about he missing and being lonely with he–alone N TOP ARG N CONJ N INSTR PRO

inn ah a vung tlung ta. home at he go go home RELQ N POST ARG DMP V RELQ The young man went home by himeself feeling lonely and sad.

TL.038 Falanu cun nitin in sakhi, asilole zukneng cawn aphunphun woman ERG every day AJT reindeer if not deer thigh various N ERG ADV AJT N CONJ N N ADJ

in an thlam ah zingtin a rak ret theu. AJT their hut at every morning she then put usually AJT POSS N POST ADV ARG DMP V HAB Every morning, the young woman left various thighs of either deer or reindeer at their hut.

TL.039 A nu le a pa cun cutiih zingtin sa an ngah ringring her mother and her father ERG that way every morning meat they get always POSS N CONJ POSS N ERG DEM N N ARG V ADV

ruangah an fanute mikei a can cu an ning a hang tuk lo because their daughter tiger she become about their tired of it taste very not CONJ POSS N N ARG V TOP POSS N ARG V ADV NEG Because her mother and father got meat every morning, they were not too sad that their daughter had turned into a tiger.

TL.040 Asinan zingkhat cu milai cawn a rak ret. however one morning about human thigh she then put CONJ ADV TOP N N 3SG DMP V However, one morning she left a human thigh.

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TL.041 An khaw–pi–pawl in falanu mikei ah a cang i their village–COM–PL ERG woman tiger–human into she become and POSS N ERG N N POST ARG V CONJ

milai a deh ti an theih cun kan that ding an ti. human she kill that they know AJT we kill will they say N ARG V COMP ARG V AJT ARG V FUT ARG V When the villagers found out that the young woman had become a tiger, and killed a human, they said that they would kill her.

TL.042 Curuangah a fala nu le pa cun tlangvalpa cu an thah asile therefore her girl mother and father ERG young man about they kill if CONJ POSS N N CONJ N ERG N TOP 3PL V CONJ

a lu na tuam i na fun nakah an ti i hnemrang puan an ken. her head you wrap and you bag with they say and hnemrang cloth they give POSS N 2SG V CONJ 2SG V INSTR ARG V CONJ N N ARG V Therefore, the girl's parents gave the young man a hnemrang cloth, and told him that the cloth is for him to bag the girl’s head if the villagers kill her.

TL.043 An khawsen in an suak i sakhan cu an nam ciammam. their villagers ERG they come out and battue about they beat heartily POSS N ERG ARG V CONJ N TOP ARG V ADV All the villagers set out, and they eagerly hunted the girl using a technique called “battue”.

TL.044 Falanu cu tlangvalpa ih hmai–ah a suak ngaingai. woman about man of face–at she come out really N TOP N GEN N–POST ARG V ADV The young tiger–woman came out infront of the young man.

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TL.045 Tlangvalpa cun, “Tu lut si ci maw, khan suak si ci maw young man ERG prey enter be PRT INTG bush out be PRT INTG N ERG N V COP PRT INTG N V COP PRT INTG

Ka cangtial li sang–ah khai ta lang” a rak ti. my cangtial li high–at lift PRT will he then say POSS N POST V PRT FUT ARG DMP V The young man chanted, “Is it a prey coming out of the bush? Should I lift up my Cangtial Li (gun) (and shoot)?”

TL.046 Falanu khal cun, “Tu lut si hlang e, khan suak si hlang e, woman also ERG prey enter be not PRT bush out be not PRT N ADV ERG N V COP NEG PRT N V COP NEG PRT

na cangtial li sang–ah khai hlah law” a ti I fala ah your cangtial li high–at lift not REQ she say and girl into POSS N POST V NEG REQ ARG V CONJ N POST

a cang sal i sunvuten hmun–khat ah an um–khat. she become again and whole day place–one at they exist–one ARG V ADV CONJ ADV N POST ARG V–NUM She replied, “No, it is not prey coming out. Please do not lift up your Cangtial Li (and shoot),” and she changed herself into a woman and they spent the whole day in one place together.

TL.047 An ngai–awk–nak thu le hla cu an mit–hmai in an rel thlang. their love–RECP–NMLZ word and song about their eyes–face with they say PFV POSS N N CONJ N TOP POSS N INSTR 3PL V PFV They were showing their affection for each other through their faces.

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TL.048 Zanlam khua a sim in an suak–khawm i “zo evening weather it late AJT they out–together and anyone N N ARG V AJT 3PL V–APPL CONJ N

tal in nan hmu maw” ti–in an sut–aw–khawm. at least ERG you see INTG say–AJT they ask–RECP–together ADV ERG 2PL V INTG V–AJT ARG V–RECP–APPL In the evening when it was getting late, they came together and asked each other, "Did any of you (at least) see her?"

