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Workshop

Environmental Transformation, Ethnicity and Gender in Kalimantan, Indonesia

June 10-12, 2015 University of Passau, Germany

Venue: Chair of Comparative Development and Cultural Studies Focus Southeast Asia Dr. Hans Kapfinger Strasse 14b, 94032 Passau (Room 314a)

AGENDA

Wednesday 10.06.2015

16:15h

16:20h

16:30h

Welcome reception at the Chair of Comparative Development and Cultural Studies Southeast Asia

Welcome speech by Prof. Dr. Martina Padmanabhan (Chair of Comparative Development and Cultural Studies Southeast Asia) Introduction of workshop participants

Welcome speech by Prof. Dr. Harry Haupt (Vice President of Research/ Full Professor of Statistics, University of Passau)

16:45h

18:00h

Key Note by Dr. Suraya Afiff, University of Indonesia, Department of Anthropology

Discussion

Gamelan Music Orchestra (University of Passau)

18:30h Dinner at restaurant Goldenes Schiff, Unterer Sand 8, 94032 Passau

Thursday 11.06.2015

9:00h Opening the floor: Introduction of topics & workshop format

9:30h Session 1a: Development

1. Prof. Dr. Heiko Faust: Socio-cultural and institutional transformation processes in rural Kalimantan

2. Dr. Soeryo Adiwibowo: Territorialization and Its Effect to Land Use Changes and Rural Differentiation

10:30h Coffee Break, Photo-session

11:00h Session 1b: Development

3. Katriani Puspita Ayu: Tackling Deforestation through institutional and policy means

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4. Dr. Semiarto Aji Purwanto: The Dynamic of Artisanal Mining in Kalimantan, Indonesia

5. Dr. Satyawan Sunito: Beyond struggle for rights: Local responses for self development

12.30h Lunch (Buffet) 13:30h

14:30h

Session 1c: Development

6. Dr. Suraya Afiff: What we can learn from the new forms of green enclosure practice in Indonesia

7. Dr. Oliver Pye: Beyond the River Basin: the Transformation of the Kapuas Riverscape in West Kalimantan

Summary and Conclusion of Session 1

15:00h Coffee Break

15:15h

15:15h-16.15h

5min break 16:20h

17:20h

Session 2: Gender

1. Dr. Michaela Haug: Men, Women and Disappearing Forests: the Gendered Face of Development in Borneo

2. Dr. Rebecca Elmhirst: Gendered Impacts of the oil palm 'land rush' in East Kalimantan: a material feminist political ecology approach

3. Melani Abdulkadir-Sunito: Gender and Resource Use Learning Circle: Contextualizing Crisis, Empowering Women

4. Dr. Siti Amanah: Enhancing gender equality in environmental management: the context of Kalimantan, Indonesia

Summary and Conclusion of Session 2

18:00h Dinner at restaurant Heiliggeist-Stiftsschenke, Heiliggeistgasse 4, 94032 Passau

Friday 12.06.2015

8:30h

8:30h-9:30h

5min break 9:35h

10.20h

Session 3: Ethnicity

1. Dr. Stefanie Steinebach: Separating sisters from brothers: identity politics and forest access in Jambi

2. Dr. Marko Mahin: Ethnic relations and identity politics in the context of ecological transformation (Dayak in Central K.)

3. Dr. Kristina Gromann: Power and Imagination: Strategic Essentialism and Social Practice regarding Ethnicity in Natural Resource Use (Central Kalimantan)

4. Katharina von Braun: The role of ethnicity in Indonesian mining governance

Summary and Conclusion of Session 3

10:50h

Coffee Break

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11:00h

11:00h-12:00h

5 min break 12:05h

Session 4: Transdisciplinarity

1. Prof. Dr. Yunita T. Winarto: Institutionalizing Agrometeorological Learning through a Trans-disciplinary Educational Commitment: Establishing Science Field Shops in Indonesia

2. Dr. Marion Glaser: Multi-level transdisciplinarity in social-ecological analysis: From local to global sustainability

3. Prof. Dr. Martina Padmanabhan: Transdisciplinary research tandems in international cooperation

4. Arachmaniani Feisal: Art and its possibilities

12:50 Conclusion/ Integration

Information on contributing to ASEAS

Closing

13:30h Lunch (Buffet)

Participants

1. Dr. Soeryo Adiwibowo Bogor Agricultural University (IPB), Faculty of Human Ecology Jalan Kamper, Bogor 16680; Ph.: +62-251-8627793; sadiwibowo@yahoo.com

2. Dr. Suraya Afiff Department of Anthropology, University of Indonesia Kampus UI Depok 16424, Indonesia, Ph.: +62 815 8613 6389, surayaafiff@yahoo.com

3. Dr. Siti Amanah Bogor Agricultural University (IPB), Department of Communication and Community Development Sciences, Faculty of Human Ecology Jalan Kamper, Bogor 16680; Ph.: +62-816-1918795; siti_amanah@ipb.ac.id

4. Katriani Puspita Ayu University Palangkaraya (UNPAR), Faculty of Social Science Jalan Yos Sudarso, Palangka Raya 7311A; Klamey@gmail.com

5. Dr. Rebecca Elmhirst University of Brighton, School of Environment and Technology Cockcroft C635, Brighton, UK; Ph: +44-(0)1273-642387; R.J.Elmhirst@brighton.ac.uk

6 Prof. Dr. Heiko Faust Georg August University Gttingen, Institute of Geography, Department of Human Geography Goldschmidtstr. 5, 37077 Gttingen; Ph.: +49-551-39-8094; hfaust@gwdg.de

7. Arahmaiani Feisal Nitiprayan 42A, Yogyakarta 55182; Ph.: +62-813-9242 2964, arahmaianif@gmail.com

8. PD Dr. Marion Glaser University of Bremen, Leibniz Center for Tropical Marine Ecology Fahrenheitstr. 6; 28359 Bremen; Ph.: +49-421-23800-66; marion.glaser@zmt-bremen.de

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9. Dr. Michaela Haug University of Cologne; Department of Cultural and Social Anthropology Albertus-Magnus-Platz, 50923 Kln; Ph.: +49-221-470-5623; mhaug@uni-koeln.de

10. Dr. Marko Mahin Christian University Palangkaraya, Department of Anthropology Jl. RTA Milono KM 8,5, Palangka Raya 73111, Kalimantan Tengah; Ph.: +62-536-3225316, unkrip@gmail.com

11. Dr. Semiarto Aji Purwanto University of Indonesia, Department of Anthropology, Kampus UI Depok 16424 semapur@yahoo.com

12. Dr. Oliver Pye Bonn University; Department of Southeast Asian Studies Nassestr. 2, 53113 Bonn; Ph.: +49-228-73-9735; Oliver.pye@uni-bonn.de

13. Dr. Stefanie Steinebach Georg August University Gttingen, Department for Cultural and Social Anthropology Berliner Str. 28, 37073 Gttingen; Ph.: +49-551-39 20156; ssteine@gwdg.de

14. Melani Abdulkadir-Sunito Bogor Agricultural University (IPB), Faculty of Human Ecology Jalan Kamper, Bogor 16680; melani@samdhana.org

15. Dr. Satyawan Sunito Bogor Agricultural University (IPB), Faculty of Human Ecology Jalan Kamper, Bogor 16680; Ph.: +62-251-8350605, awansunito@gmail.com

16. Prof. Dr. Vincentius Winarto Atma Jaya Foundation, Chairperson Board of Executives, Jalan Jenderal Sudirman No 51, Jakarta 12930, Indonesia Yayasan Pendidikan Universitas Presiden, Advisor to The Chair of The Foundation, President University Jababeka Education Park, Jalan Ki Hajar Dewantara, Kota Jababeka, Cikarang Baru, Bekasi 17550, Indonesia Ph: +62 8161316470, vwinarto45@gmail.com, winartov@president.ac.id

17. Prof. Dr. Yunita T. Winarto University of Indonesia, Department of Anthropology Kampus UI Depok 16424 Ph.: +62 815 13433677, yunita.winarto@gmail.com

Hosts/ Participants from the University of Passau

18. Prof. Dr. Martina Padmanabhan, Chair of Comparative Development and Cultural Studies Focus Southeast Asia, martina.padmanabhan@uni-passau.de

19. Dr. Kristina Gromann, Assistant Professor at the Chair of Comparative Development and Cultural Studies Focus Southeast Asia, kristina.gromann@uni-passau.de Ph.: +49(0)851/509-2743, Mobile: +49(0)1771438131

20. Katharina von Braun, Research Associate at the Chair of Comparative Development and Cultural Studies Focus Southeast Asia, katharina.braun@uni-passau.de Ph.: +49(0)851/509-2745, Mobile: +49(0)1736758972

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General Information

Venue: University of Passau Chair of Comparative Development & Cultural Studies - Focus Southeast Asia Dr. Hans Kapfinger Strasse 14b, 94032 Passau Room 314a Ph.: +49(0)851/509-2741 (Sekr.: Regina Treipl)

Hotel: IBB Hotel Passau Bahnhofstrasse 24 D- 94032 Passau Ph: +49 (0)851 9883000

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Workshop: Environmental Transformation, Ethnicity and Gender in Kalimantan, Indonesia

Key note by Dr. Suraya Affif, University of Indonesia

Indonesias agrarian-environment politics post-2014 Election

On July 2014, Indonesia voters elected Joko Widodo, popular by his name Jokowi, as the 7st

president of Indonesia. Unlike most previous presidents, he does not come from the top party elite

circle nor has a military background. He was seen as an ordinary Indonesian and an inspiring

bureaucrat, the image that made him received a strong public support, including from many civil

society groups in Indonesia. Many Indonesians expect him to implement a much better policy on

numerous demanding issues that required immediate government action, such as strengthening anti-

corruption measurements, improving human rights policies and implementation, resolving extensive

land conflicts, promoting a better environmental stewardship policy and action, implementing land

reform policy, and promoting other pro-poor development programs. Dr. Afiff will specifically focus

on Jokowis government agenda related to land and forest issues and some of the challenges to

implement the policy to improve the land tenure security for million Indonesian rural communities.

