habraken_the structure of the ordinary_place, the territorial order_chapter 10-12
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Terr i tory and Form Combined
The gate simultaneously engages f o r m and ter
r i tory I t encloses and connects physically de
fined spaces. The way i n which settlement
draws boundaries w i l l determine whether or
not it has territorial meaning.
Even when the gate does not constitute an
actual entrance into territory, its f o r m conveys
protection, separation, seclusion, or the begin
n ing o f another space. I n the suburban house,
for instance, the entry door is not the terri torial
gate. Nonetheless, as the entry into a home, it
is sturdier, more solid than the interior doors.
Even when other perimeter doors present vul
nerable glazing to terrace, garden, or yard, the
f ron t door is treated as a symbol o f strength and
security, belying its lack o f terri torial func t ion .
Exploring the roles a gate can play be¬
Seven Gates tween f o r m and territory reveals the mul t ip le
interactions between f o r m of enclosure and
control o f space. A matrix w i l l server to orga
nize our inquiry, to map the range o f meanings
related to the gate f o r m .
Gated space, when covered by a roof, is
denoted as "inside"; otherwise, i t is "outside."
This terminology conveys strictly physical—
nonterritorial-—meaning. Combinations o f "in
side" and "outside" establish the three columns
o f the matrix. Examples, i n sequence, are the
exterior house door (in/out) , the door between
two rooms ( in/ in) , and the garden gate (out/
out).
Ambiguous situations w i l l predictably be
encountered; some interpretations that rely on
conventional wisdom may prove debatable at
10.1 Suzhou, China—Moon gate, Zt)UO Zheng (Humble
Administrator's) Garden (page 180).
G a t e s
•p f
the l imi ts o f the defini t ion. Thus, the interpre
tation o f what constitutes "covered" space may
vary. What, for instance, is one to make o f the
giass-covered street, the passage o f nineteenth-
century Paris, w i t h its celebrated equivalents i n
Mi lan and Brussels? Is the exterior door open
ing onto a partially enclosed covered porch an
inside/outside gate?
The horizontal rows correspond to three
ways a gate may be territorially defined. I t is ei
ther a gate wi th terri torial meaning, or i t is not.
I f territorial, i t may establish a vertical connec
t ion (i.e., between public and private space) or
a horizontal connection (i.e., between neigh
bors), Accordingly, nine kinds of gates can be
distinguished.'
i n any thematic way nor specifically articulated
i n any architecture.
The open-air horizontal territorial gate
(i) , however, does serve a clear purpose. The
border between nations, guarded by customs
agents i f not by the military, is also doubled,
opening only when both sides agree. On a lower
level, this k ind o f gate is atypical and anecdotal,
and i t is not developed themafically Between
fr iendly neighbors, a garden gate or an opening
i n a hedge may offer unrestricted passage, par
ticularly for children and pets. Adults may casu
ally visit as well .
Thus, o f the nine possible gates, two do
not generally occur, because they destabilize
environmental balance. Our world therefore
knows seven gates, which seems just right.
Seven Gates
The top o f the matrix highlights the reluctance
of buil t environment to allow horizontal rela
tions: two cases have not been numbered be
cause they are extremely unlikely to occur:
Internal doors between neighbors ( in / in
horizontal) rarely exist. The closest environ
mental approximation occurs i n communicat
ing doors between hotel rooms, permi t t ing
them to be joined into a single suite. The hori
zontal nature o f their relationship is confirmed
by the presence typically o f two opposing doors
set w i t h i n the single frame: to open passage i n
a horizontal terri torial situation, both parties
must agree. Yet the example is weak: once the
doors open to create a uni f ied suite, terri torial
and vertical distinctions vanish. Otherwise, the
doors remain closed.
Gates or doors giving directly onto a
neighbor's garden or courtyard f r o m w i t h i n
one's own house (in/out horizontal) may exist
here and there. But this f o r m is neither present
10.2 Matrix of gates.
in/ in/ out/ out in out
horizontal territorial 1
vertical territorial 2 3 4
not territorial 5 6 7
Inside/Outside, Type 2
Gate 2, leading f r o m the outside i n , crossing a
vertical territorial boundary, appears to be the
most straightforward example o f what gates are
about. Yet unambiguous residential examples,
i n which one passes into the bui ld ing r ight at
the boundary, are not easily found. As dis
cussed i n chapter 9.1, the terri torial boundary
seldom coincides exactly wi th the physical gate.
I n decidedly urban environmental fabrics such
as the Amsterdam canal house, the Georgian
terraced house, or the Bolognese arcade house,
terri torial boundaries simply do not coincide
wi th the door or gate into the bui lding.
Shops and zero setback townhouses, as i n
the eighteenth-century Paris o f Turgot (see
figure 8.1) do create a street wall w i t h doors
leading directly into houses, shops, and work-
Terr i tor ial Gates places, w i t h i n that urban environment, which
consistently exhibits such gates, there are also
many courtyard bui ld ing types, which do not:
i n the latter, the gate is usually o f the outside/
outside type.
Architecture generally recognizes both
the territorial boundary and the actual gate, and
creates distance, some transition zone, between
them. This zone combines architectural articu
lation and territorial meaning. The complete
coincidence of territorial boundary and gate
eliminates the possibility o f meaningful archi
tectural elaboration.
Examples o f such coincidence are found
in the otherwise exuberant residential architec
ture of the Amsterdam School. I n many cases,
house doors are placed flat into the plane o f t h e
street wall , without mediation between public
and private space. This poverty o f expression is
init ial ly surprising, because the overall archi
tecture is so highly articulated—consistently
elaborated and expressively detailed at win
dows, corners, roofs, chimneys, and so on. But
on reflection, we realize that the complete coin
cidence o f boundaries at the door is a territorial
rip-off: the architectural elaboration does not
represent inhabitation. Rather, we see archi
tects engaged i n lively but purely formal , dem
onstrations o f design prowess.^
Inside/Inside, Type 3
To label the inside/inside passage a "gate," wi th
all o f t h e territorial meaning that implies, does
not fol low common daily usage. Yet even the
boarder's modest door constitutes a true territo
r ia l passage. The landlady must knock before
opening i t . She is not to cross its threshold un
invited. I t is equally reasonable to also attach
territorial meaning to a household member's
bedroom door Adolescents as well as parents
have persona! territories that others may not ca
sually penetrate.
Unambiguous inside/inside vertical
gates abound i n the workplace. Offices along a
corridor all have vertical gates. These doors
have nameplates and w i l l be closed or opened
to the pubhc as the inhabitant decides. Simi
larly we see inside/inside gates i n the shopping
mall , where each shop abuts covered pubhc
space.
Finally, st i l l discussing examples o f type
3, we have the apartment door. Typically, there
is no ambiguity: territory begins at the apart
ment's gate. Corridor, stairs, and elevator land
ing constitute public space i n the bui ld ing .
