analecta 6 - jestal 2011

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SPACE POWER RELIGION

Presre Wada Religia


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Resw 2011

VOLUME 6

INStItUtE O ARChAEOLOGy RzESzW UNIVERSIty

SPACE POWER RELIGION

Presre Wada Religia


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EditorSawomir Kadrow

[email protected]

Editorial SecretaryMagdalena Rzucek

[email protected]

Volume editorsSawomir Kadrow

Dariusz Wojakowski

Ediorial Council

Slweser Copek, Eduard Droberjar, Mica Parcewski,Aleksandr Snk, Alexandra Krenn-Leeb

Volume reviewersPro. Dagnosaw Demski Insiue o Arcaeolog and Enolog,

Polis Academ o Sciences, Warsaw, PolandPro. Jer Barkowski Insiue o Sociolog, Warsaw Universi, Warsaw, Poland

Dr. florin Gogalan Insiue o Arcaeolog and hisor o Ar,Romanian Academ o Sciences, Cluj-Napoca, Romania

Dr. Mikola Krvalsevic Insiue o hisor, Naional Academ o Sciences, Minsk, BelarusPro. Jer Libera Maria Curie-Skodowska Universi in Lublin, Poland

Dr. Jaroslav Peka - Palack Universi o Olomouc, Cec Republic

Englis prooreadingDave Cowle

Poo on e coverWierawice, sie 31. A in assemblage.

Poo b M. Poowic-Bobak

Cover DesignPior Wisocki (Miel)

ISSN 2084-4409

tpeseing and PriningMiel

Te publicaions was nanced b eundacja Resowskiego Orodka Arceologicnego

Absracs o aricles rom Analeca Arcaeologica Ressoviensia are publisedin e Cenral European Journal o Social Sciences and humaniies

Ediors Address

Insiue o Arcaeolog Resw Universihofmanowej 8 Sree, 35-016 Resw, Polande-mil: [email protected]

home page: www.arceologia.resow.pl


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Contents / Spis treci

Articles / Artykuy

Editorial / Od Redakcji 7

Sawomir Kadrow

Power and Authority in Prehistory and the Problem o Interdiscipli-

nary Archaeological Studies 11Wadza i panowanie w prahistorii a zagadnienie interdyscyplinarnoci

studiw archeologicznych 39

Beata Goliska

The Role o Archaeological and Ethno-Historical Sources in the Studyo Prehistoric Amazonia 55

Rola rde archeologicznych oraz etnohistorycznych w studiach nadpradziejami w Amazonii 89

Agata Nijander-Dudziska, Dariusz Wojakowski

Local Government From the Small State to the Social Field 109Wadza lokalna od maego pastwa do pola spoecznego 124

Jerzy Jestal

The Concept o Ritual in Sociology and other Social Sciences 133Pojcie rytuau w socjologii i innych naukach spoecznych 158

Jacek Gdecki

Walking as a Way o Experiencing Everyday Space 177Spacer jako orma dowiadczenia przestrzeni codziennoci 191

Maria Gody

The Individual the Space the Memory: an Ethnological Study oTerritorial Identifcation o the Relocated Community o ManiowyVillage 201

Czowiek przestrze pami Identyfkacja terytorialna przesiedlo-nej spoecznoci wsi Maniowy w perspektywie bada etnologicz-nych 222

Marta Potowicz-Bobak

Space in Archaeological Research Methods o Reading and Inter-

pretation An Outline o the Issue 237Przestrze w badaniach archeologicznych metody czytania i inter-

pretacji 260


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Tytu artykuu|7

Ewa Baniowska-Kopacz

Exchange Theory in the Light o Cooperation and Mutual Assistance 271

Teoria wymiany w kontekcie wspdziaania i pomocy wzajemnej 296

Sylwester Czopek

Cultural Change rom the Perspective o Cultural-Historical Archaeology 317Zmiana kulturowa z perspektywy archeologii kulturowo-historycznej 332

Jacek Grski, Przemysaw Makarowicz

Environmental Determination and the Development o Trzciniec Cul-tural Circle Settlement in the Oder and Vistula River Catchments 343

Naturalne uwarunkowania rozwoju osadnictwa trzcinieckiego krgukulturowego w dorzeczu Odry i Wisy 355

Reviews / Recenzje

Andriy Bardetskiy

(review) E A Kravchenko Kizil-kobinska kultura u Zakhidnomu KrimuKyiv, Luck: IA NAN Ukrainy 2011; 272 pp 196 fgures 361

(pe) - - , : , 2011; 272 , 196 367

Chronicle / Kronika

Oleksandr Diachenko, Taras Mylian

XXXVIII Report Conerence Archaeological Researches in SoutheastPoland, West Ukraine and North Slovakia in 2011, Rzeszw,2021 March 2012 375

xxxviii 2011 - , , , 2021 20012 380


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Editorial

Volume 6 oAnalecta Archaeologica Ressoviensia arises rom einerdisciplinar seminar Space Power Religion organied b eInsiue o Arcaeolog and e Insiue o Sociolog, Universi oResw, and e Deparmen o Sociolog and Social Anropolog,Universi o Science and tecnolog in Krakw. As a collaboraiono arcaeologiss, sociologiss and enograpers, e seminar and ispublicaion explore e prospecs or uure inerdisciplinar collabo-raions. tis collecion o aricles represens e common ground be-ween e disciplines represened, oug erminolog and approacdier beween researcers.

however, e ree ears o discussions building up o is publi-caion allow us o explore ese exs and e links beween em. Allo us, regardless o wic discipline we work in, are ineresed in waconemporar sociolog calls social process. Power, space, riual andmemor are all enirel aspecs o social processes. tus, e dierencesin ime and place were ese processes ake place can be regarded assecondar, aloug o course ese acors deermine meodologand e pe o daa we use.

tis is w arcaeological, sociological, isorical and enograp-ic researc can benei so muc rom inerdisciplinar discussion ocomplemenar approaces o social processes.

Sawomir KadrowDarius Wojakowski


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Od Redakcji

Predsawion bir arkuw jes wnikiem wspprac arce-ologw, socjologw i enograw w ramac inerdscplinarnego se-minarium Presre Wada Religia, organiowanego preInsu Arceologii i Insu Socjologii Uniwerseu Resowskie-go ora Kaedr Socjologii Oglnej i Anropologii Spoecnej Akade-mii Grnico-hunicej w Krakowie. Celem nasc seminarjncspoka i niniejsej publikacji jes arsowanie perspekw prsejinerdscplinarnej wspprac. zesawienie prac w 6 omie Analec-ta Archaeologica Ressoviensia inormuje celnika prede wsskimo m, e predsawiciele repreenowanc w nim dscplin posiadaj

wsplne obsar aineresowa lec posuguj si do odmiennmijkami do opisania ego, co jes wnikiem ic bada.

Dowiadcenie rec la dskusji powala jednak na inerpreacjc eksw i powia mid nimi. Wsskic nas, niealenie oduprawianej dscplin ineresuje o, co wspcesna socjologia na-wa procesem spoecnm. Wada, presre, rua c pami, snicm innm, ni aspekami procesw spoecnc. Rnica casui miejsca owc procesw moe b aem unana a drugordn,

co ocwicie deerminuje nas meodologi i rodaj danc, k-rmi si posugujem.Kaalog rnic sugeruje aem, e o pracac arceologicnc i so-

cjologicnc, jak e o isorcnc i enograicnc powinnimmle jako o komplemenarnc ujciac procesw spoecnc.

Sawomir KadrowDarius Wojakowski


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ARTICLES / ARTYKUY


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A N A L E C T A A R C H A E O L O G I C A R E S S O V I E N S I A

VOLUME 6 RZESZW 2011

Jerzy Jestal*

The Concept of Ritual in Sociology and other SocialSciences

ABSTRACT

J. Jesal 2011. te Concep o Riual in Sociolog and oer Social Sciences. Analecta Archae-ologica Ressoviensia 6, 133176

tis aricle consiues a criical review o e knowledge and eories regarding riual andceremon wic ave emerged in e social sciences. te impeus or is underaking is e

convicion a e issue o riual as been paid insuicien aenion paricularl in socio-log. te ex opens wi deliberaion on e subjec o deining riual and ceremon. Subse-quenl, e eories o riual wic explain exising ceremonies b looking a e condiionsunder wic ese observances arose are examined. tis aricle comprises also ponderingson e place o riual in sociological eor.