She is also planning to discuss the response from the civil society groups in dealing with this current

national political and economic change in Indonesia

Potential contribution to: InDSearch: Contested Development Ethnicity and Gender in mining. The case of Kalimantan

Abstract: Socio-cultural and institutional transformation processes in rural Kalimantan

Research areas: Human Geography, Area Studies, Political Ecology

Principal investigator: Faust,Heiko,Prof.Dr.,14.07.1961,GermanGeorgAugustUniversittGttingen,GeographischesInstitut,AbteilungHumangeographie,Goldschmidtstr.5,37077GttingenPhone:+49(0)551398094Fax:+49(0)5513912140,Email:hfaust@gwdg.de

Outline: Indonesiahasattractedincreasingglobalattentioninrecentyearsduetoconcernsoverlargescaledeforestationandrapidresourceexploitation.SinceDutchcolonialtimes,landtenureregulationshavegenerallyfavoredresourceuse.ThecurrentNationalDevelopmentPlancontinuestoseeperipheral islandsasatreasure forresourceuseandproduction inordertoeradicatepovertyandacceleratenationaldevelopment.Thisdevelopmentalfocus,however,isaccompaniedbyecologicaldegradationandgrowingsocialinequalities.Takingahistoricalperspectivewecandiscloselayersofpastandpresent landtenureregulationstounderstandongoingcontestationsof landuse,resourceexploitation,andtheirsocialconsequences.RecentvillagecasestudiesfromJambi(Sumatra)demonstratehowdifferentpoliticalerasandtheiraccompanyinglandtenureapproachesaremirroredintodayslocalarena.Wefoundthatdejureregulationswhichwereaddedtocustomarylawscreatedlegalpluralism.Thefollowingdiverseinstitutionalregulationsopenednichesforinformalapproachesonresourceuseandcreatedcontradictingdefactoprinciples.Further,thedevelopmentcontextisframedinlandtenureformalizationprocesses,amongstothersfacilitatedbyREDD+implementation,contributingtosocialconflictsthroughtheexclusionoflocalcommunitiesaccesstoresources.The legalpluralordersdynamicallyrescaleaccessandpropertyrelations in the localglobal(ruralurban)continuumandchangethesocioecologicalsystem,exemplifiedtrougharisingdiscoursesonresourcegovernance.ThecollaborativeresearchinJambirevealsnewinsightsonhistorical,political,socialandecologicalprocessesinpostfrontierarenas.Spatialandtemporalambivalencesandheterogeneitiesdominateresourceusepatternsandgovernancestructures.Theprevailingdiscoursesonlocalregimesoflandaccessandresourcegovernance,forinstance,reflecttheongoingstrugglesoverpoweramongandbetweenstakeholdersondifferentscales.Especiallynonplacebasedactorsbecomeincreasinglydecisiveintheoveralllocaltransformationprocess.Forinstance,manyconcessionholdersactuallyliveinurbancentersbutholdconcessionsinruralareas.Forthe intended interdisciplinaryresearchproject inKalimantanwewill focusontwocentralobjectives:theinvestigationofruralurbanlinkagesinfluencingtransformationprocessesinmining,andtheevaluationofdecentralizationprocessesconcerningresourcegovernance:i)Explanationofspatialandtemporalsocioculturalheterogeneitiesbyinvestigationofsocioculturalandsocioeconomiclocalglobal(ruralurban)linkagesandrespectivesocioculturalflows(i.e.,migration,ethnicity,norms,values,gender).Knowledge isneededhowthesedynamicsare influencedbysocioculturalprocessesinruralurbanrelationsandexchange,guidedbythehypothesis

thatintensityandvariationsoftransformationprocessesinminingaredependingnotonlyoneconomic,butonsocioculturalexchangewithregionalandsupraregional(urban)centers.Localcultural landscapesmirrorpatternsofglobalprocessessincetheseplacescanno longerbeconsideredasisolatedunits.Thismeansthatrurallandscapesinternaldiversityandtheirconceptualintegrationintofarreachingrelationalnetworksevokesnewsubjectsfordiscussion(Schaichetal.2010,Otten2015).Thegrowingurbandemandonresourcesreinforcesthecommercializationofagriculturalandnonagriculturalproducts.Viceversa,ruraldwellers,whichwerepreviouslyseparatedfromregionalandsupraregionalcommoditychainsduetomissingmarketlinkageswereenabledtobenefitfromnewlycreatedmarketingopportunities(Rigg2006).Inthisrespect,ruralurbanlinkagesonlymirrorlocalpatternsofrelationaldynamicsinglobalspacesincelocalplacesbecomemoreandmore integrated inglobalprocesses.Avitaldriverofeconomic interaction,especiallywithintherelationalruralurbanspace,issocialcapital.Relationsarebasedonmutualtrust,leadingtodecliningtransactioncosts,butfurthermoreenhancetheexchangeof information, i.e.norms,notionsandvalues.Thispromptstoreassesstherolesofgenderandethnicityinruralurbaninteractionsandimplicationsforresourcegovernance,HaanandvanUfford(2002)concludethatalthoughtradeisaneconomicactivity,ruralurbaninteractionsareembeddedinsocialrelations.ii)Explanationofvaryingspatialandtemporalresourcegovernanceandplanningapproachesbyevaluationofgovernanceregimesandnegotiationsonresourceuseandtheireffectsongenderandethnicityconcepts.TheobjectivesarebasedonresultsfromJambionculturallandscapetransformationwhichhasshownthattrajectorycreatedoverlappinglawsandregulationsproducemodernantagonisms, fostersocialpolarization,and favorecologicalcrises.Thesedynamics influenceresourcegovernanceissues,thus,wefollowthehypothesisthatanincreasingintensityofsocioeconomictransformation leadstoan intensificationofconflictingsocioculturalandsocioecologicaldiscoursesonresourceuse,exemplifiedongenderandethnicityinmining.Localdiscoursesonwatergovernance in Jambi (Merten2014)demonstratedthat localresourcegovernanceisembeddedinruralurbanlinkagesaswell.Further,thestruggleoverlanduseisoperatedbydifferentstakeholdergroups.Withincomplexsocialecologicalsystemstheinfluenceofformalandinformalinstitutions,theroleofstateandnonstateactors,thenatureofmultilevelinteractionsandtherelativeimportanceofbureaucratichierarchies,marketsandnetworksareidentifiedasmajorstructuralcharacteristicsofgovernanceregimes(PahlWostletal.2010,Barkmannetal.2010,PahlWostl2009,Kochetal.2008).Thepotentialinvestigationswillbebasedonextendedcasestudiesalongaruralurbancontinuumandnetworkanalysis.Qualitativemethodswillbeappliedondifferentscales,fromthehouseholdleveltogovernmentinstitutions,includingnonplacebasedactors.