Both public and private space are inside. Oc-
10.3 Amsterdam South—Amsterdam School entrance
doors to apartments. The building's edge coincides
exactly with its territorial boundary.
casionally, recesses in the corridor wall may
constitute private space, separating territorial
boundary f r o m actual gate.^
Outside/Outside, Type 4
Doors set flat i n a street wall are also found in
outdoor covered spaces o f courtyard houses,
whether i n Tunisian urban fabric, classical ex
amples f r o m Pompeii and Delos, Chinese com
pounds, or French hotels particuUers.
Determining whether the transition f r o m cov
ered passage to street constitutes an outside/
outside gate w i l l depend on the way the pas
sage is configured as much as on individual
judgment.
In Spanish colonial courtyard houses o f
Latin America, the zagudn or connecting pas^
18 6 sage provides unobstructed views between
courtyard and street. The passage is perhaps a
room deep. A dark space connecting two lighter
spaces, i t constitutes an extended gate. Indeed,
the Spanish word zagudn denotes the entire
configuration. The entrance itself is often a
double wooden door, each leaf o f which has a
hinged wooden plank behind a single pane o f
etched glass. To facilitate surveillance f r o m
w i t h i n , the kitchen door is often placed on axis
w i t h the zagudn, at the rear o f the courtyard.
The zagudn conflguration allows visitors to
gaze w i t h i n as m u c h as i t allows inhabitants to
moni tor the street: an unblocked view through
the pane signals that inhabitants are at home.
The Middle Eastern courtyard house, by
contrast, can best be classified under type 2.
Here, the passage f r o m street to court is never
straight, for reasons o f privacy. Visitors tu rn
two times before arriving i n the courtyard. This
transitional device reinforces the experience o f
leaving the street and entering a building, al
though the actual distance between court and
street may be no more than we find i n the Latin
American zagudn.
In fact, the passage may not lead male vis
itors to the courtyard at all. Before reaching it ,
there may be a door, or a flight o f stairs, leading
to the room where the master o f the house en
tertains guests and conducts business. Fre
quently, only relatives are allowed in to the
courtyard.
The classical Beij ing courtyard house
clearly fits i n type 4. Its gate leads directly into
the first courtyard, where a gate bui ld ing stands
i n the axis o f t h e main court. The two gates—
one at the street and one between forecourt and
ma in court—are not aligned on axis. The re
sulting offset prevents evil spirits f r o m enter
ing. The Chinese entrance gate is a beautiful
example o f an architectural gate i n an otherwise
unadorned wall. I t is usually decorated and i n
more elaborate cases has a curved roof o f its
own. I n rura l areas, the house gate also enters
directiy into a yard.
Town gates throughout history may also
be classified under this type. Medieval gates o f
smaller towns i n France and Italy often stand
i n the axis of a major street. But there are also
more elaborate examples; one may flrst be led
in to a forecourt, f r o m which the town is entered
through a second gate. Invaders who penetrate
the first gate, trapped before they can proceed,
can be assaulted by defenders atop the massive
walls. This common ancient defensive prin
ciple shaped the Lion Gate o f Mycenae and is
also found in the remains o f the gates o f
Pompeii.
However, as already noted, municipal ter
r i tory generally extends beyond the town's pe
rimeter walls, just as the estate extends
territorially by virtue o f its open lands. The
town gate's defenses are real, but become terri
torial only at night, when the actual boundary
withdraws to coincide w i t h the town wall.
10.4 LeftBank, Paris—View from the street into a
courtyard.
10.5 Village near Teheran, tran—Entry gate to courtyard
house. Within the entrance building a Z-shaped path
ensures visual privacy for the courtyard.
10.6 Village near Taiyuan, Shanxl Province, China—Gate
leading to the yard of a newly constructed home. From
the air, scores of new rural villages In the surrounding
land can be seen. All houses faithfully follow an age-old
vernacular typology.
10.7 San GImlgnano, Italy—Town gate.
Inside/Outside, Type 5
1 0 . 3 Gates w i t h o u t Terr i tor ia l Meaning
Doors opening onto a balcony are clearly in
side/outside nonterritorial gates. A m i n i m a l in
terpretation o f this variant is found i n the
"French window," a narrow double door that
opens inward and leads out to a balcony re
duced i n depth to no more than a foot.
Patio and garden doors are famil iar rendi
tions o f the inside/outside nonterri torial gate.
They mediate inside and outside hving space
and invite various methods o f softening con
trast. Awnings, vines, or trees may shade the
opening. Flagstone, tile, or wooden planking
may separate grass f r o m carpet. Glazed doors,
fo ld ing or shding, may open entire wall
sections.
Lack o f territorial meaning may dissolve
the gate f o r m into a transition zone. In other
cases, such a zone may become quite extensive,
tracing a building's entire footprint , as is beauti
fu l l y articulated by the overhanging eaves and
the extended pla t form surrounding the tradi
t ional Japanese house, si t t ing i n its own garden.
Recessed paper sliding doors, combined w i t h
sliding shutters, pe r form the physical gate
func t ion .
This transition zone can become more
and more immaterial . In Malaysia, woven bam
boo screens allow the tropical breeze to pass
through the house and also filter l ight . Here en
closure itself articulates transition, i n a differ
ent way than i n the Japanese house. Among the
more formal pavilions is the pendopo, used by
Javanese royalty for audiences w i t h common
ers, courtiers, and foreign dignitaries, as wel l as
for performances o f dance and music. I n the
shade of a large tiled roof, held up by slender
wooden posts, screens have dissolved: there is
only a cool t i led floor raised a few feet above
ground, open to all sides. The last vestiges
G a t e s
10.8 Paris—Boulevard elevation witii so-called French
windows. The windows reach the floor and have double
casements opening as doors behind a metal banister
of a gate f o r m have disappeared. But the tran
sition f r o m one place to another remains
unmistakable.
Inside/Inside, Type 6
The inside/inside variant includes any house
hold door devoid o f territorial meaning. This
type becomes particularly interesting when i t
ritualizes the uses o f space. I n the Victorian
house, we often flnd pocket doors between the
parlor and dining room, A n opening no more
than six feet wide is sufflcient to make a single
space out of two. The pocket doors are drawn
together or apart to serve daily family l i fe as use
demands. But they also allow more ceremonial
interpretation—as, for instance, when enter
taining guests, the doors are thrust apart to dis
play an ar t ful and elaborate dinner service.
The inside/inside gate serves purely sym
bolic purposes. I t neither responds to terri torial
needs nor provides shelter. I n many Catholic
churches, the choir screen and screens i n f ron t
o f chapels serve this function.-*
Outside/Outside, Type 7
The f ina l type is, as much as the previous one,
an invitation for architectural play and pomp.