TL.049 Tlangvalpa cun, "ka hmu nan ka kap–thiam lo," a ti san. young man ERG I see though I shoot–good not he say RELQ N ERG 1SG V CONJ ARG V–V NEG ARG V RELQ The young man said, “I saw her, but I couldn’t shoot her.”

TL.050 A thaisun cu hual–sal an tum thotho. its tomorrow about hunt–again they plan still POSS N TOP V–SUFF 3PL V ADV Still they planned to hunt again the next day.

TL.051 Falanu ih nu le pa cun tlangvalpa cu, young woman of mother and father ERG young man about N GEN N CONJ N ERG N TOP

"na hmuh le va kap mai aw," an ti. you see if go shoot PRT IMP they say 2SG V CONJ V V PRT IMP ARG V The girl’s parents said to the young man, “If you see her, just shoot.”

TL.052 Sakhan cu an hun nam–sal. hunting about they go push–again N TOP 2PL DMP V–SUFF They hunted once again.

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TL.053 Falanu cu tlangvalpa ih hmai thotho ah a suak. young woman about young man of face still at she come out N TOP N GEN N ADV POST 3SG V The young girl came out again in front of the young man.

TL.054 Tlangvalpa cun, “Tu lut si ci maw, khan suak si ci maw young man ERG prey enter be PRT INTG bush out be PRT INTG N ERG N V COP PRT INTG N V COP PRT INTG

Ka cangtial li sang–ah khai ta lang” a ti lala. my cangtial li high–at lift PRT will he say again POSS N POST V PRT FUT ARG V ADV Once again, the young man chanted, “Is prey coming out? Should I lift up my Cangtial Li (and shoot)?”

TL.055 Falanu cun, “Tu lut si hlang e, khan suak si hlang e, woman ERG prey enter be not PRT bush out be not PRT N ERG N V COP NEG PRT N V COP NEG PRT

na cangtial li sang–ah khai hlah law” a ti i your cangtial li high–at lift not REQ she say and POSS N POST V NEG REQ ARG V CONJ

sunvuten an pawlaw lala. whole day they hang out again ADV ARG V ADV She replied, “No, it is not prey coming out. Please do not lift up your Cangtial Li (and shoot),” and they hung out again the whole day.

TL.056 Kah ding le a falanu a si fawn. shoot will if his girl she be also V FUT CONJ POSS N 3SG COP ADV If he shoots, that is his girl.

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TL.057 Asinan ziangtilam hman–in hmunkhat ah however anyway even–AJT one place at CONJ ADV AJT N POST

an um–khawm thei nawn fawn lo. they live–together able anymore also not 3PL V–APPL V ADV ADV NEG However, it is impossible for them to be together in one place again.

TL.058 Milai thinlung a neih tawk ahcun an ngai–awk–nak human heart she have moment when their love–RECP–NMLZ N N 3SG V ADV CONJ POSS N

le an duh–awk–nak cu sim–cawk a si lo. and their love–RECP–NMLZ about tell–enough it be not CONJ POSS N TOP V ARG COP NEG When she has her human senses, their love for each other is beyond description.

TL.059 Zanlam khua a sim in mitthli le canghnap thawn an then–aw sal. evening weather it late AJT tear and snot with they part–RECP again N N 3SG V AJT N CONJ N INSTR 3PL V–RECP ADV When it was late in the evening, again they said their goodbyes with tears.

TL.060 An khawsen in an suak–khawm sal i, their villager ERG they out–together again and POSS N ERG 3PL V–APPL ADV CONJ

“A hmu nan um maw” ti–in an sut–aw. he see you exist INTG say–AJT they ask–RECP 3SG V 2PL V INTG V–AJT ARG V–RECP The villagers got together once again, and asked each other, "Is there anyone who saw her?"

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TL.061 Tlangvalpa cun “ka hmu nan ka kap–thiam lo” a ti lala. young man ERG I see though I shoot–V not he say again N ERG ARG V CONJ ARG V–V NEG ARG V ADV Again, the young man said, “I saw her but I could not shoot her.”

TL.062 A thaisun cu hual an tum thotho. its tomorrow about hunt they plan still POSS N TOP V 3PL V ADV Still they planned to hunt again the next day.

TL.063 Ziangahtile milai a deh zo ruangah mi–dang because human she kill PFV because person–other CONJ N 3SG V PFV CONJ N–ADJP

tla in deh pang ding ti an phang. also them kill lest will that they worry ADV OBJ V ADV FUT COMP 3PL V They were worried that she might also kill them since she already had killed a human.