Project-related publications Peer-reviewed articles: Beckert B, Dittrich C, Adiwibowo S (2014) Contested land: An analysis of multi-layered conflicts in Jambi

province, Sumatra, Indonesia. ASEAS Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies, 7(1): 75-92 Hein J, Faust H (2014) Conservation, REDD+ and the struggle for land in Jambi, Indonesia. Pacific Geogra-

phies, No. 41 - January/February 2014 Hein J, Adiwibowo S, Dittrich C, Rosyani I, Soetarto E, Faust H (under review) Rescaling of Access and

Property Relations in a Frontier Landscape: A Case Study from Jambi, Sumatra/Indonesia Klasen S, Meyer K M, Dislich C, Euler M, Faust H, Gatto M, Hettig E, Melati D N, Jaya N S, Otten F, Perez C,

Steinebach S, Tarigan S, Wiegand K (under review) Economic and ecological trade-offs of agricultural spe-cialization at different spatial scales

Kunz Y, Steinebach S, Dittrich C, Hauser-Schublin B, Rosyani I, Soetarto E, Faust H (under review) The fridge in the forest: historical trajectories of land tenure regulations in contested arenas in Jambi Province, Sumatra, Indonesia

Tscharntke et al. (in prep.) Scenarios of ecological-socioeconomic tradeoffs in land use all bets are off

Other articles: Faust H, Schwarze S, Beckert B, Brmmer B, Dittrich C, Euler M, Gatto M, Hauser-Schublin B, Hein J, Holt-

kamp A. M, Ibanez M, Klasen S, Kopp T, Krishna V, Kunz Y, Lay J, Muhoff O, Qaim M, Steinebach S, Vorlaufer M, Wollni M (2013) Assessment of socio-economic functions of tropical lowland transformation systems in Indonesia. Sampling framework and methodological approach. EFForTS Discussion Paper Se-ries No. 1. GOEDOC: Dokumenten- und Publikationsserver der Georg-August-Universitt Gttingen

Hein J (2013) Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD+), Transnational Con-servation and Access to Land in Jambi, Indonesia. EFForTS Discussion Paper Series No. 2. GOEDOC: Dokumenten- und Publikationsserver der Georg-August-Universitt Gttingen

Merten J (2014) Land use change and rural water supply in the tropics. Perceptions and impacts of oil palm expansion in Sumatra, Indonesia. Unpublished Master thesis, University of Gttingen, Institute of Geogra-phy

Otten F (2015) The Role of Market Access for a Secure Livelihood in a Scarce Environment A Case Study among Smallholders in Wonokitri, East Java. Unpublished Master thesis, University of Gttingen, Institute of Geography

Schwarze, S., Euler, M., Gatto, M., Hein, J., Hettig, E., Holtkamp, A. M., Izhar, L., Kunz, Y., Lay, J., Merten, J., Moser, S., Muhoff, O., Otten, F., Qaim, M., Soetarto, E., Steinebach, S., Trapp, K., Vorlaufer, M. and H. Faust (2015) Rubber vs. oil palm: An analysis of factors influencing smallholders crop choice in Jambi, Indonesia. EFForTS Discussion Paper Series No. 11. GOEDOC: Dokumenten- und Publikationsserver der Georg-August-Universitt Gttingen

References Barkmann J, Burkhard G, Faust H, Fremerey M, Koch S, Lanini A (2010) Land tenure rights, village institutions,

and rainforest conversion in Central Sulawesi (Indonesia). In: Tscharntke, T. et al. (eds.): Tropical Rainfor-ests and Agroforests under Global Change: Ecological and Socio-economic valuations. Springer. Berlin

Binder C R, Hinkel J, Bots P W G, Pahl-Wostl C (2013) Comparison of Frameworks for Analyzing Social-ecological Systems. Ecology and Society 18(4): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5751/ES-05551-180426

De Haan L, van Ufford P Q (2002) About Trade and Trust. The question of livelihood and social capital in rural-urban interactions. In I. S. A. Baud (Ed.) Re-aligning actors in an urbanizing world: governance and institu-tions from a development perspective. Aldershot: Ashgate, 243 p

De Haan L, Zoomers A (2005) Exploring the Frontier of Livelihood Research. Development and Change 36 (1), 27 p

Koch S., Faust H, Barkmann J (2008) Differences in Power Structures Regarding Access to Natural Resources at the Village Level in Central Sulawesi (Indonesia). Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies, Volume 1, Number 2, 59-81

Pahl-Wostl C (2009) A conceptual framework for analysing adaptive capacity and multi-level learning pro-cesses in resource governance regimes. Global Environmental Change 19, 354365

Pahl-Wostl C, Holtz G, Kastens B, Knieper C (2010) Analyzing complex water governance regimes: the Man-agement and Transition Framework. Environmental Science & Policy 13, 571-581

Rigg, Jonathan (2006) Land, farming, livelihoods, and poverty: Rethinking the links in the Rural South. World Development 34 (1) DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2005.07.015

Schaich H, Bieling C, Plieninger T (2010) Linking Ecosystem Services with Cultural Landscape Research. GAIA 19 (4), 269-277

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Territorialization and Its Effect to Land Use Changes and Rural Differentiation

A Brief Proposal for The Workshop on

Environmental Transformation, Ethnicity and Gender in Kalimantan, Indonesia

Theme: Development and Natural Resource Use in Kalimantan:

by

Soeryo Adiwibowo

Faculty of Human Ecology, Bogor Agricultural University

Context

Under the Soesilo Bambang Yudoyono administration, the future development of

Kalimantan corridor is designated for a center for production and processing of national

mining and energy reserve. The main economic activities of Kalimantan would be on oil and

gas, coal, palm oil, steel, bauxite, and timber. Almost 30 years ago the economic activities of

Kalimantan rest mainly upon oil and gas, and timber. Currently, oil and gas production in

Kalimantan is decreasing due to limited exploration of new oil and gas fields. Without

discovery of new reserve, Kalimantans gas production decline steadily around 7% since

2007 (Coordinating Ministry For Economic Affairs, Republic of Indonesia 2011).

As oil and gas production decreases, coal mining sector is identified as one of the main

economic drivers that can sustain the economic development of the Kalimantan region. In

2010, the amount of coal used for domestic consumption is 60 million tons or 18 percent of

the total national coal production of 325 million tons, most of which is consumed for

domestic electricity generation. The remaining 265 million tons was exported to several

main consuming countries such as Japan, China, India, South Korea, and other ASEAN

countries (Ibid 2011).

In 2011, area under oil palm plantations in Indonesia was 7.8 million hectares out of which

6.1 millions hectares were productive plantation under harvest. Around 75% or nearly 6

million hectares of plantation estates and CPO production are located at Sumatra and

Kalimantan, both in the form of large-scale estates as well as smallholder operations.

Smallholder farmers managed almost half of the plantation area. A paper published in

Nature Climate Change (2012) confirmed that the expansion of oil palm plantations in

Indonesia has come largely at the expense of the countrys forests. Between 1990 and 2010,

90% of oil palm plantations in Kalimantan were established on forested land (47% intact,

22% logged, 21% agroforest).

Kalimantan has the largest iron ore reserves in Indonesia. Around 84 percent of primary iron

ore reserves and 29 percent of laterite iron ore deposits are found in Kalimantan. Increased

trends of steel prices continue to take place and potential contribution of steel sector to the

national economy increased by two-folds. Main economic activities of steel in Kalimantan

are located in West Kotawaringin in Central Kalimantan; and Batulicin, Tanah Bumbu, and

Tanah Laut in South Kalimantan. Development projects in these locations include iron ore

processing and smelting and the development of downstream processing industries from

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iron-ore smelting into raw materials (pellets and sponge iron) for the steel industry in

Indonesia (Ibid 2011).

Kalimantan is considered as one of the worlds major lungs due to its vast forest areas.

Kalimantan has the second largest forest area after the island of Papua, with its forest area

of 41 million hectares compared to 42 million hectares of forest area in Papua. According to

data from the Ministry of Forestry (2009), Kalimantan has the largest production forest area

with a total of 29.8 million hectares out of which 52.7 percent (or 15.7 million hectares) of

the area has been utilized for timber production forest with Timber Cutting and Wood

Production licensing (IUPHHK), both for commercial scale Industrial Plantation Forest, and

for Natural Forest. However, satellite studies show that some 56% of protected lowland

tropical rainforests in Kalimantan (or more than 29,000 km2) were cut down between 1985-

2001 to supply global timber demand (blog.cifor.org).

All of the mentioned development pace are not only at the expense of the natural resource

degradation as well as deforestation and degradation of tropical rainforest of Kalimantan,

but also changing the constructions of ethnic identity, physical landscapes, and tree and

land tenures through territorialization process, which then further induced vulnerability,

violence, displacement, and dispossession of the indigenous people as well as local

community (Peluso 2008, 2005).

One of critical issues that important to underline here is land tenure. Land tenure is not a

sector-bound issue it is multi-dimensional in nature. Land tenure relationships are a

convergence of social, cultural, technical, institutional, legal, and political forces that push

and pull creating absolute tension or conflict resulting from overlapping land permits, and

exploitation of natural resources, women and vulnerable groups. In Central Kalimantan,

where the pilot project for REDD+ implementation took place, overlaps of licenses within

state forest revealed. Four million hectares of State Forest, or 25% of the province, has

overlapping land use certificates that are in-process or have been issued. Some 3.1 million

hectares of the state forest has overlapping regional government permits, with 560,000

hectares also have licenses from Ministry of Forestry on top of its regional permits.

Research Questions

With regards to the abovementioned context three research questions are developed:

1. What is the emerging trend of land use change in the past few years over Central

Kalimantan Province due to the territorialization of large-scale palm oil, mining

operations, logging operations, including the biodiversity conservation efforts such as

the establishment of protected area and biosphere reserve?

2. What is the nature and extent of rural social differentiationin terms of class, gender,

ethnicityfollowing changes in land use and land property relations as well as

organizations of production and exchange?

3. To what extent the territorialization processes and its following land transfer induced

vulnerability, violence, displacement, and dispossession of the indigenous people and

local community occurred? How and what are the implication for rural livelihoods?

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Objectives

1. To portray and analyze the impact of territorialization and land transfer for development

and conservation to physical landscape of the agro-ecosystem and livelihood strategy of

the indigenous people and local community.