The Arc de Triomphe, adapted f r o m the Roman
ceremonial gate, clearly belongs to this type. So
do many o f the arbors, pergolas, and additional
gate forms found i n gardens solely for reasons
o f spatial delight.
The ancient Chinese, who mastered the
subtleties o f t h e gate f o r m , invented the "moon
gate" by making a circular opening i n a garden
wall . This pure and del ight fu l expression o f
the nonterri torial external gate type cannot be
closed, which is appropriate for a gate wi thout
terri torial meaning. I n making the wall con
tinue by our feet as well as above our head, the
designer lets us know that the opening enters
into another world.
i g o
In and Out of Terr i tory
In teract ion Between Terr i tory and
Supply Forms
I I . I Supply Form and
Terri tory
The relationship between f o r m and territory is
inherent i n forms of enclosure: housing com
pounds, halls, and rooms are defined by perim
eter walls. Network forms, such as the street net
that defines urban blocks, st i l l represent enclo
sure forms. But at a scale larger than physical
enclosure, networks and supply forms may in
vite territorial interpretation i n their own right.
I n the city, real estate desirability and value in
crease w i t h proximity to a metro stop or access
to a freeway. I n the country, we bu i ld close to
highway, canal, or railway station.
Settlement adjusts to l i n k wi th favorable
topography: the flow of a river, solar orienta
t ion, prevailing winds, and site slope all i n f o r m
territorial decisions. New development simi
larly sites itself to l ink w i t h existing settlement
infrastructures, i n an t i c ipaüon o f tapping into
access and supply lines. As new settlements de
velop, hues extend to feed f r o m existing infra
structure, which is itself extended.
Connections to nearby supply forms are
inevitable. I n formal development, roads, sew
age lines, water, gas, and communications are
made available right after lots are subdivided
and put up for sale. But at the informal fringes
of the urban world, terri torial decisions occur
well i n advance. Settlers dig wells and waste
pits, and tap nearby power lines illegally while
bui ld ing a power base to eventually demand ex
tension o f t h e infrastructure. Though the t ime
frame for the meeting o f territory and supply
varies greatly, the process remains the same:
terri torial decisions come first, i n response to
11.1 Chicago—Inbound approach from the highway.
Photo by Landslides. Printed with permission (page 192).
n a n d O u t o f T e r r i t o r y
many factors, inc luding proximity to existing
infrastructures o f supply and transportation.
Decisions regarding supply f o r m follow.
Once territory has been decided on, the appro
priate connection to existing supply systems—
adding a branch at the lowest possible level to
an existing t ree—wil l somehow be achieved.
Configuration and reconfigurafion o f depen
dent branches do not disturb existing supply
f o r m at higher levels.
The infrastmcture o f supply thus informs
the establishment o f territory. Territories con
nect to existing forms of supply, thereby trig
gering lower-level supply f o r m extensions. To
directly correlate supply f o r m and terri torial h i
erarchies remains impossible: the two exist i n
distinct, overlapping domains, Nor does supply
f o r m directly echo territory. As the cycle prog
resses, supply f o r m must ultimately increase
capacity, affecting all levels o f its hierarchy.
Crossing Terr i tor ia l Boundaries
Territory is containment: the forms we control
are kept w i t h i n the space we control. But supply
is conveyance; supply forms transport things
f r o m one territory to another. Crossing territo
rial boundaries i n the process is, by def ini t ion,
inevitable. I n branching dis tr ibut ion f r o m a
single source or line to many, numerous bound
aries are crossed,
I t seems natural that the supply f o r m
should spring f r o m a source i n a greater terri
tory, branching to distribute itself to many
lesser territories. Power produced at a regional
plant must eventually service every r o o m i n ev
ery bui lding. A sewage treatment plant, con
versely, must be reached f r o m every bathroom
and kitchen.
I n a conceptual branching diagram, ser
vice supplies flow vertically f r o m greater territo
ries into lesser ones. Tree forms accordingly
branch out over territory. Supply f o r m and terri
torial levels roughly correspond at lesser levels
o f terri torial structure. Sewage pipes, telephone
fines, and power fines run f r o m the house into
the street, then toward major branches i n pre
sumably greater territorial space. |ust as
horizontal crossings between neighboring
territories are avoided i n bui l t environment, so
similar territorial caveats apply to establishing
permanent cross-links between ut i l i ty lines oc
curr ing at the same level.
Supply lines that traverse private lots may
come f r o m easements controlled by public or
private ut i l i ty companies, which are protected
by law, Utili t ies need not be owned by the m u
nicipality that controls the public space they
use, but they are o f necessity granted some spa
tial control w i th in territories they do not own.
Thus, changes i n control would not be synchro
nous w i t h branching, even i f supply f o r m did
physically echo territorial f o r m (which i n fact it
seldom does).
Ideally, changes at each level o f supply
f o r m hierarchy would coincide w i t h changes i n
terri torial depth: as we move f r o m slender
waste l ine to thicker stack, to sfiU thicker house
collector, to increasingly larger mains, each
would correspond to a territorial level. But such
isomorphic disposition o f two hierarchies s im
ply does not reflect reality: supply f o r m hier
archy is determined by technology. The capacity
of pipes, lines, and cables is one thing; the terri
torial depth they operate i n is another. Control
distr ibution over the supply f o r m is yet a t h i rd
independent factor Nor are supply nodes coin
cident w i t h territorial boundaries. Urban resi
dential water fines commonly connect to the
main under the street, not at the boundary o f
private lot and public space.
Agents i n control o f supply forms fre
quently operate i n foreign terri tory i n other
words, supply forms are commonly/oreign ele
ments i n each territory ("foreign" relative to the
territory they traverse). Ut i l i ty companies claim
access to the spaces where these elements are
found, A t the regional and municipal level, con
tracts, laws, and regulations protect the supply
f o r m f r o m threats o f interference throughout
the various terri torial jurisdictions i n which i t
must reside.
The power distr ibution l ine that runs to
the bui ld ing is owned by the electricity com
pany, up to the distr ibution panel. Only after
compulsory inspection and approval o f t h e in
ternal installation (and its installer) may private
manipulat ion o f the f o r m be permitted at the
deepest levels o f the private bui lding.
As technology becomes more foolproof
and as a globally networked citizenry becomes
more technologically savvy, such authority is
shi f t ing. Thus, Dutch and American telephone
companies have finally relinquished control o f
telephone Unes and systems wi th in the bui ld
ing. The user now freely strings together a net
work f r o m a single access point, removing the
utility, and any service obligation, f r o m that
deepest territory. Power, gas, and sewage sys
tems, however, pose hazards that make the rela
t ion between technical control and territorial
control more complex,'
Supply f o r m and territorial structure do
ultimately correlate on the scale o f the small
bui ld ing and the street, however contrapuntal
or syncopated their combined rhy thm may be.