TL.064 Falanu ih nu le pa khal cun tlangvalpa cu, “va kap thlang woman of mother and father also ERG man about go shoot PFV N GEN N CONJ N ADV ERG N TOP V V PFV

aw mikei le milai kan um–khawm thei cuang lo ding” an ti. IMP tiger and human we live–together able still not will they say IMP N CONJ N 3PL V–APPL V ADV NEG FUT ARG V The girl’s parents said to the young man, "Go and shoot (her) this time. Humans and tigers will not be able to live together anyway."

TL.065 Tlangvalpa khal cu a pawk–sal ve. young man also about he set off–again also. N ADV TOP 3SG V–SUFF ADV The young man also set off again to hunt.

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TL.066 Sakhan cu an vun nam i tlangvalpa ih hmai–ah a suak–sal lala. battue about they go push and man of face–at she out–again again N TOP 3PL DMP V CONJ N GEN N–POST 3SG V–SUFF ADV They went hunting, and again she came out in front of the young man.

TL.067 Tlangvalpa cun,“Tuu lut si ci maw, khan suak si ci maw young man ERG prey enter be PRT INTG bush out be PRT INTG N ERG N V COP PRT INTG N V COP PRT INTG

Ka cangtial li sang–ah khai ta lang” a ti sal. my cangtial li high–at lift PRT will he say again POSS N POST V PRT FUT ARG V ADV Again, the young man said, “Is prey coming out? Should I lift up my Cangtial Li (and shoot)”

TL.068 Falanu khal cun I that thlang ding ti a thei i, woman also ERG me kill PFV will that she know and N ADV ERG OBJ V PFV FUT COMP 3SG V CONJ

“Tu lut sing e, khan suak sing e, na cangtial li sangah khai ko law” prey enter be PRT bush out be PRT your cangtial li high–at lift PRT IMP N V COP PRT N V COP PRT POSS N POST V PRT IMP

A ti i “paw” ti–ah a tlangvalpa cu deh ding–in a zawn ciamco. she say and paw say–AJT her man about kill will–AJT she jump repeatedly 3SG V CONJ N V–AJT POSS N TOP V FUT–AJT ARG V ADV The woman also knew that her man wanted to kill her, and (thus) she said, “Yes, it is a prey coming out of the bush. Raise your Cangtial Li (and shoot).” And then she roared, “Paw”, and jumped and tried to kill him.

TL.069 Tlangvalpa khal cu a rak ralrin ruangah young man also about 3SG then careful because N ADV TOP 3SG DMP V CONJ

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a keu man hlan–ah a kah i falanu cu a thi. she bite PFV before–at he shoot and young woman about she die 3SG V PFV ADV–POST ARG V CONJ N TOP ARG V Because the young man was well–prepared, he was able to shoot the girl before she could bite him, and the girl died.

TL.070 A hngawng a tan hnuah a puan ken mi cun her neck he cut after his cloth bring thing with POSS N 3SG V CONJ POSS N V N INSTR

a lu a fun i a pi le a pu a hun pek. her head he wrap and his mother–in–law and his father–in–law he go give POSS N ARG V CONJ POSS N CONJ POSS N ARG DMP V After he cut off her head, he wrapped it up with the cloth (he) had brought with him, and gave it to his father-in-law and mother-in-law.

TL.071 Tlangvalpa cu a falanu a thih cun a umhar, a lung a leng sinsin i young man about his woman she die AJT he alone his lung it visit more and N TOP POSS N 3SG V AJT 3SG V POSS N 3SG V ADV CONJ

a ruak zemnak hmun–ah nitin tah–hla sak–in a feh ringring theu his corpse layed place–at every day cry–song sing–AJT he go always usually POSS N ADJ N–POST ADV N V–AJT 3SG V ADV HAB After the death of his girlfriend, the young man felt very lonely, and every day he sang songs of lament, and went to the place where the body lay.

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APPENDIX C TLUANG TLIR LI

TT.001 khuahlanah khaw pakhat ahhin fala mawi–te unau hnih an rak um. long ago village one at girl beautiful–small sibling two they then exist ADV N NUM LOC N ADJ–DIM N NUM 3PL DMP V Long ago, there were two beautiful sisters who lived in a village.

TT.002 A unu ih hmin cu Ngun Hnu a si. her elder sister of name about ngun hnu it be POSS N GEN N TOP PROP 3SG COP The name of her elder sister was Ngun Hnu.

TT.003 An unau hnihte cun nitin lo ah rit kil in an feh theu. they sibling two about every day farm at bird watch AJT they go usually 3PL N NUM TOP ADV N LOC N V AJT 3PL V HAB Every day, they went to the farm to chase away the rit (i.e. bird).

TT.004 An lo–taw ah cun tili–pi pakhat a um i their farm–lower at AJT lake–big one it exist and POSS N LOC AJT N–AUG NUM 3SG V CONJ

Cui tili–pi ah cun rulpi pakhat a um. that lake–big at AJT snake one it exist DET N–AUG LOC AJT N NUM 3SG V There was a lake on the lower part of their farm where a big snake lived.