2. To analyze the effect of land use change and land property relations to the nature of

social differentiation (class, gender, ethnicity) including its vulnerability, violence,

displacement, and dispossession.

Concise Theoretical Framework & Research Methodology

Broad framework encompassing the political economy, political ecology, and political

sociology of land use changes and land transfer centered on oil palm, mining, forest

plantation, and conservation.

Guided by the territoriality and territorialization concept (Peluso 2008, 2005) and

agrarian political economy (Bernstein 2010; Borras et al 2011).

Combination of qualitative and quantitative type of research.

Applying spatial analysis to figure out the land use changes in the past few years over

Central Kalimantan.

Duration of research: three years.

Katriani Puspita Ayu, MA University Palangkaraya (UNPAR), Faculty of Social Science Jalan Yos Sudarso, Palangka Raya 7311A; Email: Klamey@gmail.com

Tackling Deforestation through institutional and policy means

Forests, goods, rights, and owners Forest is a symbol of prestige for Dayak people. Forest is also a source of life since it has become a source of living, a place for finding food and medicine, a place for getting materials to built houses and boats, as raw material for making house furnitures and also as a sacred place for celebrating traditional ceremony. Forest is a home and also as a means of land fertility recovery. Dayak pople is very depended on the forest because it provides both their physical needs (food) and spiritual needs (forest as a place for holding a traditional ceremony). The problem that appears is that the width of forest is gradually diminishing. It makes Dayak people looses the number of width of forest that they can develop. According to data that is established by the forestry departement, the number of deforestation in Kalimantan in year 2000 up to 2005 reached approximately 1,23 million acres. The width of forest and peatland area that is protected is reducing significantly from 69.144.073 acres becoming 64.796.237 acres. It means, approximately 673 acres of Kalimantan is deforested every day on that period. The width of forest in the whole province reached approximately 40,8 million acres. Meanwhile, according to Greenpeace, there are only 25,5 million forest in 2010. The most potential large forest is in Central Kalimantan which has 15.300.000 acres based on the appointment of forest area of Central Kalimantan Province based on Minister of Agricultures decree No.759/KPTS/Um/10/1982 which is established on October 12th, 1982 regarding to the appointment of forest area in Province level in Regional area.

Actual problems in Kota Waringin Timur Kota Waringin Timur is one of the districts in the province of Central Kalimantan, and the capital of this district is Sampit. The total area of this district is 16.496 km with approximately 416.200 inhabitants in 2014. The findings of WALHI Kalteng mention, few business sectors that lead to increased deforestation in Central Kalimantan, of which 4.1 million hectares of oil palm plantations and mining companies 3.8 million hectares. This has led to losses due to forest conversion, namely environmental degradation, ecological disasters, corruption and inequality in land management causes more conflicts.

In the era of regional autonomy, the politics of ecology which is run by local authorities so significant in promoting ecological damage within the area. The authority of regional and the local political actors strongly affect the public policy decision-making started from planning, implementation and control of regional development, including the governance of natural resources. The regional autonomy has been hijacked by a conspiracy between the investors and local leaders to exploit natural resources without sustainability for public needs or environment condition in the future.

Deforestation and Forest transition The main reason of forest clearing that happened in 1950 was because the forest usage as agriculture field. People were planting rice after clearing the forest. Then in the early 1970s, the forest turned into wood commercial needs and was opened massively. It increased the speed of deforestation and based on the report of Forest Watch Indonesia regarding to potrait of Indonesians forest in 2001, the speed of deforestation since 1997 had been constantly happened every year. There were 7-8 million acres of tropical forest which was in process of cutting every year. This condition triggered a massive forest fire in 1997-1998 which was added by economic crisis and the ruin of political authority and the weakness of law enforcement in the age of new orde. Under the government of President Soeharto, Indonesia took economic growth paradigm such as spur oil sector, mining, forestry, plantation and agriculture. On (Herman Hidayat: 2011:32), the government is more open for the market by giving permission to the private industries to operate in Indonesia. A number of great palm oil robs the the local peoples land to open their plantatation area. The local people are complaining about the state that makes boundaries between the local peoples land and governments land. Therefore, the government establishes a law which forbids the local people to take/cultivate anything from the forest since they belong to the government. The law made the structure changed. Before, there was a traditional law which protected the ownership of the land for the local people, then, the law turned to positive law which was made by the government.

Problem of forest transition that happen in Kota Waringin Timur. The fact is that the investor which explores the forest resources in Central Kalimantan in particular Kota Waringin Timur has made the local people as the one who must accept the result of forest over-exploitation. Further, the government issued rules about forest classification and local people rights to manage the nature around them. In fact, the state made policy on land divisions and this created division between territory which is believed by the local people as heritage of their elders and which is stated by the government as states land. Conflics that appears is forest conversion because the ownership of the land is unclear between the state and the private sector. On the other hand, the local government budget politics was no indication of positive changes in the recovery and improvement of the environment. The lack of budget allocation and poor environmental protection with an average of three billion per district very far from the commitment on environment recovery.

Combination between deforestation, land rights, and weak institution are the aspects that become a predator for the Dayak people which makes forest issue more interesting to be studied from multi-aspect. Therefore, this paper aims to explain the massive forest degradation that affect powerless Dayak people in managing its resources as well as the role of government which is not favor to grass root and its further impacts to socio-cultural. It is also analyzing how far the relationship between national and the regional government in implementing and evaluating forest exploitation through political economic perspective. Further, the

paper is intended to re-analyze and evaluate the impact of deforestation in Kota Waringin Timur in order to meet the needs of Dayak people. Finally, this paper is aimed to find out and explore Kota Waringin Timur district governments options in order to overcome the forest crisis.

Literature Review Political ecology is an interdisciplinary, non-dualistic strategy that remains under development, and perhaps deliberately so, seeking to describe the dynamic ways in which, on the one hand, political and economic power can shape ecological futures and, on the other, how ecologies can shape political and economic possibilities. Often identified with political economy, political ecology frequently takes political economys interest in the expression and influence of state and corporate power on environmental politics and combines this with insights derived from understanding and analyzing environmental influences on social activity. Political ecologys ability to engage the philosophy and values of ecological justice has made it attractive to many who expect analysis to facilitate social change. A particular focus is on the way in which institutional change is negotiated between different social actors, and the extent to which structural factors influence the evolution of institutions and policy.

Political ecology studies how societies build and govern their environment, with a special emphasis on power relations and critical thinking. It stands as a thriving interdisciplinary domain of thought, which emerged at the intersection between ecology, geography, political science, socio-anthropology, and ecological economics. It builds on empirical case studies, particularly in situations that involve local and indigenous populations. The phenomenon of environmental damage can be seen from political ecology approach in which the environment damage and the conflict within them can not be separated from economic and political interests. According to Peluso and Watts (2001), the environmental damage and the conflict of environmental governance is affected by the calculation of the power aspect, fairness of distribution, the way of controlling, the interests of local-national-global networks, historical, gender, and the role of the actors.

Blaikie and Brookfield aim to shift attention away from inherent natural conditions and social characteristics, arguing instead that a 'chain of explanation' should be constructed, in which relationships between farmers and the physical environment are considered in their 'historical, political and economic context' (Blaikie and Brookfield, 1987, p. 239). Referring to the main objective of this proposals main issue, that is forest, the relationship which is meant by Blaikie and Brookfield between farmers and physical environment is the forest manager with forest physic situation itself from political economy point of view and history of the forests condition. The reason of political ecology usage as grand theory in this proposal is because this point of view can explain a complex interaction between economy, politic, and social technology. This proposal point of view can explain a complex interaction between the local economy condition,

politics and power, and social tradition as well as the condition of current biological environment. This discipline is integrating ecological social sciences with political economy (Peet and Watts 1999, p.6) in topics such as degradation and marginalization, environmental conflict, conservation and control, as well as environmental identities and social movements (Robbins 2012).

Three main aspects of regional political ecology are outlined in land degradation and society by Blaikie and Brookfield. First, there is a call for an integration of human and physical approaches to land degradation, combining the concerns of ecology with those of a 'broadly defined political economy' (p. 17). The aim is to highlight the interactive relationships between people and their environment, described as a 'constantly shifting dialectic between society and land-based resources (p. 17). Secondly, Blaikie and Brookfield argue for regionally-based accounts of land degradation, which start with the decisions of farmers themselves, and take into account variations in environmental resilience. This locality-based approach is to be supplemented by work on a variety of scales, so as to show for example 'the contribution of different hierarchies of socio-economic organizations' (p. 17). Thirdly, a concern with political economy implies an analysis of how structures external to rural society, may impinge on it in a way that leads to land degradation. Thus attention is focused on the role of international capitalism and the state, and the way these 'directly and indirectly have repercussions on the land, and those who use it' (Blaikie, 1988a, p. 141). Understanding the deforestation in Central Kalimantan along with Dayak society condition needs more than cultural ecology and system theory emphasizes. It needs the role of political economy as a force of mal-adaptation and instability (Peter A. Walker 2005, p.74). He stated that political ecology will often utilize the framework of political economy to analyze environmental issues

According to Blaikie and Brookfield, regional political ecology represents a broad-based approach, encompassing a variety of scales, methodologies and conclusions regarding the causes of land degradation. At the same time, their approach has implications extending beyond the explanation of the particular phenomenon of environmental decline. They are concerned with environmental degradation in its broadest sense, which includes the loss of soil quality and fertility, as well as the physical removal of soil. Specifically, in this paper, it does not only aim to explain the phenomenon of forest degradation but also its effect for the Dayaks people that is depended to the forest and moreover annual disaster which happen because of deforestation. Moreover, the paper will explain the role of institution which work together with the private sector in ruining the forest and miss-manage the land.