But the parallels entirely disappear as scale in
creases. This is nothing new. I n gently sloping
to maintain water flow, aqueducts have crossed
valleys, roads, and private estates for mil lennia .
As part o f t h e landscape, they operate on a scale
that transcends small settlement boundaries.
Even imperial Rome's geometric subdivisions
of land were likewise ignored.
Large-scale ut i l i ty infrastructures con
tinue to move across and through setdements
w i t h similar autonomy. In the countryside,
high-voltage power hnes are strung as the crow
flies: steel towers march straight across land
scape, undeterred, f r o m one horizon to the
other. Where land ownership has not been con
solidated under the power authority, they
matter-of-facfly cross lot after lot o f private
land, sanctioned and even invited by ease
ments. Above a certain scale, supply forms
inevitably interrupt human-size terri torial
structure, exhibiting true dominance by higher-
level f o r m . They do not therefore escape terri
torial structure but rather relate territory on a
provincial and national scale.
High-Rise Apar tmen t Dwel l ing
Supply Form and
Dwel l ing
Territorially, the high-rise apartment bui ld ing
represents a neighborhood, encompassing a
number o f included territories. But supply
f o r m distr ibution does not suggest any such
model, as horizontal boundaries are continually
crossed. Sewage lines f r o m an apartment com
monly occur i n the territory o f the downstairs
neighbor, runn ing horizontally above the ceil
ing , toward a stack. Whenever repairs or main
tenance are required, the downstairs neighbor's
territory is entered; should leaks occur, her
property w i l l be damaged.^ Central hot-water
heating systems i n apartment buildings also
commonly run supply and re turn lines verti
cally behind the facade, looping to and f r o m ho
rizontal mains i n the basement. Again, a single
supply or return line runs across a number o f
territorially horizontal boundaries.
Inhabitant and professional alike still
model the large apartment bui ld ing concep
tually as an overgrown and overcomplicated
house. Therefore, these forms of deployment
appear as logical as they would be i n a single-
family residence. But when the bui ld ing is per
ceived to be a three-dimensional neighborhood
containing a number o f independent dwelling
units, technological deployment differs. Thus,
European hot-water heating systems were de
veloped to serve each individual apartment
f r o m a heating un i t that fits easfiy i n a closet,
providing a perfect match between territory
and supply fo rm. Distr ibution occurs w i t h i n a
single terri tory and the un i t is under the con
t ro l o f the inhabitant. Water and gas are piped
f r o m a m a i n i n a communal vertical chase that
is, ideally, both an extension o f and accessible to
the public corridor. As this system has rapidly
overtaken older alternatives, i t has also turned
out to be the most cost-effective solution.
In a n d O u t o f T e r r i t o r y
Alternative systems that distribute sew
age lines wi th in the territory they serve,
avoiding encroachment on downstairs neigh
bors, are currently being instituted experimen
tally i n the Netherlands. Inhabitants' demands
for autonomy i n deciding on layout wi th in ter
ritory, for the right to customize dwell ing, in
teriors, is providing the incentive. The new
technology that makes this possible is also
proving more efficient and cost-effective than
current systems.
Building technology research and devel
opment to date have focused primarily on the
performance o f appliances and systems.
Clearly, i n the large building, whose structure
of territorial control and inhabitation resembles
that o f a small neighborhood or street, the para
mount issue is redistribution o f control. Where
this has occurred, i t has also entailed rethink
ing a complex process of professional interven
tion that has been i n operation for a long time.
Row House Dwel l ing
The model o f the traditional urban row house
on its own lot offers a clear relation between
supply, territory, and enclosure fo rm. Ut i l i ty
supply forms r u n i n the street or above i t . Each
house has its own branches. Ideally, a solitary
agent w i t h i n each house controls subsequent
distribution.
This standard arrangement forms the ba
sis o f m u c h of our technical and legal handling
of supply forms. The house un i t thus served
is conceptualized not as a territory but rather
as an object. Relative size and contents o f the
object do not substantially affect residential en
gineering. Nuclear or extended families, reluc
tant or aggressive electronics consumers, are all
supplied according to generous universal rules
of thumb. As long as the house remains a
single household terri tory the match is near
perfect. But when it behaves more like a large
bui ld ing containing many territories, a gross
mismatch between the house and its supply
forms easily comes about.
Territorial considerations sometimes
override efficiency i n civil engineering solu
tions. I n the row house, downstairs bathrooms
and kitchens are usually located i n the center
or rear o f t h e house, Running sewer collectors
across backyards along the rear facade, and
simply increasing their width incrementally as
total drainage volume increases, would dramat
ically reduce pipe lengths and diameters. Yet re
pairs to the sewer ma in would then occur at
back doors, patios, decks, and gardens, necessi
tating terri torial encroachment. Moreover,
runn ing the sewer mains horizontally across
territories would create an unattractive chain o f
dependency among home owners.
Neighborhoods o f private owners there
fore readily adopt the "less efficient" solution,
i n which relationships between hierarchically
equivalent branches are mediated through a
higher-level branch occurring i n public space,
under control o f a public authority For ex
ample, streets i n the Netherlands are generally
public property under municipal control,
whereas yards remain quite private. Utihty
companies accordingly install all lines under
the street, categorically refusing to enter pr i
vate territory.
In the United States, the suburban devel
oper responsible for sewer fines and i n control
o f both levels o f f o r m — o f street and house
l o t s — w i l l routinely r u n the lines across lawns
(preferring backyards to f ron t yards, where
driveways must be crossed). Even then, ease
ments occur only at lawn's edge, where their
presence constitutes a m i n i m a l territorial i n -
fr ingement . In public housing schemes, how
ever, sewage lines frequently do traverse
backyards, as close to the buildings as possible,
on purely economic grounds. Impliciüy, the
housing authority considers all backyards to fa l l
w i t h i n its own territory and w i l l operate there
w i t h impuni ty whenever repairs are needed.
The conflict between terri torial interests
and installation costs is thus resolved i n various
ways, depending on the control pattern at hand.
Continuous Foreign Elements
As we have seen, technology, economics, and
situations of control all play a role when local
territory is occupied by extraneous elements o f
infrastructure including supply systems. Such
foreign dements may occur on all scales and
need not always be damaging. A distinction
must be drawn between those supply forms
that spill over f r o m neighboring territories, i n
defiance of horizontal boundaries, and those
that belong to larger territories and serve gen
eral communal interests (or even specific local
interests). The former are problematic, while
the latter foreign elements may be inevitable or
even desirable, constituting an integral part o f
environmental organization.