TT.005 A hmin cu Tluang Tlir Li a si. his name about tluang tlir li it be POSS N TOP PROP 3SG COP His name was Tluang Tlir Li.

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TT.006 Tluang Tlir Li cun Ngun Hnu cu a ngai i, nitin in a hung leng. tluang tlir li AJT ngun hnu about he love and every day AJT he go visit PROP AJT PROP TOP 3SG V CONJ ADV AJT 3SG V V Tluang Tlir Li Loved Ngun Hnu, and he went to visit her every day.

TT.007 Cuntiih an len–awk rei hnu ahcun Ngun Hnu that way they visit–RECP long after AJT ngun hnu ADV 3PL V–RECP ADV CONJ AJT PROP

khal cun thungai thlakin a duh ve. also about really AJT she like also ADV TOP ADV AJT 3SG V ADV After they had visited each other over long period of time, Ngun Hnu started to seriously like him as well.

TT.008 Lo an thlen veten a naunu–te kha Tluang Tlir Li ko dingin farm they arrive as soon as her younger–small DET tluang tlir li call will–AJT N 3PL V CONJ POSS N–DIM DET PROP V FUT–AJT

a fial i a naunu–te cun an lo taw tlang ihsin: she ask and her younger–small AJT their farm lower mountain from 3SG V CONJ POSS N–DIM AJT POSS N N N POST

“Ka u Tluang Tlir Li, ka u Lai Tlir Li, Ka u Ngun Hnu in my older tluang tlir li my older lai tlir li my elder ngun hnu ERG POSS N PROP POSS N PROP POSS N PROP ERG

hung seh a lo ti, Hung ma tu” ti–in a vung au theu. come IMP she you say come PRT PRT say–AJT she go shout usually V IMP 3SG 2SG V V PRT PRT V–AJT 3SG V V HAB As soon as they arrived on the farm, she would ask her little sister to go and call Tluang Tlir Li, and her sister would go and shout from the mountain of the lower farm, “My older (sister) Tluang Tlir Li, my older (sister) Lai Tlir Li, my older (sister) Ngun Hnu is asking you to come.”

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TT.009 Tluang Tlir Li khal cun an naunu ih aw a theih cun: “ka hung tluang tlir li also about their sister of voice he hear when I come PROP ADV TOP POSS N GEN N 3SG V CONJ 1SG V

lai hna, hung lai hna, ka vawkte rawl pek lo thawn, ka arte will PAT come will PRT my pig food feed not AJT my chicken FUT PRT V FUT PRT POSS N N V NEG AJT POSS N

rawl pek lo thawn, a mi nisensa lakah, Tuansam ka rel lai hrih food feed not AJT it PRT sun heat among work I manage CONT yet N V NEG AJT 3SG PRT N POST N 1SG V CONT ADV

e” a hun ti i cutin nitiin an ko–aw ringring theu. PRT he go say and that way every day they call–RECP always usually PRT 3SG DMP V CONJ ADV ADV 3PL V–RECP ADV HAB Upon hearing the voice of the little sister, Tluang Tlir Li would reply by saying, “I’m coming, I’m coming, but my little pig hasn’t been fed yet; my little chicken hasn’t been fed yet, and I’m still toiling under the scorching sun.” Every day, this is the way they would talk to each other.

TT.010 Tluang Tlir Li a hun cun, Thlam sungah sun vu vu tluang tlir li he come AJT hut inside afternoon whole whole PROP 3SG V AJT N POST N ADJ ADJ

in an um khat i an naunute cu an hngilh theu. AJT they exist one and they little sister about they forget usually AJT 3PL V ADV CONJ POSS N TOP 3PL V HAB When Tluang Tlir Li came, they would hang out all day long inside the hut forgetting about her little sister.

TT.011 Ngun Hnu thaw cun an pahnih in nitin an nuam. ngun hnu with about they two ERG every day they happy PROP POST TOP 3PL NUM ERG ADV 3PL V He and Ngun Hnu were happy every day.

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TT.012 An naunu vial–in lo taw le lo lu hlehka their sister alone–ERG farm lower and farm upper to and fro POSS N ADV–ERG N N CONJ N N V

tahrantin rit dawi ah a vak a tawi rero theu. AJT rit chase at she walk she meander CONT usually AJT N V POST 3SG V 3SG V CONT HAB Their little sister was by hearself chasing away the rit (bird) to and fro on the upper and lower sections of the farm.