Blaikie and Brookfield are also aim to develop a theoretical framework which will explain why land managers sometimes act in ways that are detrimental both to the environment, and to their own livelihoods. 'Regional political ecology' is thus a theory about land management, not just land degradation. As such, it is potentially useful in explaining the persistence of a range of ostensibly irrational

and unproductive land management practices, which might for example result in a temporary decline in productivity, as well as in semi-permanent, or permanent environmental degradation. The use of regional political ecology in this research is aimed to explain the attitude of forest manager and a number of stakeholders who are in need with the forest in managing the forests resources over-exploitatively and unsustainably. The aim of this research is to identify factors that are involved with both the political economy factors leading up to the deforestation as well as how the impact of increasing number of Palm Oil Company in Kota Waringin Timur affects environmental quality. These problems call for analyzing dynamics through the theoretical perspectives of political economy forming a concept specific to this research political ecology.

1

The Dynamic of Artisanal Mining in Kalimantan, Indonesia

Semiarto Aji Purwanto

Department of Anthropology, University of Indonesia

(semapur@yahoo.com)

In this paper I will describe the changing trend of mining activity conducted by the

communities. It is my opinion that it related to the weakening of government control over

forest area, the rise of indigenous and ethnic movement and local priority in the national

discourse, and the pressures from some insitutions and agencies after knowing that rivers

have highly been contaminated with mercury. The case studies I took from my former

research in Kelian River, East Kalimantan, which conducted in 2003, and several observations

in Central and West Kalimantan during 2010-2015.

The big Kalimantan island in Indonesia has provided the country with a lot of natural

resources. It is the place where natural forest, plantation and horticulture production has

been recognized for long time. Aside from the forest natural products like timber and non

timber products Kalimantan also rich with oil and mineral deposits which have been mined

both extensively by large mining companies and traditionally by the communities. Oil, gold

and coal are the main important mining products and in addition there are also silver, copper,

ferro, lead, molybdenum, antimony, and tin, and some non-metallic mineral consists

of granite, basalt, limestone, kaolinite and quartz sand (Nursahan 2015).

In Indonesia, the mining production is constitutionally managed under state companies or

private sectors with limited concession from government. These such monopoly management

has for some times put the communitys activities in mining became illegal. In Kalimantan, for

centuries, gold deposit is reported to be abundant in the river bank where alluvial and

sedimentation made gold can easily be found. Consequently, a lot of people have long

experience in exploring the gold by simple technology. They can be found in almost every

part of the island. However, their mining activity is not considered as productive; instead

categorized by the government as illegal, destructive and dangerous. It was during the New

Order of Suharto when this state monopoly became strong and dominantly control the

mining and other natural resource management as well.

Post-Suharto era, Indonesia has a new face of natural resource management. Through the

law of local autonomy, the lisence and operation of some natural resource exploitations are

now decentralized. Although the state is still hold the principal lisence for forest, plantation

and mining company, it becomes more open now for the local government to issue small and

limited concession for natural resource exploitation. In addition to the desentralization policy,

researchers have identified some of lacking in management, especially in control, the

governance of ntural resources. Central government used to have direct control to the local

government through kantor wilayah (branch offices) of all technical minister. Now, these

offices ar no longer exist and replaced by kantor dinas (local offices) controlled by local

governance. Practically, the local government is very strong in deciding to give permits or

even change the forest area into other purposes such as for plantatin or mining sites.

Paralelly, and simultaneously, the communitys responses over the law of local autonomy are

filled with enthusiasm and chaotic in other side. A lot of people living in and around forest,

who has, during the Suharto era, been merely spectators for the resources exploitation in

2

their homeland, take innitiative to exploit their land. In mining sectors, it emerged in the

quick spreading of gold rush in many places. Like the one that I have observed in East

Kalimantan (ILO 2004), migrants from South Sulawesi came to the Sungai Babi, a river that is

branch of the bigger Kelian river. The Kelian river is connected with a multinational gold

company Kelian Equatorial Mining that operated in Tering, East Kalimantan. The people trid

to find gold material in the river. They believe that the companys waste flew in the river still

contain with gold material. Some others think that there are huge deposits of gold in Sungai

Babi and Kelian river. They tried hard to find out the gold vein that running from the river to

the banks.

I identified that there are at two main techniques usually used by the community in Kelian

Dalam to mine the gold. The first is by digging the ground up to five meters, and then some a

tunnel is made to follow the gold vein. There can be some tunnels in the well-like hole called

lobang solong. The first way of digging material from the ground is also called sedot kering

where most of the activities are conducted in the dry ground. The second techniques is the

exploration in the river or on the river bank. This is believed to be easier because of the mud

can be easily sucked from the bottom of the river, channeling through hoses, and then

separated the gold from sandy soil or mud. People use rakit or rafts to put the pump machine

to suck the mud from the river. The first technique is the old way to get the gold material,

while the second is newer but then became very popular in all over places in Kalimantan.

In 1999, right after the down of Suharto, in only three regions in Central Kalimantan, there

are 1812 gold rafts operated in Kahayan river. My observation 10 years ago indicated that

along the Kelian River, in a sample plot of 2 kms, there are 45 rafts of gold miners. It is

reported at that tims, that the numbers of artisanal minings in the Kelian River are found in

107 spots. Now, in the past five years, the gold rafts are rarely found. Yet, the artisanal

minings are still can be found mostly inside the forest. Why did the artisanal mining activity,

nowadays, move to the forest areas?

I will describe first the two main techniques, how and why they choose those particular ways

to get the gold. Then I move to the more analytical description of the reasons why people in

Kalimantan now seems to leave the gold mining in the rivers.

Knowledge on artisanal mining may benefited for the effort of enhancing communitys

economic since it mostly conducted by people with limited access to land. It also help to

reduce the risk of chemical contamination and to prevent the miners from fatal accidents. In

the academic side, an understanding of artisanal mining especially in the context of

communities will provide us with explanation of cultural responses to the national political

changing in the local level. It is also hoped to contribute to the discourse and study of the

regional autonomy and natural resource management in Indonesia

Research Proposal

BEYOND STRUGGLE FOR RIGHTS: LOCAL RESPONSES FOR SELF DEVELOPMENT1

Satyawan Sunito2

The land covered by large scale palm oil plantation is at present approximately 14,3 mil hectares and

still expanding. It involves more than 10 mil workforce, 70% of it are dayly laborors (Siaran Pers

Menyambut hari buruh sedunia 1 Mei 2015, Sawit watch, 30.04.2015) If the government realize

their plan to develop large scale plantation (dominantly oil palm) through the length of its

international border in Kalimantan, this will ad 1,8 mil hectares to the present figure. Adding to this,

are mining concessions and other large scale land use projects. With all Conversion-forests already

occupied and converted to other land use, every expansion of large scale land use such as oil palm

plantation and on diverent reasons mining, will be on permanent forest land or on land that is used

and claimed by local people. This expanding large scale land use changing radically the landscape,

ecosystem and the social and economical life of thousands villages inside and outside the

consessions areas.

This process of transformation is not a recent Neo-Liberal phenomenon. In contrary, it started with

the expansion of capitalism in mid-19th century colonialism, when the colonial state and economy

started actively shaping the local community and the natural resources to serve a new capitalistic

mode of exploitation. Starting in Java and later on in coastal areas of Sumatera, it was only far after

the independence, in the 1970th

, when the process reached the interior of the large Sunda islands

(Sumatera, Kalimantan, Sulawesi) (Pelzer, 1978; Breman, 1997; Hariadi & Jhamtani, 2009). The

aggressive territorialization after 1970th was accompanied by massive government policy in

reorganizing indigenous system of settlement, village governance and cultural practices. Which Dove

explained as Politics of ignorance on the side of the central government (Dove, 1983). More

important for this proposal is the process of large scale forest concession and land acquisition by

corporations through government licenses, that went hand in hand with the process of

territorialization, that brought with it the exclusion of local communities from agrarian resources.