I n apartment buildings, vertical chases
for utilities are ideally positioned i n public
I I . 3 Limitat ions O space, accessible f r o m the corridors. I n Japan,
Terr i tor ia l Au tonomy ^^^^^^^^^^^ general practice. Elsewhere,
such a solution is often considered too expen
sive. I t is also often technically possible to place
all bearing structure i n public space, avoiding
freestanding columns w i t h i n dwellings. But the
increased expense o f long span construction
produces no sizable benefits i n relation to inte
rior articulation.
I n the case o f federal highways runn ing
through states and counties, there rarely exists
alternative public space available on that territo
rial scale. Highways and the land they occupy
thus must be carved out o f included territories
to become pubhc space, and solutions are sel
dom found to the satisfaction o f all involved.
This holds true more generaUy for afi infra
structures distributed throughout state, county,
and municipal levels. Recent vast increases i n
the variety extent, and density o f supply and
web forms have added a new dimension to this
venerable phenomenon.
In a n d O u t o f T e r r i t o r y
Discontinuous Foreign Elements
Discontinuous foreign elements deliberately
arrayed i n diverse territories include conglom
erates o f subsidiary manufactur ing facilities,
dealerships, retail outlets, chain franchises,
representatives o f religious and political net
works, and mil i tary bases. Such configurations
of discrete and dispersed foreign elements are
by defini t ion under control o f a single agent
outside the territory o f their location. That
agent can unUaterally decide to withdraw them.
I n the United States, businesses that orig
inate elsewhere require no specific permission
per se f r o m local authorities i n order to cross
jurisdictional boundaries and establish them
selves locally. Commercial enterprises enjoy
certain universal and inalienable common law
rights to settle freely among all entities. They
are thus constrained only by local zoning, plan
ning, and other environmental control entities,
banking boards, licensing boards, and so on.
Distr ibution o f such "foreign elements" is often
seen as mutually beneficial, b r ing ing jobs and
"outside" money to be spent locally. Municipal i
ties offer substantial tax benefits to woo outside
commercial investment and job creation.
But external control o f local shops and
facilities has its price. There is frequently li t t le
confluence o f interests between local territory
and the far-f lung commercial network. A t the
very least, territorial power remains vulnerable
to sudden withdrawal of the very benefits that
made inclusion so desirable.
Terr i tor ia l Access for Goods
Admission into territory may be required to i m
port goods for use, consumption, or trade.
Goods sold extraterritorially must move u p
©
:> :> :> :> :> :> T ©
11.2 A conceptual model of distribution of foreign ele
ments within a territorial structure:
(a) Foreign elements organized according to hierarchy of
management.
(b) Location of elements within territorial structure.
4 T i ©
2 0 4
through territorial structure then descend again
into included territories. When the distance be
tween the point o f departure and point o f deliv
ery is increased, so too terri torial depth to be
crossed may increase. The issues related to this
movement, paralleling those having to do w i t h
foreign elements, are as old as trade.
O n overland routes, each crossing into a
local municipali ty or fiefdom occasioned taxa
tion, i f not harassment. I n the Netherlands, for
instance, medieval castles were strategically
placed along delta branches o f the Rhine and
Maas rivers to extract rights o f passage. Ancient
ships therefore phed the Mediterranean coast,
and even the open seas, o f necessity: whatever
the risks, they were preferable to the hazards
encountered i n repeated overland boundary
crossings.
For commercial enterprises seeking to
maximize distribution o f consumer goods,
there is no merit i n terri torial structure. The
ideal diagram for consumerism exists at a
single level: that o f the nuclear family which
consumes wi th in a un i f ied network o f glo
bal markets (see figure ri .3b). A l l intermediate
terri torial crossings represent only potential
barriers.
11.3 Access lines and crossings:
(a) Lines and crossings in deep territorial structure.
(b) Lines and crossings in shallow territorial structure.
A Shi f t ing Balance
Configurations o f foreign elements serving aU
manner o f commercial and insti tutional pur
poses have become ubiquitous. Vast contempo
rary supply forms, webs and networks, and
widely dispersed insti tutional and commercial
configurations are increasingly apparent.
Higher-level forms are coming to define
and control all levels of physical environment.
Traditional gradations o f terri torial structure
appear to shape the emerging contemporary
environment less and less.
In a n d O u t o f Ter ri t o r y
Paradoxically the proliferation o f exten
sive and unmediated large-scale infrastructure
has gone hand i n hand wi th explosive growth
i n acts o f settlement at the small scale o f a sin
gle room, house, or neighborhood. The two are
closely related, feeding and jus f i fy ing one an
other, indeed to a large extent creating one
another Territory experienced as an environ
mental structure—rather than as a political,
market, or mil i tary domain^—occurs at the rela
tively smaU human scale, tied to such fields o f
common setdement.
Everyday personal experience o f small-
scale settlement is usually fimited to places i n
which we or our relatives, close friends, and col
leagues live, work, or shop. When we exit into
the public realm, the wor ld seems to comprise
giant infrastructures and ubiquitous inst i tu
tions. While traveHng, we do not easily venture
beyond famif iar networks. Vis i t ing distant
cities and countries, we seldom penetrate into
small-scale domestic worlds where we do not
know anyone. We may not even notice their vast
extent as we fly over them. We experience the
modern world as increasingly pubfic and large
scale, while i n the actual occupation o f the
earth's surface, the smaU scale and the local is
growing at a tremendous rate.
We have a good deal o f anecdotal knowl
edge of a profound and fundamental change i n
territorial autonomy While we tend to equate
such change w i t h the large scale, we may do
well to scrutinize its smafi-scale manifesta
tions. I n historical perspective, we begin to note
several important phenomena affecting mod
ern terri torial structure:
I . The increasing number and variety o f
supply forms penetrating down to the room
level, wdth a concomitant increase i n complex
ity o f environmental systems.
2. The increasing number, variety, and pre
eminence of dispersed foreign elements, evi
dencing grovi^h i n global networks o f
commercial and insti tutional organization.
This also signals d imin ish ing scope of local ter
r i tor ial control.
3, The increasing size o f buildings. Three-
dimensional expansion of the urban field
brings both a disorderly array o f supply forms
and a denial o f terri torial autonomy on the
smaller domestic scale. A n increasingly com
plex field is thereby rendered more rigid.
I t is too soon to assess the long-term
meaning o f these trends. The observed phe
nomena are at present intensifying, but not
entirely new: i n environmental matters, new
structures always grow and transform out o f the
old. Whether present conditions jointly herald
a permanent structural shift to an as-yet unde
fined and unprecedented environmental hierar
chy, Of are merely generating temporary local
disturbances while sh i f t ing a fundamentally
unchanged environmental structure into a new
balance, remains unknown.
sh i f t i ng Boundaries
Horizontal Shifts in Terr i tor ia l Division
Horizontal shifts necessitate negotiation
among neighbors. On an international or tr ibal
scale, negotiation may be replaced by force. On
the urban scale, tensions and disputes between
neighbors are common. But shifts negotiated
i n good fai th to the advantage o f all parties also
occur w i t h great regularity.