TT.013 A nu le a pa ih an ken mi rawl khal Ngun Hnu cun her mother and her father of they give that food also ngun hnu about POSS N CONJ POSS N GEN 3PL V REL N ADV PROP TOP

a thlangvalpa cu a rak do theu i an naunute her man about she then treat usually and their sister POSS N TOP 3SG DMP V HAB CONJ POSS N

cu suncaw loin a um ringring theu. about afternoon food without she exist always usually TOP N CONJ 3SG V ADV HAB Ngun Hnu would also take the afternoon food which was prepared by her parents for her sister, and give it to her boyfriend; (so) her little sister would always go without food.

TT.014 Cutiih suncaw ei ding a co theu lo ruangah a rilrawng that way food eat will she get usually not because she hungry ADV N V FUT 3SG V HAB NEG CONJ 3SG V

le bang in a ni ni in a tumtawl deuhdeuh. and tired AJT its day day AJT she thin more CONJ V AJT POSS N N AJT 3SG V ADV Because she did not get food to eat in the afternoon, she was hungry and tired, and day by day she became thinner and thinner.

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TT.015 A nu le pa in an suh khalle a sim ngam si lo. her mother and father ERG they ask also she tell dare be not POSS N CONJ N ERG 3PL V ADV 3SG V V V NEG She wouldn’t dare to tell her mother and father even when they asked her.

TT.016 A sim ahcun a u Ngun Hnu ih thinheng ding kha she tell if her elder ngun hnu ih angry will that 3SG V CONJ POSS N PROP GEN V FUT DET

a tih fawn, ziang thu hman a rel ngam dah lo. she afraid PRT what thing even she tell dare ever not 3SG V PRT DET N ADV 3SG V V ADV NEG She did not say anything because she was afraid that her sister Ngun Hnu would get angry.

TT.017 Ngun Hnu cu a tlangvalpa thawi nitin thlam sungih ngun hnu about her man with every day hut inside PROP TOP POSS N POST ADV N POST

an lehawk nakah a hni a tlek theu. they play due to her skirt it break usually 3PL V CONJ POSS N 3SG V HAB Every day, Ngun Hnu’s skirt would have rips from playing with her boyfriend in the hut.

TT.018 Nitin in athar a thleng khalle a tlek thotho. every day AJT new one she change though it break still ADV AJT N 3SG V CONJ 3SG V ADV Though she changed into new clothes every day, they still ripped.

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TT.019 A nu a mang a bang i, “nute, nitin ih hni thleng her mother her dream it look like and nute every day at skirt change POSS N POSS N POSS V CONJ N ADV POST N N

tul cu ziang na cang saw? tin a suh tikah Ngun Hnu in, need about what you happen INTG AJT she ask when ngun hnu ERG V TOP INTG 3SG V INTG AJT 3SG V CONJ PROP ERG

“ka rit dawinak ih lo taw le lo lu ka hlehkanak ih my rit chasing at farm lower part and farm upper part I to and fro at POSS N N POST N N CONJ N N 1SG V POST

ka bah nakah sumhmui in i sun theu,” a ti san men. I stumble at thorn ERG it puncture usually she say REQL PRT 1SG V POST N ERG 3SG V HAB 3SG V REQL PRT Her mother was wondering; but when she asked, “Nute, what’s happening with you that you need to change your skirt every day? She would answer by saying, “Thorns rip my skirt when I stumble from chasing away the rit (bird) on the upper and lower sections of the farm.”

TT.020 Cutin nitin hni dangdang a thleng ringring theu. that way every day skirt different she change always usually ADV ADV N ADJ 3SG V ADV ADV Like that, every day she changed into a different skirt.

TT.021 Nitin in cutiih thil a um ruangah a nu le a every day at that way thing it happen because her mother and her ADV POST ADV N 3SG V CONJ POSS N CONJ POSS

pa cun Ngun Hnu in thlangval a nei ti an thei thlang. father about ngun hnu ERG man she has that they know PFV N TOP PROP ERG N 3SG V COMP 3PL V PFV Because that happened on a daily basis, her mother and father had now realized that their daughter Ngun Hnu had a boyfriend.

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TT.022 Ngun Hnu khal cu tlangval thawi ni rei thla rei an pawlawk ngun hnu also about man with day long month long they hang out PROP ADV TOP N POST N ADJ N ADJ 3PL V

hnuah cun nau a pai ve i a pum a tum sinsin thlang. after AJT baby she pregnant also and her stomach it grow more PFV CONJ AJT N 3SG V ADV CONJ POSS N 3SG V ADV PFV After having been in a relationship with her boyfriend for a long time, Ngun Hnu became pregnant and her stomach started to get bigger and bigger.

TT.023 Pheh–awk a tha thiam nawn lo. hide–RECP it good skilled anymore not N–RECP 3SG V V ADV NEG It is no longer possible to hide (it).