This processes of large scale transfer of access and control of natural resources into the hands of

corporations over and above the local communities, were explained by some as land-grab and the

process of through primitive accumulation.3

A double process of large scale land acquisition under government permit and the neglect of local

land rights and livelihood systems, result in massive land dispossession of small holders. Using

government permit (Ijin Lokasi/Location Permit) literally as weapon, large companies create a

condition in which small holders are placed under pressure to sell their land. These processes of land

grab (Borras & Franco, 2012; Seized!, 2008) had pushed local communities into a marginal position

1 Contribution for the Workshop Environmental Transformation, Ethnicity and Gender in Kalimantan,

Indonesia from the 10th 12th June 2015 at the University of Passau, Germany. 2 Teaching staff of Department of Communication and Community Development, Faculty of Human Ecology,

Agricultural University of Bogor. 3 Primitive accumulation involves the dual process of dispossession of former claimants of their resources and

the radical change of the social relation of production forced by the new claimants. A free interpretation from

personal communication with Nancy Peluso. Bernstein following Robert Brenner (20010) suggested the term

commoditization of subsistence that imply the full integration of peasant into commodity relations without

necessarily being dispossessed of their land (Bernstein, 2010)

(Li, 1999). Local communities undergo radical transformation from users and the stewardship of the

natural resources and the environment to become dependent users of and labor for a total different

management and exploitation of the natural resources. From independent small holders practicing

complex agroecological systems often within a customary law community, into dependent small

holders and laborers integrated in large scale monoculture system owned by corporations serving

national and global markets. This transformation of local and indigenous communities are intimately

related with transmigrant villages as well as the influx of land hunger immigrants, and labor force

attracted by new opportunities and facilitated by the opening of forest and logging roads.

From a residual point of view (Borras, 2009), the integration of local and indigenous communities

into the modern large scale natural resource exploitation is the right trajectory that will free these

communities from marginalization and poverty. Part of this point of view is the assumption of a still

homogenous local and indigenous forest village community, which are marginal by definition.

This proposal rejects the notion of the homogenous and originally marginal local and indigenous

communities. In contrary, as the above exposition partly demonstrate, most local and indigenous

communities had already a long history of cultural discrimination and suppression, and economic

exploitation, that put these communities in marginalized condition. In other words, this proposal

takes the relational point of view (Borras, 2009) in relation to poverty and marginality. In addition,

local and indigenous communities are not the same. Local communities can be divided into

categories of social, economic and political complexity. Most of the larger communities have been

already socially differentiated, in ascribed as well achieved statuses. The larger Dayak tribes in

Kalimantan know already inherited social statuses, lay man and aristocracy, and until it was

prohibited by the Dutch colonial government these tribes know the institution of slavery. The influx

of different categories of mostly land hunger immigrants while resources are decreasing, the inter-

marriages and land transactions between autochthone and allochtone have their implication in

tenure system and distribution of resources. The combination of changes, in the ecosystem,

agrarian base, commoditization of almost everything, social-demography, and ethno pluralism, all

have their implication in social relation, social-relation of production, (indigenous) norms and values.

The numerous agrarian conflicts indicate that not all village communities have been integrated into

the system of large scale corporate activities. There are communities that refuse to be integrated

and as a consequence have to engage in prolonged conflict with large corporations. The focus of the

indigenous movement is on fighting for citizen rights, including rights on land and resources. Part of

this struggle is already achieved, when the state acknowledged the status of customary forest

outside the state forest area. However, the threat of dispossession of their land by corporate

interest does not decrease. One important aspect of the right on land and resources are their

productive use. The ability to demonstrate that people has the capability to use its resources.

From the above exposition, this proposal propose several research questions: 1) under the condition

of environment degradation, the ever decreasing availability of land, rising needs of income, the

changing and erosion of local customs, commoditization of land and agriculture in general,

increasing pluralism, and the still looming threat of dispossession of land what are the available

chances and possibilities local people have in developing their agrarian resources and other

activities; 2) How do people use, adjust and change local institutions, in coping with the social-

economic and environment complexities. Are there institutional innovations coming out of these

complexities?; 3) What are the role and effectiveness of external parties in supporting local

communities in their self-development?

LITERATURE USED

Bernstein, H., 2010, Class Dynamics and Agrarian Change. Agrarian change and Peasant Studies.

Fernwood Publishing.

Borras, Jr. S.M., 2009, Agrarian change and peasant studies: changes, continuitie and challenges an

introduction. In The Journal of Peasant Studies, Vol.36, N0.1, January 2009.

Borras, Jr. S.M. & Jennifer C. Franco, 2012, Global land Grabbing and Trjectories of Agrrian Change: a

Preliminary Analysis. Journal of Agrarian Change, vol.12, no.1, January 2012.

Breman, J., 1997, Menjinakkan Sang Kuli. Politik Kolonial pada awal Abad ke-20. Translation, PT.

Pustaka Utama Grafiti, KITLV, Jakarta.

Dove, Michael, 1983, Theories of swidden agriculture, and the political economy of ignorance.

Agroforestry Systems 1: 85-99.

Grain Briefing, 2008, Seized! The 2008 land grab for food and financial security. Grain Briefing,

October 2008.

Kartodiharjo, H and Hira Jhamtani, 2009, Environmental Politics and Power in Indonesia. Equinox

Publishing, Jakarta, Singapore.

Li, T. Murray, 1999, Marginality, Power and Production: Analyzing Upland Transformations. In Tania

Murray Li (ed.) Transforming The Indonesian Uplands. Hardwood Academic Publishers, 1999)

Pelzer, K.J., 1978, Planter and Peasant, Colonial policy and the agrarian struggle in East-Sumatra,

1863-1947. KITLV.

What we can Learn from the New Forms of Green Enclosure Practice

in Indonesia

Suraya Afiff A Brief proposal for the Workshop on Environmental Transformation, Ethnicity and

Gender in Kalimantan, Indonesia

10th 12th June 2015 at University of Passau

The focus of my presentation will be on the new emerging forms of control over

large-tract of land for environmental purpose in Indonesia. Some scholars refer

this type of land enclosure for environmental ends as green grab (Fairhead et

al., 2012). Green grabbing certainly was not a new phenomena in Indonesia (also

elsewhere). The colonial and post-colonial states alike have been actively

involved in allocating large land areas for various green development projects

such as for national parks, wildlife reserve, biofuel, watershed protection,

etcetera. The emergence of concern on the green grab issue as Fairhead et al.

(2012) argue, due to this recent large scale land control for environmental end is

different when it compares to the past history. Today green enclosure process is

new in terms of the actors,.....the cultural and economic logics and political

dynamics involved (Fairhead et al., 2012).

In this workshop I will briefly present the new emerging type of land enclosure

for a specific conservation scheme in Indonesia namely ecosystem restoration

(ER). In Indonesia, Ecosystem Restoration scheme is a new type of green

enclosure process that has targeted the ex-logging area. Once this ex-logging

area has been designated for ecosystem restoration management, it can prevent

the remaining forest cover to be cleared for other uses such as for monoculture

industrial timber or palm oil plantations.

The advocate for ecosystem restoration scheme are those who tried to combine

two different interests. Ecosystem restoration scheme fit with those who are

interested in finding the strategy to keep the remaining forest cover in the

production forest. In their view ecosystem restoration scheme would be a

perfect solution to establish conservation strategy since very few people will

support the initiative to turn a production forest into a nature reserve. The

emerging of international discourse on the need to support the effort to reduce

the emission from deforestation and forest degradation (REDD) and in

particularly the possibility for carbon trade has open up the possible for

conservationists to collaborate with those who are interested in the

establishment of a new form of economic investment over nature.

Those who are concerned with the green grab issue point out the potential

impact of the green grab process on the livelihood of indigenous and local

communities who lived surrounding the project area. Large land deal project as

in other development projects, some scholars argue, might induce violence and

displacement (Vandergeest et al. 2006), however, on the other hand, we cannot

assume that the establishment of ecosystem restoration project will result the

similar effect everywhere. My questions, therefore, how has a particular

ecosystem restoration initiative been played out at a specific site and how has

this project effect those communities who lived surrounding the project areas.

There is a good reason to explore these questions in Central Kalimantan

province. Since 2010, the national government has designated the Central

Kalimantan province as one of the pilot provinces for the national program to

reduce the emission from deforestation and forest degradation or known by as

REDD+. Of the total nine ecosystem restoration projects that have been

established by 2013, two of these projects were developed in Central

Kalimantan.

I will present my work-in-progress research that explore the implementation of

the ecosystem restoration project in Katingan district, Central Kalimantan. In

2013, the Ministry of Forestry has granted PT Rimba Makmur Utama (PT RMU)

about 108,255 hectare of land in the district of Katingan to be managed as

ecosystem restoration scheme. The fact that no local oppositions have been

publically reported against this company initiative, has attract my intention to

find out more about the way the villagers perceived the establishment of PT

RMUs ecosystem restoration initiative.

From the administrative term, PT RMU ecosystem restoration project falls within

the sub-district of Mendawai and Kamipang. It was reported there are 14 villages

that have located adjacent to the project. Besides PT RMU, there are two other

types of project schemes were implemented in the region. Two palm oil

concessions were established adjacent to PT RMU. It was also adjacent to the

Sebangau National Park. My initial finding shows that International standards

have shaped the company approach and strategy to engage with the local

communities. At the same time, few human activities could be found in the peat

land area, the area where PT RMU was established. As the result, instead of

oppositions, many of local communities wish to find jobs with PT RMU. Based on

my observation I could not find any evidence that local people livelihood have

been displaced from the project area. These maybe some of the reasons why we

could not find local resistance against the company. This is to show that

ecosystem restoration scheme in Katingan district might provide the different

effects with other ecosystem restoration project established in Sumatra. This is

to show that large scale land grab is not always caused the same pattern of

displacement effects for villagers.