Ke wor ds: Riual, ceremon; eor; social sciences; m; religion; eare; genesis, unc-ion, and pes o riual

Received: 03.02.2011 ; Revised: 27.11.2011; Acceped: 22.12.2011

te issue o riual does no draw special avor in sociolog orwic sae o aairs ere are man explanaions. Above all, riual isassociaed wi indigenous populaions wereas e ocus o sociologis on conemporar socieies. I some maerial on ceremonies appearsin mass media, i is usuall se agains exoic images o rmicallmoving and singing members o some Buddis or hindi sec, or wesee bos rom some naive ribe subjeced o ess o pain olerance oraenivel lisening o e words o a saman illing em in on emseries o e clan.

An aura o exraordinariness and srangeness is aaced o econcep o riual. Describing e onse o anropologs ineres inriual, Susan Langer unkindl commens: Frobenius () describes aninitiation ceremony in New South Wales, in thecourse of which the old-er men performed a dog-dance, on all fours, for the benefit of the youngacolytes who watched these rites, preliminary to the painful honor of hav-ing a tooth knocked out. Frobenius refers to the ritual as a comedy, afarce, and is amazed at the solemnity with which the boys sat through

the ridiculous canine display. () Perhaps the savages wholaughed

* Spiecowica 13/39, 35-223 Resw, Poland; [email protected]


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consumedly at a tonsured fathers sacraments with Holy Water, his God-eating and his scriptural explanations, were having a similar difficulty!(Langer 1954, 3738).

Nevereless, once aenion is urned owards e riuals o con-emporar socieies, en i is usuall in e conex o bureaucraicprocedures, ime-consuming, and incompreensible clerical asks ecompleion o a sack o orms and e deliver o various documens.In presen-da communiies, riuali oen reers o blind subjuga-ion o some rules and regulaions. to some degree, e Evangelissand Jesus Cris are responsible or is negaive opinion abou riual

primaril or e criicism o ceremonies conained in is signii-can asserion: te Sabba was made or man, no man or e Sab-ba (Mark 2, 2728).

Analysis of the Concept of Ritual

to sar wi, we sould deal wi e mos basic maer equesion o erminolog. In polis language we ave wo erms wionl slig dieren meaning: rua (eng. riual) and obrd. Ineir Dictionary of Sociology, Olecnicki and zacki deined ruaas, a orm o obrd conduced in e presence o sacrum and per-aining o e lie o a socie; i is execued in e orm o a series oacions and sricl delineaed riual asks (oen o a magical or reli-gious naure) (Olecnicki, zacki 2002, 181182). In urn, obrdis seen as, a se o collecive or also individual acions or pracicescomprising par o a public rie o a religious or secular naure. temain goal and uncion o e riuals in socie is seen as e suse-

nance o inegraion (Olecnicki, zacki 2002, 142). te auorso is cied ex associaed obrd wi riual; zoia Sascak didlikewise in e enr oritualse auored in e Ethnological Dic-tionary(Sascak 1987, 321). herein, oo, riual and obrd will bereaed inercangeabl.

ta said, auors wriing in e Englis language do no avea problem wi suc erm conusion. for example, le us look a edeiniion o riual inADictionary of Sociologypublised b Oxord

Universi Press: Generall, an oen-repeaed paern o beaviourwic is perormed a appropriae imes, and wic ma involve euse o smbols. Religion is one o e main social ields in wic riu-


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The Concept of Ritual in Sociology and other Social Sciences|135

als operae, bu e scope o riual exends ino secular and everdalie as well (Marsall 2003, 1472)

Also signiican is Eric Roenbulers remark a e noun andadjecival senses o e word ritualsould be disinguised in anal-sis because i could mean a kind o social acion, rai, or slisic as-pec o a acion (Roenbuler 2003, 20). I seems a sociologand anropolog dier in eir empasis o disinc aspecs o riual:conemporar sociolog concenraes is aenion on riual in e ad-jecival sense (wi e noable excepion o Randall Collins), wile an-ropolog mainl ocuses on riual as an imporan elemen o culure,

especiall indigenous socieies. te adjecival perspecive in sociol-og is represened b, or insance, Rober Wunows concep o esociolog o religion wic describes riual as a smbolic-expressiveaspec o beavior a communicaes someing abou social relaions,oen in a relaivel dramaic or ormal manner. (Wunow 1987, 109).

Can riual beavior be diereniaed in everda lie rom non-riual beavior? Aer all, a caracerisic o riual beavior is is rep-eiion and preservaion o a raer ixed order or paern. ye i is, ocourse, eas o poin ou oen recurring conduc wic does no con-siue riual, bu is raer e eec o biological or environmenal (ine ecnical sense) condiioning. Peraps seing riual beavior aparrom e non-riual is no a ke issue in sociolog.

Quie e conrar, in arceolog is a rul weig maer. O-erwise, ow would we inerpre e igure o a doll in a cilds grave?Was i placed ere b e moer as an acing gesure upon e losso er dauger, or is e doll e correlae o some unerar riual? Inorder o correcl inerpre is ac, we mus reer o anoer e

smbolic-expressive elemen o riual. I suc igures are ound o-en in ombs, en in all probabili we can assume a suc beaviorexpresses no onl pain bu also implies some vision o an aerlie re-ali. In arceolog i is acceped pracice o consider as a correlae oriual ose iems wic canno be assigned (in lig o curren knowl-edge) some insrumenal or ecnological value (Brck 1999, 314317).Noneeless, is soluion is less an saisacor.

In is deiniion, Wunow sresses e imporance o riual as

a orm o communicaion is earicali and ormaliaion. RoRappapor (1999, 3745) considers a riual is enaced and no jusimplemened in some ordinar asion. tereore, e appearance o


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acors or perormers is necessar o riual. Seen rom is perspecive,i becomes someing closer o or even snonmous wi eare. Cer-ainl some anropologiss ollowed jus suc a pa in e evoluiono e anropolog o eare (see Vicor turner) wile dramaurggained prominence in sociolog anks o Erving Gomans The Pre-sentation of Self in Everyday Life. Be a as i ma, signiican dier-ences do exis beween eare and riual. In e ormer ere is edivision beween e acors and e audience; in e laer all personspresen are paricipans in e riual even oug ere is a naural dis-incion beween more or less signiican roles.

Le us ake, or example, e Roman Caolic mass. Undoubedle role o e celebran pries is more imporan an a o e ai-ul gaered. Even so, e are all paricipaing and are viall ineres-ed in e oucome o e riual wic comprises e sacramen o eEucaris. Wen i comes o e maer o a riuals ormaliaion, islevel varies. te leas prescribed are ose o everda lie; e mosdecorous are sae, curc, or oer insiuionall-led observanceswic are cusomaril labeled ceremonies.

te las eaure o e riual is is conveance o some inormaionabou uman socie. tis means no more or less an e ac ariual is impossible ouside socie i no perormed b individuals.Ceremonies and riuals are par and parcel o culure and an elemeno social lie. te inormaion i conains is no clearl inelligible orall. Even e paricipans are no alwas capable o ull deciperinge relaed message. herein lies e allibili as well as solidi o ri-uals and ceremonies.

The Emergence of Rituals

Le us iniiae our analsis o riuals b posing a quesion on e im-peus or is emergence. Valuable inormaion is provided b e ind-ings o Konrad Loren researc. Being bo an eologis and evolu-ionar pscologis, e ried o appl conclusions rom observaionso animal and insec beavior in e elucidaion o issues perainingo e beavior o mammals a a iger level uman beings. herein

lies e genesis o is mos renowned concep: e eor o aggression.I was in is same mode a Loren approaced e manies-aion o riualied beavior among animals. his poesis is mos


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simpl summaried as ollows: abi ransmues ino cusom and sub-sequenl ino riual. Loren illusraed is esis wi various exam-ples. he noed, or insance, a e male in one species o lies, prioro aemping copulaion, oers e emale a rop insec. Once seacceps is gi and underakes is consumpion, e male can calmlcopulae, coniden a is beloved will no misake im or odder.his clever suberuge canno be reaed as riual aloug e aim isclear (Loren 2005, 6263).