TT.024 Thinlung sung ruahnak lawng thuh a theih nan heart inside thought only hide it possible though N POST N ADV V 3SG V CONJ

A lang mi thil cu thuh hloh a theih nawn lo. it visible that thing about hide away it possible anymore not 3SG V REL N TOP V V 3SG V ADV NEG Though it is possible to hide the thoughts that are inside, it’s no longer possible to hide what is on the outside.

TT.025 Nikhat cu Ngun Hnu pa cun Ngun Hnu kha lo one day about ngun hnu father AJT ngun hnu that farm ADV TOP PROP N AJT PROP DET N

feh a dawn i a naunute thawn an pa–fa in an feh. go he disallow and her sister with they father–child ERG they go V 3SG V CONJ POSS N POST 3PL N ERG 3PL V One day, Ngun Hnu’s father decided not to let Ngun Hnu go to the farm, instead he went there with Ngun Hnu’s little sister.

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TT.026 Lo an vung thlen tikah Ngun Hnu pa cun nunau bangin farm they go up arrive when ngun hnu father about girl like N 3PL V V CONJ PROP N TOP N CONJ

a thuamaw i a kiang–ah kawlnan samseu a ret i ni dang ih he dress and his side–at sword long he put and day other on 3SG V CONJ POSS N–POST N ADJ 3SG V CONJ N ADJ POST

a kawh–dan kel bangin a fanute cu rulpi kha kawh a fial. her call–NMLZ same like his daughter about snake that call he ask POSS N ADJ CONJ POSS N TOP N DET N 3SG V When they arrived on the farm, Ngun Hnu’s father dressed himself like a girl, and placed a long sword alongside him. He asked his daughter to call the snake like she had done on other days.

TT.027 Ngun Hnu pa cu a rak zau. ngun hnu father about he then lie down PROP N TOP 3SG DMP V Ngun Hnu’s father was lying (in the hut).

TT.028 Rulpi cu a falanu ka tawng leh ding tin hngakhlap in a hung so. snake about his girlfriend I meet again will AJT eagerly AJT he come up go up N TOP POSS N 1SG V ADV FUT AJT ADV AJT 3SG V V The snake eagerly came out thinking that he was going to meet with his girl again.

TT.029 Asinan hmuahawknak aw le thawng le Hngun Hnu however greeting voice and sound and ngun hnu CONJ N N CONJ N CONJ PROP

ih hmuihmel kha ni dang bangin a tawng nawn lo. of face that day other like he encounter anymore not GEN N DET N ADJ CONJ 3SG V ADV NEG However, there was no greeting or sound, nor did he see Ngun Hnu like he did on other days.

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TT.030 Thlam cu hung thleng nakhaw Ngun Hnu pa ih hut about go up arrive AJT ngun hnu father of N TOP V V AJT PROP N GEN

kawlnam samseu thawi hmuaknak lawng a tawng. sword long with greeting only he encounter N ADJ INSTR N ADV 3SG V When he arrived at the hut, he encountered only the welcome of the long sword of Ngun Hnu’s father.

TT.031 Ngun Hnu pa cun rulpi cu tan thum ah a rak sahtan. ngun hnu father ERG snake about cut three in he then cut off PROP N ERG N TOP N NUM POST 3SG DMP V Ngun Hnu’s father cut the snake into three pieces.

TT.032 A lu cu lo lu ah a ret i a mei–lam his head about farm upper on he put and his tail–side POSS N TOP N N POST 3SG V CONJ POSS N–ADJ

cu lo taw lamah a ret. about farm lower on he put TOP N N POST 3SG V He left his head on the upper section of the farm, and the tail and the rest on the lower section.

TT.033 A ril cu thlawh–pawn thingpi parah a ban ta. his intestine about cut–next log on he hang REQL POSS N TOP N N POST 3SG V REQL He hanged his intestine(s) on the log next to the farming area.

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TT.034 Cutin Ngun Hnu pa cu ziang thu hman sim loin that way ngun hnu father about what about anything tell without ADV PROP N TOP DET N N V CONJ

inn ah daiten a zan cu a tlung ta. home at quietly its night about he go home REQL N POST ADV POSS N TOP 3SG V REQL Without saying a thing, Ngun Hnu’s father quietly went home that evening.

TT.035 A thaisun cu Ngun Hnu le a naunute kha lo ah cun an feh lala. its next day about ngun hnu and her sister that farm on AJT they go again POSS N TOP PROP CONJ POSS N DET N POST AJT 3PL V ADV The next day, Ngun Hnu and her sister went to the farm again.

TT.036 Ngun Hnu in a tlangvapa ih thih a thei lo. ngun hnu ERG her man of death she know not. PROP ERG POSS N GEN N 3SG V NEG Ngun Hnu did not know about the death of her boyfriend.