Reference cited:

Fairhead, M., M. Leach, I. Scoonea.2012. Green Grabbing: a new appropriation of

nature? Journal of Peasant Studies 39 (2): 237-261.

Vandergeest, P., P. Idahosa, P.S. Bose [Eds.]. 2006. Gree gabbi g: Developments

Displacements: Economies, Ecologies, and Cultures at Risk. Vancouver: UBC Press.

Beyond the River Basin: the Transformation of the Kapuas Riverscape in West Kalimantan Oliver Pye, Department of Southeast Asian Studies, Bonn University This paper introduces some key findings emerging from a DFG funded research project on the political ecology of the Kapuas River undertaken by a team consisting of Julia, Irendra Radjawali, Oliver Pye (Bonn University) and Martin Lukas and Michael Flitner (Bremen University). The Kapuas River is the longest river in Indonesia. Emerging from the mountain ranges of central Borneo, its rushing torrents of the Kapuas Hulu feed a large and muddy river that slowly meanders down from Putussibau to the sea at Pontianak. The river, vast in itself, is connected to a much larger system of lakes, swamps and inundated forests that support a wide diversity of fish, insect, bird and other species, many of which are still being discovered. Historically, this ecological productivity was the source of livelihood for the peoples of West Kalimantan and the basis of extended trade networks that linked forest peoples to China and beyond. Today, the river is in crisis. This crisis can be seen in ecological terms in the deterioration of the quality of water, the depletion of fish stocks and the destruction of those forest and swamp ecosystems connected to the river. But the crisis is also an eco-social crisis, impacting and transforming the lives of its inhabitants. This paper argues that the crisis has its origin in a model of economic development based on export-oriented resource extraction that is changing the political ecology of the river and the gender relations and concepts of ethnicity that are interwoven with it. In trade-liberalised ASEAN, Indonesia has been awarded the role of resource supplier. The Indonesian state has operationalised this place in a regional division of labour with a plan for accelerated development the MP3EI in which different provinces are earmarked for different industries. In this vision, the development of West Kalimantan will be led by the palm oil, bauxite mining and timber industries (Rachman and Yanuardy 2014). These industries have at their centre a business model that is based on large scale operations, resource extraction, cheap labour and the subjugation of nature. It is a business model that brings it into direct conflict with the complementary dual strategy of smallholder production combining subsistence and cash crop production (Dove 2011), leading to an increasing politicization of the Kapuas. It is this politicization in connection to the transformation of the political ecology of the river that interests us here. Serious ecological deterioration of river systems across the world has been addressed by a interdisciplinary approach known as River Basin Management, Integrated Water Management or variations thereof. The basic idea is that the river should be seen as water and related natural resources (Watson et al. 2007) within a complex ecological and social river basin system. Because land use change in the watershed affect the river and activities upstream impact the downstream and so on, but each change is undertaken without considering the impact to the river as a whole, IWM is essentially about improving the level of coordination among the various agencies, government departments and other organizations that share responsibilities for the management of the river basin (Molle 2007: 359). Such interconnectivity is apparent in the Kapuas river basin. Palm oil and timber plantations replace natural forests that have intricate connections to the river, particularly when swamp and seasonally inundated forests are drained and converted. But palm oil mills also directly contaminate the river when palm oil mill effluent (POME) is discharged into tributaries. Similarly, mining activities pollute the waterways by the use of large quantities of water for the processing of bauxite and the discharge of tailings and sediments into the river. An integrated river basin approach, while accounting for the connectivity of physical, ecological flows, often falls short in terms of understanding the political ecology of these interconnectivities. One reason for this is that the territorial spatial focus on the basin neglects that humanenvironment dynamics within a river basin (e.g. land use changes, erosion, loss of biodiversity, marginalisation, migrations, etc.) are frequently interlinked with processes or drivers that pertain to the national level (e.g. public policies) or global level (e.g. climate change, market price for commodities, etc.) (Molle 2007: 359). Another problem is that the focus on management and coordination between various government bodies neglect issues of power, economic interests and social conflicts that underlay the eco-social transformations. The ineffectiveness of the river basin management group FORUM DAS in West Kalimantan reflects the shortcomings of this techno-fix approach.

To study the political ecology of the Kapuas riverscape, therefore, we developed a research project that looked beyond the river basin by conceptualizing City-Rural-River-Transformation-Loops that looked at how key qualitative transformations affecting the river were being driven by different networks linking investment and political decisions in the city (and linked to the national and the global scale) to agrarian transformations that then flowed back to the city via the river. On an aggregate level, we have expanded on Bronsons idea of a dendritic system (1977) in which he conceptualized the pre-colonial river as a trading route linking forest-based peoples extracting valuable forest products in the upstream tributaries to rice-growing societies in the lowlands and to a trading centre at the mouth of the river. To this trade functionalist view of the river we have added others to conceptualise the rivers multifunctionality as a scape of flows of products, capital, power, livelihoods, and pollution. To understand the qualitative changes accompanying the socio-ecological transformations, we combined this functionalist approach with participatory action research in a series of place-based studies we called Participatory Hydro-Political Appraisals (PHPAs). The PHPAs developed a series of research questions and group discussions in conjuncture with citizen research groups and related to key change objectives and spatialised interventions. A key innovative tool was the use of community drones to develop locally controlled counter-maps (Peluso 1995). Seven PHPAs explored key transformations connected to palm oil (Sintang), logging (Ambalau), bauxite mining (Tayan), gold mining (Serawai), fisheries (Meliau, Danau Sentarum), conservation and REDD (Menua Sadap, Putussibau ) and urban water issues (Pontianak). In each PHPA, the citizen researchers were encouraged to relate their key issues to the river and subsequently, in a final workshop in Pontianak, to connect the dots and to relate their experience with that of the other groups. In the three PHPAs focusing on the three key development industries palm oil, timber and bauxite mining, local communities encountered similar problems of land grabs facilitated by community leaders and district level politicians and backed up by provincial and national governments. All three industries need licenses for large scale exploitation for which a close political (and financial) collaboration between transnational and national conglomerates and state political power is necessary. In all three cases, therefore, the transformation loops are characterized by investment dominated by transnational capital at the global scale in close collaboration with political power at the national (and provincial and district) scale. In the bauxite mining case in Tayan, the mining company was a joint venture between Chinese capital and an Indonesian firm of which the Dayak governor H.M. Cornelis is a shareholder. The river serves as a conduit of extraction (palm oil, timber and bauxite is transported down the river) and as a pollution dump (POME, mining tailings, chemical treatment of logs, and sedimentation). The local communities are impacted firstly by a loss of land (and therefore livelihood), by political repression (farmers opposing the palm oil concession were jailed in Sintang) but also directly by the environmental degradation of the river. In Sintang the pollution of streams and tributaries was so severe that the locals no longer had access to clean drinking water, while in Tayan, the mining company diverted a tributary and laid waste to a lake that had been the main source of livelihood for fisherwomen. In the highlands of Kapuas Hulu, the source of the Kapuas, land grabs are replaced by green grabs. The imposition of a national park on to customary indigenous land in the upper reaches of the Embaloh tributary does not have the polluting impact of the extractive industries, but had similar livelihood consequences, as hunting, timber and swiddening rights are restricted by the state. The potential commodification of the forest in the form of carbon credits within REDD schemes introduced by transnational conservation and development companies (GIZ, WWF) has led to similar horizontal conflicts within and between communities as in the extractive industries, as local leadership is divided over whether to sell their carbon and potential benefits exacerbate territorial conflicts. The loop is characterized by a different set of actors (conservation and development corporations and a different section of the state, with a lesser role for district officials) but also ultimately connects to the global financial markets via the emerging speculative market for carbon credits. The ubiquitous allocation of large scale concessions (now covering - via overlapping licenses - 130% of West Kalimantan) has meant that a large number of independent smallholders have been dispossessed from their own land and that the dual strategy of subsistence and market production identified by Dove is no longer viable. This is also related to the political ecology of the river, as the destruction of wetlands and the deterioration of water quality has resulted in the loss of wild capture fish stocks. Highly valued fish species such as the Semah and the Arowana have now become extremely rare. In Meliau, downstream fishing