ta dul noed, one wonders w is same paern o beavior isobserved in anoer species o lies wose emales do no devour males

and, in ac, never ea oer lies wi e excepion o is singularpre-coial eas? Loren deduces a an earlier acquired paern asbeen ranserred o successive generaions, and as been mainaineddespie e ac a under new condiions e causes or is inroduc-ion ave become exinc. tis scolar argues a uman riuals ap-pear in e same wa wi e dierence ling in e ac a ranseramong oer living ings is conduced b imprining wereas amonguman beings is ransmission is o a culural naure. te creaionand preservaion o individual abis is explained b Loren as lingin pscolog: for a living being lacking insig ino e relaion be-ween causes and eecs i mus be exremel useul o cling o a be-aviour paern wic as once or man imes proved o acieve isaim, and o ave done so wiou danger. I one does no know wicdeails o e wole perormance are essenial or is success as wellas or is sae, i is bes o cling o e all wi slavis exaciude. teprinciple, you never know wa mig appen i ou don is ull ex-pressed in suc supersiions (Loren 2005, 6869).

to a cerain degree, complemenar o Loren eor is e researcdone b an anropologis, Marvin harris, ino e suracing and sus-enance o cerain religious obligaions and proibiions. Jus like isbeavioral pscolog colleague, harris aimed o sed lig on cerainodd and exraordinar cusoms b viewing em roug e prismo e place and condiions under wic e arose and were saped.for example, in explaining e injuncion agains e consumpion opork among Jews and Muslims, harris saed a is direcive was

jusiied and appropriae a e ime and in is naural, ecological en-vironmen because, aloug pork is as, swine usbandr a igemperaures and on deser errior led o ig morali. So as o


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deer is members rom underaking a dangerous risk conneced wiinvesmen in e breeding o ogs, a sacrosanc ban was inroducedagains e eaing o pork (harris 1985, 49). Wile i is rue a underEuropean condiions is ban ceases o be economicall subsaniaed,or Jews is rejecion would occasion e doubing o radiion and erebuing o e culure wic consiues eir ideni.

harris concepion is convincing in is explanaions o cerain as-pecs in e maerialiaion and mainenance o concree riuals. A-er all, i is culure (and along wi i, riuals and ceremonies) wicserves an adjusmen uncion beween socieies and eir environ-

men. Nevereless, i would be diicul o expec e principle o ad-apaion o explain evering.

Reurning o Loren, le us repea again a e dierence beweenriuals in e animal kingdom and e uman world is rooed in eac a various, more inelligen species o animals are capable o cre-aing and uiliing a cerain, oug raer limied se o signs. Man,owever, is a smbolic animal; meanings conained in uman riualsgo ar beond an precise and lieral conen.

I is ver possible a riuals plaed a ke role in anropogenesis.te resuls o conemporar invesigaions ino e beavior o cim-panees and oer uman-like primaes prove a riual (in e senseo muliple, subconscious replicaion o a paern) could ave conrib-ued o e emergence o smbolic conceps. te indings rom ex-perimens on e conduc o mankinds closes relaives conirm asmbols (i.e., signs wic mean someing more an onl a signiiedobjec) can be saped in e minds o cimpanees. Maniold repei-ion o e same paerns leads o a blurring o inernal diereniaion

beween e componens o e paern and probabl o e creaiono a novel concep in e apes mind: e imagining o a wole wicconsiues someing new wen measured up agains e separae el-emens (Deacon 1997, 402403).

te ollowing conceps discussed ere all seek o ind e rudi-mens o riual in some real, isorical, or mical even. te conro-versial frenc pilosoper and anropologis, Ren Girard searcedor e insigaion o riual in e irs mical murder. te poin o

deparure or im was an assumpion a eac religion includes riualworsip o God or gods. te mos primar and undamenal ceremon(ound in wole or in par in nearl all religions) is a riual in wic an


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animal is oered (slaugered) in onor o some divini. Moreover,in man culures we ind races o a riual even more blood and cruel uman sacriice. Girard eels a is omicidal riual was presena e ouse o uman culure and civiliaion; onl as a subsequendevelopmen were umans replaced b animal oerings.

Subsaniaing is bold and conroversial poesis, e summonsup maerial obained no onl b enograpers, anropologiss, ar-ceologiss, and sociologiss o religion, bu inds conirmaion o iseor in e isor o lieraure, ar, and olklore. his line o ink-ing can be rougl presened as ollows: e undamenal mecanism

o social lie is mimesis (imiaion). tis means a eac man wanso ave as muc (e.g., in women, resources, ec.) as an oer mem-ber o is communi. Rivalr and aroused greed lead o alercaionswose end resul mus be e dea o is adversar. tis irs murderusered in civiliaion in a i discarged emoions, buil commu-ni ies beween murderers, and eelings o guil were eradicaed bvarious narraives wic burdened iger powers (God or gods) wiresponsibili or dea. from is momen on, e mecanism o escapegoa became e model wa o resolving social crises. In ime,owever, uman sacriice was replaced b animal sacriice.

traces o is developmen, so weig in e umaniaion o re-laions, can be ound, among oers, in e Iliad(e ale o Ipigeniabeing oered b Agamemnon in reurn or success in is expediion),or in e Bible (e sor o e near-killing o Isaac b Abraam). hereon in, e isor o uman civiliaion akes on a compleel dier-en caracer wose crowning momen was e marrs dea o JesusCris on e cross. Oered on beal o e wole o mankind, is

sacriice rendered an uure one unproducive. In ac, subsequenacs o is pe would be unaccepable (Girard 1987, 292).

Girard sailed roug e isor o world culure in raer cav-alier asion, seeking remnans o primeval violence and scapegoariuals. he recouns, oo, inormaion gaered b enograpers andanropologiss abou riuals smboliing e killing o a king or oerpersons. Wi grea respec, e reers o freud and e pscoanalssnoion o primal murder o e ribal cie. Girard reas is explo-

raions as i i were an assignmen or a deecive seen especiall inis commen: I is someing more an mere cance a as ledo e coincidence o ese remarkable evens, linking e indubia-


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bl real progress o e so-called uman sciences wi e slow busead progress o knowledge oward an undersanding o e surro-gae vicim and o e violen origins o all uman culure (Girard1989, 240241).

One can be awed b Girards knowledge o culures, e is under-ling esis i.e., a eac communi subconsciousl conceals someelonious crime commied in e disan pas (as in e case o Jed-wabne) is doubul. Even i we were o agree a riuals o umansacriice were widespread in preisoric imes and are sill pracicedoda in some corners o e world (for insance, in 2002, e corpse

o a small, Arican bo was ound in e tames River. te naure ois wounds and e objecs ound nearb esi o is being e ob-jec o some blood riual), i would be diicul o accep an asseriona uman bonds and religion were consiued precisel a e imeo a original murder.

Noewor is a rom Girards viewpoin and jus as in MirceauEliades eor explicaed below riual consiues e realiaion om and e laer is isoricall and logicall e predecessor o eormer. tis places bo ese scolars, like James fraer, in e sub-jeciviss circle. Alernaivel, e riualiss suc as Durkeim orCassirer claimed a riual is in e oreground, and all accompan-ing belies are no more an a raionaliaion o aciviies underaken(Bursa 1998, 112).

Eliade, e frenc-Romanian pilosoper and sociologis o re-ligion, pinpoined e inauguraion o riual in e evens recounedin sacred exs. Eliade saed a eac believing individual lives con-currenl in wo worlds: secular ime and sacred ime. Riual served

is pilosoper as a bridge beween proanum and sacrum. te pi-ous person, replicaing e deeds o e gods or eroes, smbolicallbecomes one o em. Mirceau Eliade saw uman beings as breakingou o eir emporar, inconsan, and no alwas eicacious exis-ence in order o aain cosmic peace, seadas ime, and eerni. Eacand ever reenacmen o riual means e re-acualiaion o evensrom e disan pas evens illusraed in ms. tus is riual gov-erned b m, e laer urnising paerns o beavior, meanings,

and smbols. As Eliade wroe: for e religious man e reacualiaiono e same mical evens creaes is greaes ope: a ever reacu-aliaion e inds cance o ransorm is own exisenc, o become


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similar o e divine norm. In e deiniive seling o accouns or ereligious man o primiive and arcaic socieies endlessl repeiion osandard-gesures and eernal encounering e mical beginning oime, sanciicaed b gods, will no impl e pessimisic vision o elives; quie e conrar (Eliade 1993, 119).