TT.037 A naunute in le a sim ngam fawn lo. her sister ERG also she tell dare PRT not POSS N ERG ADV 3SG V V PRT NEG Her sister did not dare to tell her (about it).

TT.038 Ni dang bangin a naunute cu Tluang Tlir Li vung kawh a fial thotho. day other like her sister about tluang tlir li go call she ask again N ADJ CONJ POSS N TOP PROP V V 3SG V ADV Like other days, she asked her little sister to go and call Tluang Tlir Li.

TT.039 Asinan sawn–tu le be–tu a nei nawn lo. however reply–NMLZ and talk–NMLZ she has anymore not CONJ N–NMLIZ CONJ N–NMLZ 3SG V ADV NEG However, there was no answer.

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TT.040 A naunute cun, “ka u, i be nawn lo e,” a ti hmanah her sister about my older he talk anymore not PRT she say even when POSS N TOP POSS N 3SG V ADV NEG PRT 3SG V CONJ

Ngun Hnu cun thlang deuhin vung ko hrih aw a ti i a fial thotho. Ngun Hnu about mountain more go call yet IMP she say and she ask still PROP TOP N AD V V ADV IMP 3SG V CONJ 3SG V ADV Even when her little sister said, “He is not talking to me anymore”, she still asked her to go up on the mountain and call him again.

TT.041 Asinan Kawh man a um nawn ta lo. however call worth it exist anymore PRT not CONJ N N 3SG V ADV PRT NEG However, there was no point in calling (him) anymore.

TT.042 Ngun Hnu khal cu a mangbang in amah a vung pawksuak i: ngun hnu also about she wonder AJT she she go up set out and PROP ADV TOP 3SG V AJT PRO 3SG V V CONJ

“Tluang Tlir Li, Lai Tlir Li, Sim ral si maw na tawn e, tluang tlir li, lai tlir li sim enemy be INTG you face PRT PROP PROP N N COP INTG 2SG V PRT

Zo ral si maw na tawn e” a ti i a vung au ciamco. who enemy be INTG you face PRT she say and she go shout repeatedly DET N COP INTG 2SG V PRT 3SG V CONJ 3SG V V ADV Ngun Hnu was also puzzled, and finally she went out there herself and called repeatedly out loud, “Tluang Tlir Li, Lai Tlir Li, is it (sim) enemy that you are facing? What enemy are you facing?

TT.043 A tlangvalpa ih thlarau khal cun a hun sawn ve i: her man of spirit also AJT he come up reply also and POSS N GEN N ADV AJT 3SG V V ADV CONJ

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“Sim Lam ral khal tawng hla ing, Zo ral khal tawng hlah ing, sim side enemy also face not PRT what enemy also face not PRT N N N ADV V NEG PRT DET N ADV V NEG PRT

Na pa milian nam cem ka tawng,” tin a hun sawn. your father rich sword cost I face AJT he come reply POSS N ADJ N ADJ 3SG V AJT 3SG V V The spirit of her boyfriend replied, “I’m not facing sim enemy, nor any other enemy. I face your father’s rich sword.”

TT.044 Ngun Hnu cu a pa in lo feh zawngah “Nute ngun hnu about her father ERG farm go while nute PROP TOP POSS N ERG N V CONJ N

Tap–pawn ah bapi le kawlhra ka lo rawh–sak khi firepit–next at man and sweetpotato I you roast–for that N POST N CONJ N 1SG 2SG V–BEN DET

na thlen in hung thur awla” a ti mi kha a vun mang. you arrive when go take out PRT he say that that she go remember 2SG V CONJ V V PRT 3SG V REL DET 3SG V V Hgun Hnu then remembered what her father had said to her as he was leaving for the farm, “Nute, I have roasted sweetpotato and papi (one’s husband) in the kitchen. Go and take them out when you get home.”

TT.045 Thlam ahcun a hung tlan i tap–pawn a va zoh i hut at she go run and firepit–next she go look and N POST 3SG V V CONJ N 3SG V V CONJ

a ril kha pepawk bangin a rak thlaiaw a va hmu. his intestine that swing like it then hang she go see POSS N DET N CONJ 3SG DMP V 3SG V V She rushed to the hut, and saw the intestines (of the snake) hanging like a swing near the firepit.

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TT.046 Lo lu lamah a lu a hung hmu. farm upper on his head she go see N N POST POSS N 3SG V V She went to the upper farm and saw his head.

TT.047 Cuisi cun sunnivui in a tap a rak. from there AJT whole afternoon AJT she cry she sob ADV AJT ADV AJT 3SG V 3SG V From that point, she broke down and sobbed.