activities with warin stow nets to catch fish fry for aquaculture fodder is leading to diminishing fish stocks upstream and to a politicization of fisheries. Overall, a commodification of fisheries is taking place, with a more capital intensive and male dominated aquaculture replacing subsistence fishery from the river. The river is steadily losing its function as a site of needs-based subsistence production. The proletarisation of formerly independent smallholders means that the younger generation necessarily has to become more mobile in the search for jobs and income opportunities. One attractive alternative to the low paid jobs in the plantation and mining sectors is gold mining. In contrast to large scale mining operations, gold mining along the Kapuas is small-scale, with mining sites, ownership of operations, and trading networks showing a dendritic spatial pattern up the river. While the financial markets at the global scale are the ultimate drivers of demand and rising gold prices, and the connection to the global market is brokered by trading families in Pontianak, gold mining offers lucrative opportunities for independent workers, start-up operations and entrepreneurs with a small amount of capital. State actors play a key role firstly by criminalizing the activity and then, via corruption networks, by facilitating them. Despite the small scale of operations, the cumulative impact on the ecology of the river is substantial. Open pit mining near the river banks leaves a scarred landscape behind, while inflow mining creates major sedimentation pollution and poisoning by mercury. The multifunctional use of the river as a site of production, transportation and pollution conflicts with its function as a site of social reproduction, creating a crisis in the urban political ecology of the river, particularly in the poorer areas of Pontianak. The urban poor use the river for washing, laundry, for sewage and for drinking water. Mercury poisoning and contamination by organic effluent cause serious health problems, and washing in the river can cause itchiness and skin diseases. The quality of water is so bad that it can no longer be used for drinking. Municipal water supply is insufficient, particularly for people who cannot afford the fee. Major problems are created by the urban use of the river as a garbage dump and a site of sewage discharge. This has resulted in repeated campaigns to clean up the Kapuas, but these consist mainly of voluntary garbage collection activities that do not address the political issues of the failure of the provincial government and municipalities to provide an effective waste and sewage collection system and publically accessible piped water for consumption. The failure to do so is partly related to difficulties in purifying Kapuas water that is contaminated by increased pollution and sedimentation from upstream activities. The current development strategy in West Kalimantan, drawn up and implemented by an interplay of national, provincial and district-level government bodies, is ultimately subservient to the global scale and to the meta-network (Castells 1996) of the financial markets, by which flows of capital determine the speed and nature of industrial expansion. While connection to and dependence on global markets also characterize smallholder production, this always had the safety valve of the subsistence track and could react flexibly to demand for new commodities. The current model, by contrast, is based on the subjugation of nature and of the land claims and rights of the West Kalimantan citizens. As independent livelihood strategies are squeezed out by large scale concessions, surplus population (Li 2009) becomes mobile, with proletariatised smallholders searching for jobs in plantations and in gold mining. This transforms gender relations, as women lose rights in the productive sphere and are given low paid and precarious positions in the wage labour sector (Julia with Ben White 2012). Ethnicity is also being renegotiated and becomes a political field where different development models are contested. While traditional adat structures are sometimes mobilized to oppose the concession model, local indigenous leaders also use them to secure development benefits for themselves and for electoral campaigns. Dayak ethnicity has become a dominant political force in the province, one that promotes capital-led development strategies such as the MP3EI. Taking the perspective of the river allows us to view the totality of the different industrial sectors. Each sector, be it palm oil, logging, or mining, leads to environmental degradation and to social conflicts. Taken together, and in relation to the functionalities of the river, the overall eco-social transformation becomes clear. The functions of the river as a as a network of capital flows, as a conduit of resource extraction, and as a pollution dump are prioritized over the functions of the river as a site of subsistence production, as a socio-ecological system and as a site of social and cultural reproduction. The City-Rural-River-Transformation-Loops that underlay this prioritization are not restricted to the scale of the river basin, but include state actors, corporations and capital flows at national and global scales.

However, the choice of the current development model is a political decision on how West Kalimantan engages with forces of globalization, and can therefore be challenged. The action research component of our study showed that the interconnectivity of the river can also be used as an organizing tool. By relating place-based experiences to the issues in other places, citizen researcher groups were able to scale-up their comprehension of their own experience to include the river scale and to connect this to the national and global scale. A practical expression of this was the use of drones for counter-mapping. A successful deployment of this in Tayan, with community leaders even giving drone-map-based testimony before the constitutional court in Jakarta, encouraged other groups to follow suit. New opportunities created at the national scale, such as the new village law and the ruling that allows communities to claim and legalise customary forest opens up new possibilities to pursue a development model that prioritizes people and the river over profit.

Literatur

Bronson, Bennet (1977): Exchange and the Upstream and Downstream Ends: Notes Toward a Functional Model of the Coastal State in Southeast Asia. In: Hutterer Karl L. (Hrsg.): Economic Exchange and Social Interaction in Southeast Asia: Perspectives from Prehistory, History and Ethnography. Michigan Papers on South and Southeast Asia No 13, pp. 39-52. Castells, Manuel (1996): The Rise of the Network Society. Oxford: Blackwell. Dove, Michael (2011): The Banana Tree at the Gate. A History of Marginal Peoples and Global Markets in Borneo. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. Julia and Ben White (2012): Gendered Experiences of Dispossession: Oil Palm Expansion in a Dayak Hibun Community in West Kalimantan, The Journal of Peasant Studies, 39:3-4, 995-1016 Li, Tania Murray (2009): To make live or let die? Rural dispossession and the protection of surplus populations, Antipode 41(S1): 6693. Molle, Francois (2007): Scales and power in river basin management: the Chao Phraya River in Thailand. The Geographical Journal, Vol.173, No. 4, December 2007, pp. 358373. Peluso, Nancy (1995): Whose Woods are these? Counter-mapping forest territories in Kalimantan, Indonesia. Antipode 274, 383-406. Watson, Nigel, Gordon Walker, Will Medd (2007): Critical perspectives on integrated water management. The Geographical Journal, Vol 173, No. 4, December 2007, pp. 297299. Rachman, Noer Fauzi and Dian Yanuardy (2014): MP3EI. Master Plan Percepatan dan Perluasan Krisis Sosial-Ekologis Indonesia. Bogor: Sajogyo Institute.

Men, Women and Disappearing Forests: the Gendered Face of Development in Borneo

Michaela Haug, Institute for Social and Cultural Anthropology, University of Cologne

The insatiable hunger for natural resources and the increasing intrusion of global markets have transformed Borneo and Bornean societies significantly during the last decades. A fast growing mining industry, persistent (illegal) logging and the expansion of oil palm plantations and other boom crops result in vast forest loss, a radical transformation of landscapes and growing pollution. Only about 50% percent of the once lush rainforests are left today and deforestation is progressing inexorably with a loss of roughly 1, 1 Mio hectare per year. For local populations these changes often imply a change from subsistence strategies to wage labor, from shifting cultivation to intensive agriculture, from self-reliance to increasing dependency and from village life to urban life. State visions of development further impinge on the lives of local groups e.g. by promoting a sedentary lifestyle or a strong disregard for swidden agriculture. All these changes (re-)produce in manifold ways economic, political and social inequalities.

In my paper I want to look at these changes from a gender perspective and question how these far reaching environmental and economic changes have impacted gender relations among the Dayak, the indigenous population of Borneo. Unfortunately not much has yet been published on gender relations among the various Dayak groups in general and even less on changing gender relations. My paper should thus be seen as an attempt to identify some emerging trends. Drawing on my own research among the Dayak Benuaq in East Kalimantan I will try to point out some questions that are of interest for future research on gender, environmental change and changing gender relations in Borneo.

The various indigenous groups which are summarized under the term Dayak are characterized by a great linguistic and cultural variety. Despite this diversity gender relations among the Dayak are characterised by a tendency to minimize differences between men and women and far-reaching gender equality. The earliest sources on Dayak gender relations stem from colonial times. The records of Tromp (1889) document for example a significant amount of female adat leaders in East Kalimantan. Ethnographies of various Dayak groups describe far-reaching gender equality among the Iban (Mashman 1991), Rungus (Appell 1988), Gerai (Helliwell 2000), Meratus (Tsing 1990) and Kenyah (Colfer 1981, 1991). It is interesting to note that gender equality is thereby documented for rather egalitarian as well as for highly stratified Dayak groups.

A small amount of studies looks at recent environmental and economic transformations from a gender perspective. Their overall tenor is that these processes tend to lead to an increasing imbalance between men and women. Studies on mining in East Kalimantan for example (Lahiri Dutt and Mahy 2008 &

Lahiri Dutt and Robinson 2008) document the negative impacts of mining and the specific conditions around mining sites on women and youth. Other studies show how the migration to urban centers (Hew 2007), the expansion of commercial logging (Colfer 1981,1985) and the expansion of palm oil plantations (Julia und Ben White 2012) produce new asymmetries between men and women - mainly due to processes of exclusion from land (rights) and different ways of inclusion in new economic systems.

My research among the Benuaq however shows that quite recent developments like the increasing shift of transportation from river to road and the establishment of semi-urban governmental and administrative centers in previously remote areas provide new ways of mobility for men and women who can afford to buy a motorbike and new working opportunities especially for young and educated people. This perspective allows posing further questions about growing inequalities among men and women and the stability of gender equality despite environmental and economic change.

Gendered Impacts of the oil palm 'land rush' in East Kalimantan: a material

feminist political ecology approach.

Rebecca Elmhirst (University of Brighton, School of Environment and Technology),

Mia Siscawati (University of Indonesia, Kajian Gender) Bimbika Sijapati Basnett

(CIFOR, Bogor, Indonesia).

In this short paper we adopt a material feminist political ecology framework to

analyse gendered impacts of the oil palm land rush in East Kalimantan, Indonesia.

Based on fieldwork in five contrasting communities in Berau (4) and in East Kutai (1)