I is wor calling aenion o e ac a, according o Eliade,riual ills a secondar role because i is a plaing ou b e believ-ers o evens ound in religious molog. for insance, e Maundtursda riual wasing o ee (i.e., e Mandaum) is noing oeran e re-enacmen o someing described in e Gospel o S. Jon:

so e go up rom e meal, ook o is ouer cloing, and wrappeda owel around is wais. Aer a, e poured waer ino a basin andbegan o was is disciples ee, dring em wi e owel a waswrapped around im. [Jon 13: 4-5]. te pracicing o is riual be Pope and bisops (among oers) is precisel a recreaion o aepisode. tis ceremon is reserved or ecclesiasical oicials bu eaiul rank and ile members o Crisian curces paricipae invarious pes o individual (e.g., praer) or collecive (e.g., commun-ion) observances. Ke o Eliades perspecive is a e inspiraion oreac o ese mandaor acs can be ound in e hol Scripures orin e radiion o a speciic curc.

te problem wi is concepion lies in e ac a e principlejus illusraed is e descripion o e vas majori o religious riu-als, bu is compleel inadequae in explaining secular riuals. Wileno deracing rom is imporance, we sould sress a is noionis no universall applicable. I perains solel o e religious, saingnar a word abou e origins or uncions o secular riuals.

The Classification of Rituals

In er piece eniled Riual: Perspecives and Dimensions, Ca-erine Bell oulined six basic pes o riual beavior: 1) ries o passage,2) calendrical ries, 3) ries o excange and communion, 4) ries oalicion, 5) ries o easing, asing, and esivals, and, inall, 6) po-liical ries (Bell 2009, 93169). One quickl assumes, o course, a

ese do no consiue exclusive divides; as will be sown sorl, ex-amples can be ound wic could be simulaneousl placed in wo ormore caegories. Nevereless, Bells polog mees well e need or


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some ordering in e analsis o suc widel diereniaed daum.hence, le us discuss ese groupings.

Rites of Passage

Ries o passage are suc ceremonies as accompan and dramaiee ke urning poins in e lie o a uman being e.g., e aain-men o mauri or a wedding (Bell 2009, 94). I is wor observinga naure onl creaes impulses; i deermines neier e ime nore scrip or ese ceremonies. In an case, e ver ac a an inanis born does no e mean a e cild will be recognied as a mem-

ber o e communi; e end o puber does no mean a a per-son will be recognied as a man or as a woman; and sexual relaionsare no snonmous wi e underaking o marial vows. Aer all,we are aware o culures wic blessed marriages beween cildren,or wic draed underage bos o serve as knigs.

Culure is no e resul o naure; raer i is culure wic, via ri-uals, aims o reign over naure. te biological ransormaions o eindividual are orced ino a culural ramework, and us is new or-

ganic energ is consumed or e good o e enire communi. teolkloris, Arnold van Gennep (2006) claimed a ere is a generallbinding rule canneling e beavior o e members o a colleciviwenever e cross ese naural boundaries. he called ese rites depassage ries o passage eac o wic encompasses ree pases.te irs o ese is e a o smbolic separaion: a smbolic rupurewi a persons previous lie. te second pase is in beween and waslabeled liminal aer e Lain word limen, meaning resold. here eindividual is suspended beween is or er pas and uure lives no

longer wa e or se was beore, oug no e reborn as a dierenperson. Upon compleion o is sage, e subsequen pase is a oinclusion: e individual obains a res ideni, becomes a ull-induc-ed member o e socie, and is besowed a dieren, accompaningsocial saus. Oen during e liminal pase an individual is subjecedo various ess o sreng and survival skills, and cecked or e capa-bili o supporing onesel and e prospecive amil uni. Paricularlpsical endurance ess prove a one o e main uncions o ries

o passage is conrol over e biological seam in e uman personali.tradiional Jews, wose religion is igl riualied, underscoree accepance o new male members roug e riual o circum-


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cision and e aainmen o mauri roug e riual o e BarMitzvah. In Caolicism an analogical role is plaed ou in e riu-als o bapism and firs hol Communion. In conemporar Wesernciviliaion, ries o passage are slowl vanising and eir meaninggrows ever weaker. Graduall e are becoming e anoer preexor pla. tis developmen is no, owever, one wic sould ceerus. On balance, e uncion o suc ries is e ransormaion o euman personali: e individual is insilled wi e convicion ais or er social posiion as canged, and a, ereore, no onl newrigs ave been acquired, bu also new responsibiliies. te problem

o e immauri o odas men and women an inabili o andleobligaions and duies is (o a degree) e consequence o no av-ing undergone e appropriae rie o passage.

te frenc sociologis, Pierre Bourdieu criiques suc a posiiveassessmen o ries o passage, e aim o wic is in is opinion o segregae speciic members o e group rom oers. In e laercaegor are ound ose wo will never be e subjecs o suc a cer-emon because i is inapplicable o eir siuaion (see Maisonneuve1995). for insance, a riual inducion o irs-ear sudens ino euniversi, promoion o a senior appoinmen a work, ec. peraino persons rom iger social classes. tus eir superior posiion issociall legiimied and non-paricipans are rus back down o eunderbell o e social ierarc.

Calendrical Rites

Inasmuc as ries o passage occur onl once in an individuals lie,calendrical ries are repeaed annuall and a a precisel demarcaed

ime. teir ask is o encapsulae lowing ime in a smbolic rame-work and endow naural canges wi some sense. Examples o sucare e celebraions o New years Da, Easer, or Crismas. We souldcall aenion o e ac a Crisian ol das emulae earlier paganriuals wic were muc more clearl conneced o sis in seasons.for insance, e Assumpion o e Virgin Mar (15 Augus) is alsoknown in Poland as Our Lad o herbs and is oen linked o celebra-ions o crop ields. ye anoer once popular cusom was e blessing

and oering o gis composed o erbs, grains, vegeables, or lowers.One uncion o calendrical ries is obvious: on e one and, emeaporicall oblige naure o submi o man; on e oer and, e


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consiue a proper adapaion o e uman communi o is nau-ral environmen. Oer an riuals reerring o canges in e nauralworld, among calendrical ries are suc evens as e commemoraiono anniversaries imporan o an enire naion. In e case o Poland,suc daes are 3 Ma and 11 November wose uncion is o recall na-ional isor, represening ose episodes wic were crucial or eormaion o e sae in is curren sape and orm. for members oa religious communi, a similar purpose is served b eir ol das e.g., Good frida reminds Crisians o e sacriicial dea o Je-sus Cris.

Rites of Exchange and Communion

In pracicall ever religion we deal wi a orm o excange: eaiul oer some gis, and expec in excange a eir praers willbe answered. te relaionsip beween em and eir God will alwasenail an elemen o selless devoion as well as o calculaed manipu-laion; e proporion depends upon man acors above all uponpersonali and religious culure. Gis can also be o various naure:

rom e smbolic (e.g., praer, candle or incense burning, ec.) o emaerial (e.g., animals, precious jewelr, mone, ec.). Suc a riual iscalled a sacriicial oering wic lierall means a e oered iemis made sacred. Cusomaril, is gi would be desroed (mos com-monl b ire) or slaugered (i a bird or animal); a imes i would beeaen during riual repass. Waever is proered mus be lawlesslperec and blossoming, unouced b e oo o ime. Bell calls eseries o excange and communion because paricipans erein believea a conjoining wi divine energ or wi God ensues a some ke

momen during e ceremon.O course, ere is a pe o oering wic evokes srong conro-

vers: uman sacriice. In isopus magnum, The Golden Bough, Jamesfraer describes riualied regicide as a means b wic e monarcsmagic power is passed on o is successor, or o naure isel erebguaraneeing erili and abundan arvess. te naural world is seenas ding in winer, necessiaing uman sacriice in order o be reborn:dea is acuall vial o e preservaion o e cosmic order. Oering

uman beings slaves or prisoners was ound in man ancien cul-ures; e Maans, owever (o e orror o e Spanis priess worepored is), even proered eir cildren. Sill, races o suc riu-


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als can also be ound in Judaism and Crisiani. from is perspec-ive e celebraion o communion as e consumpion o e Bodo Cris and e drinking o his blood smbolicall mimics umansacriice (fraer 2002).

Rites of Affliction

In primordial communiies e ealing o bodil ailmens also re-quired submission o various curaive riuals. Modern man doubs eeeciveness o suc aciviies, oen perceiving em as proo o eirraionali o radiional socieies. Noneeless, indigenous people

are no in e leas so gullible as e egocenric Wie man (raisedo believe in a m o superiori) would ave em be. Claude L-vi-Srauss recalled a wen, upon compleion o special riuals, elong-awaied rain did all, local Busmen did no a all assign cred-i or is eliciaion o emselves. Quie e conrar, e expressedamusemen a e suggesions o observers a e ceremonies adriggered e precipiaion.