The urban block's inherent flexibility is
readily apparent. In place o f the ini t ia l u n i f o r m
lot division, there may be sales o f double lots or
larger. Two lots make for a large house, three
lots may be divided i n two, and so for th . Similar
moves can be made i n the course o f t ime after
in i t ia l construction, leading to new budding.
But exchanges can be more piecemeal. Jo
hannes Overbeck's map of Pompeii portrays
Roman courtyard houses conceived i n a very
clear and obvious typology.' Upon closer scru
tiny, we suspect rooms have shifted f r o m one
house to another. They show a b l ind wall to the
abutting courtyard onto which they would once
have opened. A door now links them to the
other side o f t h e presumed demising l ine.
We can safely assume not m u c h has
changed i n this regard since Roman times. I n
the historic centers o f Dutch canal cities like
Amsterdam and Delft, we find houses w i t h rear
yards extending behind the house next door; i n
all probabifity a prosperous owner bought part
o f his neighbor's backyard to extend his own.
12.1 Squatter settlement near Monterrey, Mexico—This
picture was taken several days after the land was first
Invaded (page 206).
S h i f t s i n T e r r i t o r i a l S t r u c t u r f
Increasing Density
Incidental individual horizontal shifts fre
quently reflect broader patterns o f intensifica
tion. Throughout Latin America, towns were
usually laid out wi th lots large enough for free
standing houses and gardens. Blocks often
eventually ended up wi th townhouses on m u c h
narrower lots.
Dur ing the nineteenth century, European
historic urban centers were under intense pres
sure. Urban population grew, while the city's
territory (and its legal possibility for expansion,
throughout much of Europe} remained severely
restricted. Intensification resulted i n backyard
in f i f i i ng . Hidden behind older downtown bui ld
ings we find large new ones: workshops, the
aters, and schools.' These buildings required
dedicated access f r o m the street. Sometimes
entry was achieved by t ransforming an existing
sideyard into an afiey or else the ground floor o f
an older bui lding provided access. Sometimes a
townhouse was demolished, providing narrow
street frontage for a wide building.^
12.2 Pompeii—Fragment of urban fabric Rooms tend
to line up along territorial boundaries facing the atrium,
peristyle, or garden. At various places, the territorial
boundary shifts, causing one or more rooms to then face
In the opposite direction. This has been interpreted as the
result of negotiations between neighbors, causing a hori
zontal territorial exchange. After Overbeck.
12.3 The Hague—Part of the nineteenth-century fabric.
Density increased during the industrial revolution, while
city limits remained Inflexible. Schools, factories, and even
public buildings were built in backyard space with a nar
row entrance to the street Drawing by H. Reljenga,
courtesy of SAR.
1 a
2 0 9
Increase of Public Space
1 2 . 2 Vertical Shifts in Terr i tor ia l Division
The balance o f power between a greater terri
tory and its lesser included ones is not neces
sarily stable. I t is normal, for instance, for
public streets to be widened over t ime under
the pressure o f increasing traffic. The implica
tions o f this move, already discussed i n the con
text o f changing higher-level f o r m i n an
existing fabric (see chapter 2.1), are inevitably
territorial.
I n the fabric o f Cambridge, Massachu
setts, we can s t i l l read evidence o f the original
late-seventeenth- and eighteenth-century es
tates and can trace their gradual subdivision to
accommodate more and more individual terri
tories. Sometimes this residted i n adding a new
street to the public realm, as was the case w i t h
Appleton Street, carved out o f the Lee estate.
Sometimes a dead-end street, like Clement Cir
cle o f f Sparks Street, was introduced, the better
to utilize the deep gardens o f t h e original estate.
In such cases, a portion o f the private space was
surrendered to make the remaining land yield
more revenue.*
A n increase of public space may thus re
sult either f r o m pressure f r o m above or f r o m
intensification o f available land w i t h i n in
cluded territories.
Increase of Included Terri tories
In the Western urban tradition, the division be
tween public and private space is generally
structural. Although the dominant territorial
power may increase public space by asserting
rights o f eminent domain, citizens i n control
of included territories do not commonly usurp
large portions o f public space. By contrast, his
toric Middle Eastern urban tissues frequently
211
witnessed citizens extending structures—and
wi th them, territory—by bui ld ing into the
street. Sidewalks were commonly occupied,
or whole streets were buil t over at the second-
floor level, straddled wi th columns or walls to
carry the new construction. The resulting pat
tern o f partially covered streets is characteris
tic o f much traditional Middle Eastern urban
environment.
Such small-scale interventions formed
part o f a remarkably sophisticated and deliber
ate process. I n broad general terms, a major for
mal principle i n this urban culture was that
anything was permitted, as long as one did not
harm one's neighbors. In other words, i f neigh-
12.4 Appleton Street, Cambridge, Massachusetts—The
street was laid out across the anginal Lee estate, thereby
extending the pubiic space of the urban fabric. After a
drawing by Susan M. Fogel.
12.5 Tunis, ca. 1900—Postcard showing overpass. Cour
tesy ofJamel Akhar
bors tolerated the proposed change, i t was
done. I t was ultimately possible to block o f f
a street by simply bui ld ing across i t . Jamel Ak-
bar reports such actions continuing i n newly
constructed Saudi neighborhoods, though no
longer sanctioned by the Westernized laws o f
Saudi Arabia. Where in fo rmal traditional con
trol remains active, age-old territorial trans
formations still occur, albeit w i t h concrete
Western-style buildings.^
Sidewalks under Occupat ion
The Middle Eastern example is the result o f a
bottom-up process. Dominant top-down con
trol inevitably impUes increased proportion o f
public space. Preoccupation w i t h public space
was already noted when we discussed Amster
dam School architecture (see chapter 4.3). Co
operatives imbued w i t h the ideals o f a socialist
society were design clients as well as end users
o f these celebrated neighborhoods. Their vision
of a new world was shared by their architects
and by the enhghtened technical bureaucracy o f
the Amsterdam municipality. Size and quality
o f pubhc space were greatly emphasized. Many
streets exhibit very broad sidewalks,
By the 1960s, the Amsterdam School
neighborhoods' original population of blue-
collar workers was gone. Inhabitants no longer
shared the original occupants' pride i n the re
nowned social housing experiment. Dur ing the
era o f student revolts, administrators control
l i n g the inner-city housing estates were sud
denly put on the defensive. Inhabitants defied
the anonymous municipal bureaucracy and its
assertion o f control o f all outside space.