TT.048 A tahnak le a aunak ah a dang hmuah a pit thluh i her cry and her shout due to her throat all it close completely and POSS N CONJ POSS N CONJ POSS N ADJ 3SG V ADV CONJ

a tawng hman a tawngsuak thei nawn lo. her talk even she speak out able anymore not POSS N ADV 3SG V V ADV NEG Due to her intense crying and sobbing, she lost her voice and could not speak anymore.

TT.049 Asinan ziangkhal sawt nawn hlah, tah man a thahnem nawn ta lo. however anything progress anymore not cry value it worth anymore PRT not CONJ N V ADV NEG N ADJ 3SG V ADV PRT NEG However, it didn’t matter how much she cried; nothing changed.

TT.050 Zanlam khua a rung sim in an unau hnihte evening weather it come dark AJT they sibling two ADV N 3SG V V AJT 3PL N NUM

cun zanthing phur phahin an hung tlung. about wood carry while they come go home TOP N V CONJ 3PL V V When evening fell, she and her little sister set out to go home with their wood.

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TT.051 Inn an hung thlen cun an ui–pi cun a rak home they go arrive when their dog–big about it then N 3PL V V CONJ POSS N–AUG TOP 3SG DMP

hmuak I a liak a lawm rero. welcome and it lick it play continually V CONJ 3SG V 3SG V CONT When they arrived home, their dog came out to welcome them and playfully licked them.

TT.052 Ngun Hnu cun ui cu a kawk, ui kha a tlan duh lo. ngun hnu ERG dog about she rebuke dog that it run like not PROP ERG N TOP 3SG V N DET 3SG V V NEG Ngun Hnu rebuked the dog, but it didn’t want to go away.

TT.053 Ngun Hnu khal cu a tha bang le a ninghang lungsia ngun hnu also about her strength tired and her sad mad PROP ADV TOP POSS N V CONJ POSS N N

thawn a thin a heng i a thing phurh mi cu with her liver she angry and her wood carry that about POST POSS N 3SG V CONJ POSS N V REL TOP

hngalh kaw an ui–pi cu a nen that. drop PRT their dog–big about it crush die V PRT POSS N–AUG TOP 3SG V V Feeling tired and sad, Ngun Hnu became angry and dropped her wood on the dog and the dog died.

TT.054 A pa cun Ngun Hnu in an ui–pi cu a thing phurh her father about ngun hnu ERG their dog–big about her wood carry POSS N TOP PROP ERG POSS N–AUG TOP POSS N V

mi in a nen that kha a hmuh tikah, “nunau cubang cu that with it crush die that he see when girl like that about REL INSTR 3SG V V DET 3SG V CONJ N ADV TOP

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nangmah hman na faraipi thawn,” a ti i Ngun Hnu ih you even you pregnant with he say and ngun hnu of PRO ADV POSS N POST 3SG V CONJ PROP GEN

farai pum cu a nam–te ki in a rai–sak. pregnant belly about his knife–small top with he slide–BEN ADJ N TOP POSS N–small N INSTR 3SG V–BEN When her father saw that Ngun Hnu had dropped her wood and killed their dog, he said, “A girl like you with your pregnant belly,” and slit Ngun Hnu’s pregnant belly with the edge of his knife.

TT.055 Cuveten rulfa an suak ciammam i immediately snakelet they out a lot and ADV N 3PL V ADV CONJ

an tual khat in an tla ciamco. their ground full AJT they fall a lot POSS N V AJT 3PL V ADV Immediately, a lot of snakelets came out and filled the ground of their home.

TT.056 An sungten an suak i rulfa–pawl cu an that ciamco nan their family they go out and snakelet–many about they kill a lot though POSS N 3PL V CONJ N–PL TOP 3PL V ADV CONJ

pakhatte kha an that man lo i khaw sungah a rak lut hlo man. one that they kill yet not and village in it then enter lost already NUM DET 3PL V ADV NEG CONJ N POST 3SG DMP V V ADV Although everyone in the family came out to kill the snakelets, they missed one, and it escaped into the village and disappeared.

TT.057ui an hrelh mi rul fate pakhat in ci a zaih i that they miss that snake baby one ERG seed it reproduce and DET 3PL V REL N N NUM ERG N 3SG V CONJ

tutiang rul an umnak a si. until now snake they exist it be ADV N 3PL V 3SG V The snakelet that they missed bred, and as a result there are snakes until now.

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RESUME Name: Eng Lian Hngak (V.L. Cross)

Date of Birth: 25 November 1990

Place of Birth: Kalay, Myanmar (Burma)

Institutions Attended: 2008–2011, Bachelor of Theology, Bethany Theological Seminary (Yangon, Myanmar)

2012–2015, Master of Divinity, Payap University (Chiang Mai, Thailand)

2015–2020, Master of Arts in Linguistics, Payap University (Chiang Mai, Thailand)