Lvi-Srauss el a we could look a smbolic eecuali (i.e.,

e success o riuals) rom quie anoer perspecive. Even i we wereo agree a a caplains invocaions or a samans incanaions alonedo no lead o an upurn in e weaer or posiivel inluence a pa-iens eal, is does no mean a e are no eecive in e an-oer wa. Lvi-Srauss claimed a e acions o a saman could becompared o pscoanalical erap: suc ries provide e paienwi a language in wic e or se can express a sae wic is inde-scribable b oer means (Lvi-Srauss 2000, 177). tis line o com-municaion is creaed b unblocking pscological barriers and e

acivaion o inernal pscosomaic orces. however, is proposi-ion as Jean Maisonneuve noed does no consiue a soluion oe problem bu onl e revival o a imeworn pilosopical prob-lem regarding e relaionsip beween oug and acion (Maison-neuve 1995, 82).

Riuals wic rea sickness and inirmi were e opic o Vicorturners sudies (turner 2010). he exended e subjec area b all esaes wic, according o radiional communiies, decisivel veer rom

normali and call or special ealing riuals. In e mos general sense,alicion (or e individual as well as or e collecivi) can enailsuc cases as, or insance, cildbir, mensruaion, dea, e bir


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o wins, or even weaer anomalies. All o ese require appropriaeriuals aciliaing e reinsaemen o e balance and armon los.

Feasting, Fasting, and Festivals

Riuals based upon oal or parial absenion rom ood can beound in eac culure. As an example we can ake e Crisian Lenand e Muslim Ramadan. tese slices o ime are o comprise a pe-riod o mediaion and cogiaion, a cance o disconnec rom eusual empo o lie in order o relec on ones perspecive on lie, rela-ionsips wi oers, and aiude owards God. In urn, e ime o

easing signiies jo and delig in lie. An example ere could be econvivial eas known as e Polac ceremon among e Kwakiul,or e so-called feas o e Pigs in e culure o New Guinea resi-dens. tese evens are ocused on oodsus wic sould eier nobe eaen or onl in limied amouns during a speciied ime period orquie e opposie dining or even gluon are especiall sancioned.As a consequence, asing, easing, and esivals ave been classiiedas a single pe. More imporan is a, in e course o ese cere-

monies, communi members demonsrae b eir beavior eir a-acmen o e core values o e culure. Dance and oer orms osocial drama (see turner) remind all e inabians o eir mi-cal isor and culure.

Roger Callois underook e analsis o ol das as a culuralpenomenon ound in ever socie and in ever culure. Reerring oDurkeims conceps osacrum andprofanum (e ol and e secu-lar), Callois wroe: te bland coninui e Baccanal conrass eimpeuosi; e common repeiion o e everda occupaions and

cares e ranic exas, quie works, wen one roubles o ones busi-ness e powerul brea o e collecive madness; e dispersiono e socie is concenraion; e apaeical rouine o loosenedpases o e exisence e everisness o momens o e ulimaeension (Callois 1973, 124125).

Aloug in everda lie e olida maniess isel as a negaionroug is proibiions, a leas some bans are lied during e es-ive inerlude: wa was sricl orbidden beoreand is now permi-

ed. te jovial merrimen and sill anics upse, among oer ings,esablised ierarcical balance. Now e servan can rea is lord asan equal; one can ease and mock a wic in normal imes is sur-


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rounded b an aura o deerence and digni. Permission is also granedor nois demonsraion o ones glee, or drunkenness, and or oerorms o excessive beavior. According o Callois, uman beings are,on e one and, bound b various injuncions and direcives in dail,secular lie; olidas, on e oer and, give em a cance o breae,a cance o pull awa rom dull and drear reali. te individual ase opporuni o relieve blocked ension, suppressed emoions, con-srained ougs, and resriced imaginaion wic submi o ps-cological deense mecanisms or are e objec o social conrol. teuncion o caarsis is also ulilled b pla or ree, unproducive, and

unorced (oug also guided b cerain enes) beavior.fesive riuals were also analed rom anoer perspecive b Vic-

or turner. he acceped van Genneps concep o a ree-pase pro-gression in riuals, expanding is o embrace all o social lie. turnerwroe: Social lie is a pe o dialecical process a involves succesiveexperience o ig and low, communias and srucure, omogeneiand diereniaion, equali and inequali. te passage rom lowero iger saus is roug a limbo o sauslessness. In suc a process,e opposies, as i were, consiue, one onoer and are muuall in-dispensable. () In oer words, eac individuals lie experience con-ains alernaing exposure o srucure and communias, and o saesand ransiions (turner 1969, 97).

turner applies e concep ocommunitas so as o underscore eac a a person in e liminal pase does no belong o an ordinarcommuni, bu o a special one a o people divesed o an insig-nia o social saus. Suc individuals are disincive, ideniiable uniswic wile diering supericiall, psicall, and in eir menal

capabiliies are noneeless seen and reaed as equals wiin egroup. te social sraiicaion, in wic social role and saus requen-l mask e concree individual, and e communitas consiue woends o a specrum model o socie (turner 2010, 176). te processo social lie wic oscillaes (more or less) around e nor pole osocial srucure draws closer a imes o e sou pole ocommunitas.

te mos specacular ceremonies in is sage are riuals o sa-us reversal. A is ime men will wear womens cloing and wom-

en mens; e weal preend o be impoverised wile e poor arereaed as i ric; clowns become kings and vice versa; and lords plae par o servans wile e laer are aended b e ormer. Saus


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reversal riuals are ound in aniqui as well as e conemporar era.In ancien Bablon ere was a eas o e alse king; in Rome, duringe Saternalia esival, owners served eir slaves; and in England be-ween Crismas and e eas o tree Kings, eac ouseold elecedis Lord o Misrule a servan wo ook on e role o e lord a isime (Burke 1991, 6973). In conemporar Polis olk culure onealso comes across suc riuals; or insance, during Doynki, e ar-ves esival, requen are joking parodies o poliical leaders.

turner el a no onl e ries o passage increasing saus (an-aled b van Gennep), bu also ries sancioning cange in or rever-

sal o saus all reinorce social srucure. he wroe: I ere were noinervals, ere would be no srucure, and i is precisel e gaps aare reairmed in is kind o liminali. () Saus reversal does nomean anomie, bu simpl a new perspecive rom wic o observesrucure (turner 1969, 201).

te problem is a in some groups and in speciic isorical eras riuals o saus reversal appeared more commonl an in oers.Peraps Peer Burke was rig in assuming a suc riuals are closellinked o auoriarian power (Burke 1991, 70).

Political Rites

Poliical riuals comprise ose ceremonial pracices a specii-call consruc, displa and promoe e power o poliical insiuions(suc as king, sae, e village elders) or e poliical ineress o dis-inc Consiuencies and subgroups (Bell 2009, 128). I is eas o indexamples o suc ceremonies oda. tese will enail coronaion riu-als, e inauguraion o democraicall eleced leaders, e ormal sur-

rendering o e kes o a ci, ec. Also couned among ese can bee unerals o prominen persons, elecions emselves, or even par-liamenar sessions. Poliical riuals especiall wen e perain oe ranser o power relec e naure o power relaions.

te more auocraic e ssem, e greaer e role plaed b cer-emonies legiimiing power, and e more e will be organied wigrea pomp and on a grand scale. In oaliarian ssems, e armedorces will pla a ke par, parades and marces serving o arouse ear

and awe in e average ciien. In radiional monarcies e leadingrole is plaed b e dominan religious insiuion and is uncion-aries (e.g., bisops and priess) wose presence relecs e medieval


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idea a roal power is descended rom God. Russia in e MiddleAges ook is even urer: poliical power was sacralied and so wase leader im- or ersel. Bors Uspienski, wen analing Russiancoronaion ries, illusraed e sacraliaion o power in e riual bwic power is ranserred o e new car. Wereas coronaion in boe Banine as well as Lain culures o Europe was conneced wie anoinmen o e new ruler, in Russia (and onl ere) ere wasa precise inerwining o e crismaion, conirmaion, and corona-ion riuals. te crismaion became a cenral elemen in e liurgi-cal mass during e coronaion as a supplemenar sacramenal ac o

anoinmen. Uspienski noes a In is wa e car received com-munion as e anoined one wo, b is riual o anoinmen, likenedimsel o Cris (Uspienski 2000, 23).

In conemporar naion saes, e role o e curc is decreas-ing. ta said, as o e beginning o e 19 cenur, i is armies woare plaing an increasing role. te involvemen o soldiers is viewedas a sor o indirec paricipaion b e enire poliical communi.Ceremonies in wic onor and respec is paid o e Unknown Sol-dier are inerpreed b Benedic Anderson as onor and respec paido e wole o e naion (Anderson 1997).