I n a clear and deliberate invasion o f pub
lic space, sidewalks were converted into gar
dens. No ground-floor apartment doors open
onto them. To this day gardeners cf imb down
f r o m windows to reach their territorial exten
sion, or else detour through the communal hall
way and street.^
Expanding Rearward in Public Housing
Public housing throughout the world is, by
defini t ion, a top-down process. As agents rou
tinely seek to sofidify and expand their realm of
contro], public space i n such estates is max
imized. Following the modernist canon, public
estate dweUings are designed to stand amid un-
fenced lawns and gardens.
Maintaining that much public greenery is
d i f f icu l t even for the affluent European state,
S h i f t s in T e r r i t o r i a I S t r u c t u r e
For a developing country, it is well-nigh impos
sible. A state o f general neglect inevitably
comes to characterize such spaces. Scorched by
the hot sun, they are at best sandlots for soccer
and other ball games. A t worst, they quicldy be
come dumping grounds for trash and broken-
down cars.
Enterprising inhabitants o f adjacent
apartments sometimes invade. Surrounded by
otherwise barren waste, we then see fenced-in
gardens w i t h i n which vegetables and f r u i t trees
are cultivated. As the fences go up, the vertical
boundary i n the terri torial balance is shifted,
but no depth is added. I n other cases occupants
of mass housing actually bu i ld out, c la iming
territory for rear extensions f r o m the sur
rounding wasteland.
12.6 Amsterdam South—Gardens, carved out of the
sidewalk space by citizens in the 1960s, were subse
quently accepted by the municipality as private territory.
No communicating doors exist between the gardens and
spaces within the building.
12.7 Cairo—Public housing occupants have extended
their apartments to the back of the building, which over
looks a street servicing the front of the next building.
Clearly cooperation was required for neighbors to build
extensions on the second and third floor, supported by
columns.
Top-Down Act ion
Increase in Terr i tor ial
Depth
Increasing density i n an urban environment
leads not just to the intensification o f available
private space, as witnessed i n previous chap
ters; i t may also lead to an increase in terri torial
depth. Two processes may be distinguished
here. I n the first , a territorial power, i n a "top-
down" action, w i l l subdivide its own space to
create increased depth, usually to enable more
intensive use (moving f r o m figure 12.8a to b i ) .
I n the second, action is "bottom-up": a number
of included territories jo in forces and appro
priate their own public space f r o m the more
general public space, thus increasing depth
(moving f r o m figure 12.8a to b2).
To examine the first process, we may con
sider the dead-end streets created to subdivide
large private landholdings i n Cambridge, Mas
sachusetts. Ini t iahy these were privately con
trolled. To reach the inhabitants, one first had
to enter a communal dead-end street, whose
creation constituted an actual increase o f ter
r i tor ial depth. Eventually the dead-end streets
were placed under control o f the municipali ty
and became an extension o f general public
space, w i t h consequent loss o f terri torial depth.
A similar move, i n a more dense urban
environment, has been observed i n central
Mexico City. Courtyards of large nineteenth-
century urban houses provide access to back
yards, now converted into a narrow afiey wi th
houses one room wide on either side.
Here the forces that created the infamous
"back-to-back" houses o f nineteenth-century in
dustrial cities like B i rmingham and Glasgow
StiU remain at work. There, too, the type was
born i n the gardens o f larger houses. Later, i t
was uti l ized i n new construction, because of the
extremely high densities i t yields.
r
12.8 Increase In territorial depth—Principal schematic
diagrams.
Transformation from (a) to (bl): An Included territory may
in turn encompass included territones.
Transformation from (a) to (b2): Included territones
occupy public space to make it their own.
Transformation from (a) to (b3): Included territories sacri
fice some of their own space to make shared public
space.
12.9 t^Aexico City—Back-to-back housing. Built in the
backyard of an older residential building, the houses are
two rooms deep and one room wide. Light must enter
through the front door The high back room accommo
dates a wooden loft for children's beds or storage.
215
I n discussing territory as interpreting
f o r m , reference was previously made to patio
houses that had become small villages con
taining a number o f individual households (see
chapter 8.3 and figure 8.6). This way of increas
ing terri torial depth is familiar: conversion o f
single-family mansions into apartment build
ings is part and parcel o f urban intensification.
The patio house, being a highly territorial fo rm,
allowed this change w i t h m i n i m a l physical
change.
I n Santiago de Chile's turn-of-the-century
fabric, alleys now give onto entire neighbor
hoods erected i n backyards. Alleys w i t h i n such
"cités" are often separated f r o m the municipal
street network by wefi-articulated gates.
Bot tom-Up Act ion
The second way to increase territorial depth oc
curs when those controfiing existing territories
act jointly, c la iming part o f the general public
space and converting i t into their own pub
lic space at a lower level (see figure iz.Shz). I n
St. Louis, Missouri , for instance, neighborhood
home owners organized to purchase their street
f r o m the municipality. I n return for tax abate
ment, they agreed to maintain the sewers and
paving at their own expense. I n effect, they cre
ated a virtual condominium. Before long, the
newly created terri torial level was closed o f f at
both intersections by wooden booms, operable
only by inhabitants.
Wherever adjacent territories jo in , com
m o n public space must be created. Individual
territories can each contribute a part o f their
own to the common space, but more often pub
lic space on the new level is carved out o f the
larger public space already there. Such moves
often result f r o m overextension o f the public
claim, occurring when public authorities can
no longer control public space.
A similar development o f t h e 1960s cre
ated the Dutch woonerf; inhabitants lobbied mu
nicipalities to discourage through traffic on
residential streets, making them safer for local
use. The municipalities obligingly reland-
scaped the streets to discourage traffic, facilitate
parking, and render public space safe for chil
dren at play and for adults washing and re
pairing their cars.
Compared wi th the straightforward terri
torial shif t i n St. Louis, the woonerf is ambigu
ous. Residents undoubtedly consider it their
terri tory But ability to prevent entry is the u l t i
mate territorial test, and the woonerffmls i t . Nor
was there a shift i n responsibility. Rather, a be
nevolent accommodation was agreed upon, and
control remained i n the hands o f the munic i
pality. Woonerfs are f o u n d i n upper-middle-class
professional neighborhoods whose inhabitants
have access to those i n control o f pubfic space.
Another bottom-up way to increase depth
occurs when included territories each sacrifice
some of their own to joint ly create common
space (changing figure 12.8a to b3). But ex
amples are uncommon. Though neighbors
might convert portions o f their private back
yards into a gated communal yard, actual occur
rences have not been documented.
Bot tom-Up Change: A Dearth
of Examples
A decrease i n depth does not come about easily.
The bottom-up process implies that lower-level
agents invade shared public space and reappor
t ion i t i n its entirety to enlarge their own ter
ritory. The next level up becomes their new
public space. Consequently, one gate providing
access to the original common space is replaced
by as many gates as there used to be at the bot
tom of i t .