The Sociological Perspective: mile Durkheimand His Continuators

te conribuion o sociolog o e ask o analing religiousculs canno be overraed. Sill, no maer wic sociological eor oreligion is applied, we canno elp bu noice e inluence o a single

and singular scolar, e builder o e oundaions o sociolog and,paricularl, e sociolog o religion mile Durkeim. te frencsociologis was e ounder and disinguised represenaive o soci-ologism: a discipline wic siuaed all conceps in a social conex,sriving o elucidae and explain em b ideniing eir social unc-ions. Religion, rom is sandpoin, is e cornersone o socieies.Perusing is works, i is diicul o disinguis curc rom socie;oen e wo are used as nearl snonmous. In e second caper

o is classic work, The Elementary Forms of Religious Life, e wroeas ollows: te general conclusion o e book () is a religion issomeing eminenl social. Religious represenaions are collecive


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represenaions wic express collecive realiies; e ries are a man-ner o acing wic ake rise in e mids o e assembled groups andwic are desined o excie, mainain or recreae cerain menal sesin ese groups (Durkeim 1915, 10).

Riuals ere are deined b Durkeim as a speciic pe o collec-ive acivi wic welds as well as creaes socieies. In order o un-dersand is line o inking, i is wor reerring o an image o wogroups ound in e jus-cied work. te irs o ese communiiesencompasses small groups o consanl relocaing uners and ga-erers wo rarel come ino conac wi one anoer; e second is a

isoricall laer and more advanced socie wose members, due oreligious mandae, remain in close psical conac wi one anoer,saing in demarcaed places or periods o ime ranging rom a ewdas o a ew mons. Wen e laer communi mees, an emoionalexulaion overwelms em a e momen o eir encouner; is eel-ing is exponeniall augmened b e concenraion o eir aenionon a soliar objec and b eir awareness o psical co-occurrence.During e culminaing momen o eir riual, is uman gaeringransorms ino a wole. No in a quaniaive sense, bu a menal one,e paricipans begin o ink o emselves as we. B is same o-ken, e second communi can uncion as a developed socie; eirs one remains a e level o loose ies beween small social groups.

two elemens are crucial in Durkeims concep: e ormaion oe communi and is smbolic expression. Bo ese aspecs are in-erlinked aloug e aspec o e creaion o a social order is moreimporan and precedes e aspec o smbolic expression. Paricipansin a riual, o a cerain exen, recreae eir socie no jus express-

ing or mimicking i (Bella 2005, 185).te anropologis, Mar Douglas, a coninuaor o Durkeims,

analed e uncions ulilled b riuals in uman lie. Above all, sm-bolic beavior organies our percepion; i sows us wa is signiicanand wa can be ignored. Riual subjecs our experiences o analsis;ence i races e poins connecing e pas o e presen and direcsour aenion owards uure experiences. Moreover, anks o riual, wecompreend new experiences evens wic, i e were no capured

in some riual order, would be overlooked (Douglas 2007, 101103).Durkeims eor won is srong advocaes, bu i was and is de-cisivel criicied b oers. te objec o more scrupulous criicism


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was is endowing riuals wi nearl sole credi or e creaion osocial solidari. As Micael hereld saed, suc a view deprivessocial acors o an role in e building o eir own social realiies(hereld 2004, 357).

On e oer and, Mar Douglas, in er Natural Symbols: Explo-rations in Cosmology, ried o appl Durkeims eor o riual o asud o e Iris communi living in London. Se criicied e Ro-man Caolic reorms o e Second Vaican Council or raionaliingriuals b divesing em o eir aracive mser and incompreen-sibili via e eliminaion o Lain and inroducion o naional lan-

guages ino e liurg. Douglas noiced a e diminised signii-cance o e Good frida as mean a e Iris wose colleciveideni was buil around ood riuals suddenl el emselves dissolv-ing ino e Englis masses.

In e above-menioned work, Douglas analed wo sles ocommunicaion ideniied b e Briis sociolinguis Basil Bern-sein (1980) beween parens and eir cildren. te irs is limi-ed and pical or parens in e working class; i is rooed in parensjusiing eir decisions b reerring o social auori, sauses, androles (e.g., lile girls don bea up bos). te second is more complexand pical or middle class parens wo eel e sould explain oe cild wa e or se as done wrong, aiming o make e cildempaie wi e objec o wrongdoing (e.g., is no nice o pull agirl b er air because a causes er pain). According o Douglas,e uncioning o ese wo pes o communicaion mirror 1) Dur-keims division o labor ino mecanical and organic solidari; and2) e caegoriaion o culures ino ose in wic saus and social

roles are clearl and srongl deined versus ose in wic saus androles are blurred, imprecise, and ereore open o negoiaion. teproblem wi Douglas concepion lies in e ac a i we agree ae raionaliaion o riual eneebles collecive ideni, en we can-no so easil judge e eec o muddled disincions beween everdieren social groups. for example: in case o male and emale rolesi could be reaed as an expression o emale emancipaion.

In conemporar sociolog, e issue o riual is underaken rom

our perspecives. te irs o ese is oremosl represened b Rob-er Meron and links Durkeimian inspiraions wi eories elabo-raed in e subdiscipline o e sociolog o organiaion. te sec-


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ond rend applies Durkeims eories o researc done in e ieldo social isor or conemporar culure (e.g., spors culure, ec.);an example o is are sudies b Kai Erikson on e penomenon owic-uning in Colonial America. te ird eor Erving Go-mans anales riual beavior, concenraing aenion on is com-municaive and smbolic aspecs. te our and inal eor ao Randall Collins akes on e problem o riuals wi a ocus one poliical communiies e creae.

The Theory of Robert Merton

Meron reaed riual as a learned paern o beavior wic is noeecive, does no lead o e realiaion o an aims, and is onl main-ained because i ulills a need o reduce ear o e unknown (Meron1982). tis issue appears in is sudies o paolog in bureaucracand in e means b wic e individual adaps o e gap beweeninsiuionalied was o aking acion and culurall delineaed goals.

here riual appears in a negaive conex as an expression o socialdeviaion. In e irs case, riualism (i.e., sric aderence o some or-

malied paern) is a resul o e srucural qualiies o a bureaucraicorganiaion and e socialiaion o is clerks o conorm o ormalroles. In e second case, riualism is e resul o social srucures inwic ere is a conlic beween norms and culurall described ob-jecives (i.e., a sae o anomie); in oer words, sociall suppored andacceped paerns o beavior rarel lead o e reacing o sociallsuppored arges. Under suc circumsances, e individual or e en-ire group can r o cange eir wa o acing bu expose emselveso repressions on e par o agencies o conrol; or e can cange

eir goals, e negaive consequence o wic could be isolaion and/or excommunicaion rom e social milieu. Preserving riual leads odiminismen o aspiraions.

Meron el a suc beavior is e eec o a ear o losing socialsaus wic e individual eels wen acing increasingl more inen-sive rivalr wiin e group. tis is a orm o escape ino e privaespere in a siuaion in wic ones career does no mee expecaions.Meron indicaed e collecive in wic suc a paern o beavior is

maniesed relaivel oen: e lower middle class. te members ois class r wi all eir mig o inculcae respec or norms andvalues wile, a e same ime, eir objecive siuaion on e labor


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marke is signiicanl worse an a o members o e upper mid-dle class. Riualism is ereore e pscosocial response o is dis-pari (Meron 1982, 213214).

The Studies of Kai Erikson

Durkeims eor o riuals was and coninues o be inspiring.Acceping is principles, we can assume a under circumsances oculural and social cange a a ime wen e ke values orming acommuni succumb o modiicaion riuals will appear. te willserve o remind socie o is core values, o reconsruc social coer-

ence, and o preven anomie. Erikson acceded o ese posulaes inis analsis o e enigmaic 17 cenur explosion o wic-uningin e sae o Massacuses (Erikson 1966).

In is judgmen, Erikson claimed a is uning was noingmore an anoer means o exibiing and injecing ose core valueswic governed e Purian curc communi. Wic-uning was aresponse o e weakening smbolic boundar beween e Puriansand ollowers o oer Crisian curces nearb. tis paern o con-

ending wi purpored sorcer and eres served e uncion o bor-der markers, e respassing o wic us-marked resold called orpunismen. te irs pase o accusaions o wiccra maniesedisel jus as a violen conrovers eruped regarding e caplainc oall e aiul. te second pase was a response o e appearanceo an acuall minor elemen, bu rom an ideological poin o viewdangerous or e Purians: e nearb selemen o a Quaker colon.Subsequenl, e ird pase in e own o Salem was associaed widispues regarding e leadersip auori o Purians remaining in

England over e communi o e aiul in America.

The Dramaturgical Theory of Erving Goffman

te creaion aspec o social order in Durkeim reigns over ao e communicaion aspec o religious services. te coninuaorso is line o inking ere were Goman wo ocused on e laeraspec and Collins wo concenraed on e ormer. Gomans eoris known as e concep o riual ineracion. from is poin o view,

riual comprises an ineracion (above all expressed in words) wosecourse bears a sandardied orm proscribed b a sor o culural ques-ionnaire. Goman assered a, in ever socie i is so a alwas


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154|Jerzy Jestal

wen appears e possibili o e verbal ineracion, goes in opera-ion e ssem o ecniques, convenions and procedures wic di-recs e inormaion low and arranges im. tanks i becomes clear,wen and were one can ener ino conversaion, in wic circle andwa can be is subjec. Bod o meaningul gesures serves e se-ing in moion o a sream o communicaion and legiimiaion o allineresed persons as paricipans (Goman 2006, 34).

Goman anales e beavior o individuals jus as one wouldperceive an acors perormance in a eare. tis earical analogmoves im o describe e beavior o acing agens as direced owards

making an impression on eir parners in ineracion (i.e., oer ac-ors) as well as on e audience (i.e., oer persons presen). te acorplas is role on a sage ied wi all manner o maerial props, scen-er, and ixures more or less beiing o a cerain culural scrip pre-pared or e given siuaion. te auor o is concepion assumesa uman beings are more or less auenic in e plaing o eirroles aloug e does allow or e exisence o cnical plaers woare compleel dieren persons osage. Noneeless, e does noeel a is would ave a decisive inluence on eir beavior overall.

Randall Collins Concept of Ritual Interaction

Veering awa rom Goman, Collins deal wi riual in and o i-sel riual in e anropological sense. ye in conras o e anro-pologiss, e did no commence wi analsis o observed riuals, buconsruced is eor rom e boom up, oping o single ou ecircumsances under wic riual emerges. Collins sared rom e

conenion a eac penomenon is local o some larger or smallerdegree; moreover, eac penomenon is o some larger or smaller de-gree regulaed b exising macro-srucural paerns.

Riual appears wen 1) a leas wo persons are psicall presen;2) e bo ocus on some objec and are aware o eir conjoin a-enion; and 3) ese wo umans sare a muual amospere and emo-ion. tese ree condiions are undamenal because e eliminaecance crowd or individual encouners rom consideraion. Addiionall,

e our componen is an increase in emoions wic are expressedvocall as well as in bod movemens. te resul is e subsequen,i elemen a eeling o moral communi wic is en expressed


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smbolicall. And laer 6); smbols serve o remind umans o eirsenimens and eir responsibiliies owards eir group, in addiiono building e collecive ideni. te six and inal consiuen oriual is a is paricipans depar rom is experience illed wi akind o moral poenial and power (Collins 2002, 2024).

Collins el a riuals are linked in sequence and ulill e unc-ion o providing energ o e parakers wo carge eir baeriesas i were. for is conribuing members, a riual designaes goals andinsills e moivaion o acieve em. Over and above is, e par-icipans gain culural capial (a se o conceps via wic e can

express eir emoions) as well as social capial (inerpersonal bonds)(Collins 2002, 2024). Randall Collins aemped ere o appl iseor in explaining e emergence o inellecuals in uman groups an elie wi is unique eos as well as supranaional ies and loal-ies. In is opinion, is subculure onl developed aer ecnologiesarose wic aciliaed ranser o e wrien word: now persons wowere proessionall engaged in reading and wriing acquired e pos-sibili o eas conac amongs eir own.

The Psychological Perspective

herein we ave craed a review o e undamenal sociologicaland anropological eories o riual and ceremon. ta said, anoverview o concepions o riual would no be considered compleewiou a leas a brie menion o e pscological perspecive onriual. for pscologiss, riual is a rigorousl delineaed paern obeavior recreaed in e individual beavior o uman beings. Wa

ses e pscological perspecive apar is e aenion i draws o emeaning o riual or e individual personali. Paricipaion in cer-emonies provides e individual wi an image o e ideal paern.In urn, is paern becomes an elemen o e persons personaliand roug is precise replicaion, e or se gains sel-assurance anda convicion o is or er own inegri. Individual riuals lend mean-ing o ordinar, everda acs, reduce sress and uncerain, and alsopermi e canneling o negaive or excessive emoions in a sociall

acceped, conrolled asion (Spilka 2005, 366367).


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156|Jerzy Jestal

Conclusion

In e opening o is ex we conended a riual as no enjoedmuc populari, a leas in e ield o sociolog, wi e signiicanexcepion o e scool o mile Durkeim. Muc more eor asbeen direced owards is issue b social and culural anropologand religious sudies. te problem appears, oo, in oer umaniiesdisciplines. hence i seems a e opic o riual aords us a meeingpoin or various brances o learning. More o e purpose a and,progress in researc will be possible i we appl an inerdisciplinar

perspecive.ye e illing o some gap in e realm o knowledge is insuicienreason or a srong spolig o be cas upon e subjec o riual. An-oer impeus is e callenges o social lie in odas vas collecivi-ies. Aer all, riuals and ceremonies are ke elemens o living in smallcommuniies. Various eoriss, praciioners o social lie, and aver-age ciiens oen lamen over e exincion o communal lie as wellas e all o local socieies and communiies. A sense o isolaion andloneliness, a lack o srong social bonds, an inabili o sel-organie

in deense o a sared value ssem ese are also e consequence oa decline in communal lie. Social eor sows a i as been riualwic as woven ose social ies wic are universall presen in ra-diional, local communiies. All e same, ere are concree, praci-cal, and no onl eoreical reasons or e opic o riuals o developino one o e ke issues in conemporar sociolog

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Cambridge companion to Durkheim. Cambridge.Bernsein B. 1980. Socjolingwiska a spoecne problem ksacenie. In M.Gowi-

ski (ed.), Jzyk i spoeczestwo. Warsawa.Brck J. 1999. Riual and Raionali: Some Problems o Inerpreaon in European

Arcaeolog. European Journal of Archaeology2, 313344.Burke P. 1991. wia na opak. Rowaania o kulure ludowej. In A. Mcak (ed.),

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Caillois R. 1973. ywio i ad. Warsawa.Collins R. 2002. The Sociology of Philosophies: a global theory of intellectual change.

CambridgeLondon.Deacon t. 1997. The Symbolic Species: The Co-Evolution of Language and the Brain .

New york.Douglas M. 2004. Symbole naturalne. Rozwaania o kosmologii. Krakw.Douglas M. 2007. Czysto i zmaza. Warsawa.Durkeim E. 1915. The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life. New york.Durkeim E. 1985. Elemenarne orm cia religijnego. In A. Cmielecki, S. Cerniak,

J. Ninik and S. Rainko (eds.), Problemy socjologii wiedzy. Warsawa, 149193.Eliade M. 1993. Sacrum. Mit. Historia. Warsawa.Erikson K. t. 1966. Wayward Puritans: A Study in the Sociology of Deviance. New york.

faubion James D. 2006. Riual. In B.S. turner (ed.), The Cambridge Dictionary ofSociology. Cambridge, 525526.

fraer J. 2002. Zota ga. Studia z magii i religii. Warsawa.Girard R. 1987. Kozio ofiarny. d.Girard R. 1994. Sacrum i przemoc. Pona.Goman E. 2006. Rytua interakcyjny. Warsawa.harris M. 1985. Krowy, winie, wojny i czarownice. Warsawa.hereld M. 2004.Antropologia. Praktykowanie teorii w kulturze i spoeczestwie.

Krakw.Langer S. K. 1976. Nowy sens filozofii. Rozwaania o symbolach myli, obrzdu i sztu-

ki. Warsawa.Lvi-Srauss C. 2000.Antropologia strukturalna. Warsawa.Loren K. 2005. On Aggressions. London.Maisonneuve J. 1995. Rytuay dawne i wspczesne. Gdask.Marsall G. (ed.). 2004. Sownik socjologii i nauk spoecznych. Warsawa.Meron K. R. 1982. Teoria socjologiczna i struktura spoeczna. Warsawa.Olecnicki K. and zacki P. (eds.). 2002. Sownik socjologiczny. toru.Rappapor R. A. 1999. Ritualand Religion in The Making of Humanity. London.Roenbuler E. W. 2003. Komunikacja rytualna. Od rozmowy codziennej do cere-

monii medialnej. Krakw.