Al though easy to posit i n diagram (figure
12.ID, moving f r o m (a) to (bi)), i t may be topo-
logically d i f f icu l t i n practice. For instance,
when the communal space to be usurped is a
dead-end street, every house on that street may
not be able to maintain direct access to public
. , space beyond i t . Another case could be the re-
Decrease in Terr i tor ial / . ,. . ,, . . , J_2i . A verse of one cited earher: neighbors might con-
'-^^P''-'^ vert a gated common backyard space into
private yards.
Yet another variant involves a single
lower-level territory first annexing aU others
w i t h which i t shares the use o f common space.
Subsequently, there is only one included terri
tory. Common space consequently loses its pur
pose and is easily incorporated as well, Again,
it is d i f f icul t to find clear peacetime examples.
Top-Down Demol i t ion of Gates
A decrease i n terri torial depth is more easily
conceived f r o m the top down, as a greater terri
torial power appropriates public space common
to territories on the level now removed (figure
12.10, moving f r o m (a) to (bz}).
I n the case o f Tunis, demoli t ion o f the
gates i n dead-end streets occurred dur ing in-
staUafion of an urban sewage network. The
S h i f t s in T e r r i t o r i a l S t r u c t u r e
municipafity assumed control based on mainte
nance requirements. Given the contemporary
primacy o f technology, i t is not surprising to
find technical grounds supplying the rationale
for appropriation; but i t remains an exercise o f
power all the same.^
More than one and a ha l f centuries before
a municipal u t i l i ty altered terri torial structure
i n traditional Tunis, Napoleon's army did so i n
Cairo. Cairo's many terri torial levels were in
variably marked by gates: i n addition to individ
ual residential entry doors, gates closed o f f the
dead-end streets shared by these houses. The
collector streets f r o m which these dead-end
afieys branched were also gated, marking
neighborhood boundaries along major urban
thoroughfares. Street gates were not symbolic,
as was the case i n imperial Beij ing. Instead they
were sealed every night, to be opened again at
dawn.
In 1798 the occupying French army set
about establishing a single uni f ied public space
by demolishing aU intermediate gates. Their i n
tent was to extend public space without inter
rupt ion f r o m the main town entry to each
residential f ron t door Al though the act is
clearly documented, the impact o f this drastic
territorial restructuring is not. Moreover, the
French missed many gates o f dead-end streets
because they mistook them for more famil iar
forms: entrances to private courtyard houses
like those i n Paris.^
The French occupation was short-lived,
but throughout the surviving fabric o f historic
Cairo, gates are invariably missing or not i n
use. Al though their absence must i n part reflect
the gradual at tr i t ion o f lower-level terri torial
control in conjunction wi th modernization, the
Napoleonic action that preceded these changes
was a deliberate attempt to bring about pre
cisely such flattening o f territorial structure.
®
12.10 Decrease in territorial deptti—Principal schematic
diagrams.
Transformation from (a) to (bl): Included territories jointly
annex and divide existing shared space between
themselves.
Transformation from (a) to (b2): Encompassing territory
Invades and annexes Included terntory.
Napoleon's Perspective
The drastic intervention o f Napoleon's army
prefigured the highly centrahzed mode o f oper
ation characteristic o f many contemporary gov
ernments, w i t h i n societies aspiring to the
administrative power to control citizens on all
social levels. The architecture o f Claude-Nicolas
Ledoux gave clear expression to that assertion
of bureaucratic power, which was already i n evi
dence before the French Revolution.^
The Salt Works at Arc-et-Senans demon
strates an architecture of absolute and central
ized control. Its concentric layout placed the
director at the center. As much as i t actually fa-
ciHtated visual control, the design symbolized
the presence o f the all-seeing eye—so graphi
cally depicted by the architect himself—at the
center o f this artificial universe. Inside, the
2 2 0 buildings have corridors leading to large m u l t i
purpose rooms. W i t h i n their confines, several
families frequently came to dwell together.
The concentric layout o f this executed
plan relates i t to another architectural icon o f
the Enlightenment, the Panopticon o f Jeremy
Bentham, revealing simUar conceptions o f
space: i t was to be centrally controlled and of
m i n i m a l territorial depth. Certainly, Bentham's
variant o f this model is perverse: gates that lead
to lesser territories are sealed f r o m without, vio
lating the most basic principle o f territorial
structure.'" But Ledoux's formally superior Salt
Works architecture is only a shade removed
f r o m such perversion."
The corridor connecting numerous
rooms is o f equal interest. I t signals another
means to flatten territorial depth. Earfier, we
observed that large bufidings i n the past, such
as Versailles, frequently comprised relatively
simple forms. But they could contain complex
and dynamic territorial structures brought
for th by inhabitation. Their very lack o f func
tional determinism made this possible. Ex
amples as diverse as the Loire VaUey chateaux,
Diocletian's palace at Split, and the remains o f
Knossos suggest spaces arranged directly and
sequentially There may be stairweUs and ser
vice corridors, but the architecture is one of pro
cession, o f a sequence of spaces.'^ Al though it
is sometimes hierarchically ordered, i t aiways
creates a virtual landscape for inhabitation.
Such buUt environment possesses rather open-
ended monumentality, always suggesting fur
ther possibilities o f terri torial depth.
This quality begins to waver i n the En-
Ughtenment, then abruptly disappears w i t h
modernism's first large insti tutional bufidings.
I t is instructive to compare the terri torial struc
ture o f the Salt Works, the Panopticon, and Na
poleonic Cairo wi th the terri torial structure o f
the modern insti tutional bui ld ing, i n which, for
the first t ime i n history, the corridor acts as the
pr imary structuring space. I t connects to afi
other floors and entrances via stairs or eleva
tors, as a rule running continuously along each
floor. Be i t office bui lding, laboratory, hospital,
or school, the contemporary bui ld ing features a
corridor spine that arrays rooms as expediently
as possible. Its f o r m expresses the shafiowest
possible territorial structure i n so direct and
immutable a manner that acts o f settlement
cannot increase territorial depth.
Corridors manifestly result f r o m a cen
trahzed process o f design, refiecting centralized
social organization. They have now estabUshed
an insti tutional typology enshrined i n codes
and regulations as much as i n custom. A f u l l
understanding o f their ubiquitous emergence
as a trademark o f inst i tut ional bui ld ing wiU re
quire historical perspective.
Only i n those commercial buddings
where fit-out between facades is lef t to the ten
ant do we begin to find plan layout o f a more
open-ended nature. When interior subdivision
of large floor areas is customized, territorial
depth may emerge. But this trend toward Open
Building practice has not been un i fo rmly
adopted, nor is it compatible wi th aU inst i tu
tional budding types.''
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