Spilka B. 2005. Religious Practice, Ritual, and Prayer. In R. Palouian and C. L. Park(eds.), Handbook of the Psychology of Religion and Spirituality. New york.

Sascak z. (ed.). 1987. Sownik etnologiczny. Terminy oglne. Warsawa.turner V. 1969 /2010. Proces rytualny. Warsawa.Uspienski B. 2000. Car i patriarcha. Charyzmat wadzy w Rosji. Kaowice.van Gennep A. 2006. Obrzdy przejcia. Systematyczne studium ceremonii. Warsawa.Wunow R. 1987.Meaning and Moral Order: Explorations in Cultural Analysis.

Los Angeles.


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Jerzy Jestal

Pojcie rytuau w socjologii i innych naukachspoecznych

Problem ruau w socjologii nie cies si specjalnm unaniem. Jeswiele ego prcn. Prede wsskim rua kojar si e spoeceswa-mi pierwonmi, a predmioem socjologii s spoeceswa wspcesne.Jeli w mediac pojawia si sprawa obrdw o wkle w le pokawanes obra rmicnie porusajcc si, piewajcc conkw jakic sekbuddjsko-induskic albo widim copcw pierwonc plemion pod-dawanc prbom odpornoci na bl lub uwag wsucujcc si w sowasamanw wajemnicajcc ic w ajemnice klanw. Do pojcia ruauprpisana jes ceca niewkoci i diwnoci. Susan Langer pisc o poc-kac aineresowania ruaami pre anropologi oliwie swierda: Fro-benius (...) opisuje ceremoni inicjacyjn w Nowej Poudniowej Walii, podczasktrej starsi mczyni wykonywali na czworakach taniec psa na cze modychakolitw obserwujcych ten obrzdek, poprzedzajcy bolesny zaszczyt wybiciazba. Frobenius wspomina ten rytua jako komedi, fars i jest zdumionyuroczyst powag, z jak chopcy siedzieli przez cae to mieszne psie wido-

wisko(...) Niewykluczone, e dzicy, do rozpuku zamiewajcy si na widokksidza w tonsurce, ktry dokonywa obrzdkw ze wicon wod, spoy-wa Boga i tumaczy Pismo w., mieli podobne trudnoci (Langer 1976, 100).

Naomias jeli ju mlim o ruaac we wspcesnm spoece-swie o regu w konekcie biurokracnc procedur, casoconnci nieroumiac da urdw wpenienia seregu kwesionarius i do-sarcenia rnc dokumenw. We wspcesnm spoeceswac obr-dowo onaca cso lepe podpordkowanie si jakiej regule. W jakimsopniu a ow negawn opini o ruale odpowiadaj ake Ewangelicii Jeus Crsus, prede wsskim a krk obrdw awar w m

namiennm wierdeniu: To szabat zosta ustanowiony dla czowieka, a nieczowiek dla szabatu (Mk 2, 2728).

Analiza pojcia rytuau

Na pocku sprawa podsawowa kwesia erminologii. Olecnickii zacki w Sowniku socjologicnm deiniuj rua jako:form obrzdudokonujcego si w obecnoci sacrum, a dotyczcego wanej dla spoecznociycia; realizowany jest w formie szeregu dziaa i cile okrelonych czynnoci

obrzdowych (czsto o magicznym czy religijnym charakterze) (Olecnicki,zacki 2002, 181182). Obrd a uwaaj a: zesp zbiorowych czy tejednostkowych dziaa czy praktyk, bdcych czci publicznych uroczystoci


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Pojcie rytuau w socjologii i innych naukach spoecznych|159

o charakterze religijnym lub wieckim. Za gwny cel i funkcj obrzdu w spo-eczestwie uznaje si podtrzymywanie integracji (Olecnicki, zacki 2002,

142). Auor cowanego eksu uosamili obrd ruaem. Podobniepospia zoia Sascak, auorka asa rytuaw Sowniku enologicnm(Sascak 1987, 321). Rwnie i w m ekcie rua i obrd bd rako-wane amiennie.

Auor pisc w jku angielskim nie maj problemu rornieniaruau od obrdu, bo w angielscnie nie ma odpowiednika sowa ob-rd. Procm prkadow deinicj ruau Oxordkiego sownikasocjologii i nauk spoecnc: rua o:powtarzalny wzorzec zachowania,odtwarzany w odpowiednim czasie, moe mu towarzyszy wykorzystanie sym-boli. Jedn z gwnych sfer spoecznych, w ktrej wystpuje rytua, jest religia,

ale dziedzina rytuau obejmuje rwnie sfer codziennego ycia wieckiego(Marsall 2004, 296).

Wana jes uwaga Erica Roenbulera, b w analiie rodiela ru-a w roumieniu recownikowm i prmionikowm, poniewa moe onby rodzajem dziaania spoecznego, cech lub aspektem stylistycznym tegodziaania (Roenbuler 2003, 20). Wdaje si, e socjologia i anropologiarni si naciskiem na inne aspek ruau: wspcesna socjologia kon-cenruje uwag na ruale w roumieniu prmionikowm (e naccmwjkiem w osobie Randalla Collinsa), podcas gd anropologia wracauwag prede wsskim na rua jako wan elemen kulur, wasca

spoecesw pierwonc.Prmionikow perspekw w socjologii repreenuje na prkad

koncepcja socjologa religii, Robera Wunowa, kr okrela rua jakosymboliczno-ekspresywny aspekt dziaania, bdcy jak informacj o sto-sunkach spoecznych, czsto wyraan w sposb teatralny lub sformalizowany(Wunow 1987, 109).

C acowania rualne mona w ciu codiennm odrni od a-cowa nierualnc? Wsak cec acowa rualnc jes ic powa-ralno, acowanie w miar saego pordku lub woru. Ale precieawo wskaa na cso powarane urwalone acowania, kre nie s r-

uaem, lec wnikaj biologicnc c rodowiskowc (w roumieniurodowiska ecnicnego) uwarunkowa. B moe problem rornieniaacowa rualnc od nierualnc dla socjologa nie ma wielkiego na-cenia. Inacej ni w arceologii: uaj o problem naprawd wan. Bo jakinerpreowa na prkad igurk lalki w grobie diecka? C osaa amumiescona pre mak w odrucu blu po sracie diecka, c e lalka jeskorelaem jakic obrdw pogrebowc? Ab waciwie inerpreowaw ak, koniecne jes odwoanie si do innego elemenu ruau: smbo-licno-ekspreswnego. Jeli igurki w grobac najdowane s cso, o mo-em dum prawdopodobieswem akada, e owo acowanie wraa

nie lko bl, ale e odnosi si do jakic wiji recwisoci poagrobowej.W arceologii prjo si uwaa a korela ruau rec krm nie dasi pr danm sanie wied prpisa jakiej waroci insrumenalnej


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160|Jerzy Jestal

lub ecnologicnej (Brck 1999, 314317). Jednak o rowianie pew-noci nie jes adawalajce.

Wunow w swojej deinicji podkrela nacenie orm prekau; jej e-aralno i sormaliowanie. Ro Rappapor uwaa, e rua jes odgrwa-n nie a wcajnie realiowan. (Rappapor 1999, 3745). tm sposobemkoniecne jes wspowanie akorw albo wkonawcw ruau. Pr a-kim ujciu rua saje si bliski lub nawe osam earem. I recwicieniekr anropologowie podli w kierunku rowinicia anropologii e-aru (prkadem jes Vicor turner), a w socjologii rogos skaa pracaErvinga Gomana Cowiek w eare cia codiennego. Niemniej jednaks e nacce rnice mid earem a ruaem. O w eare isniejepodia na widowni i akorw, w ruale wssc obecni s ucesnikami

ruau, cocia, ocwicie, wspuje rnicowanie rl na wanie i mniejwane. Wem dla prkadu obrd ms wiej. Niewpliwie rola kapa-na jes waniejsa ni gromadonc wiernc, niemniej jednak oni ws-sc ucesnic i s wonie aineresowani reulaem obrdw, krmjes dokonanie si sakramenu eucarsii. Jeli codi o spraw ormaliacjiruau, o jej poiom jes rn; najmniej sormaliowane s rua ciacodiennego, najbardiej urocsoci paswowe c kocielne lub inncorganiacji, kre wko si nawa ceremoniami.

Osania waciwo ruau o prekawanie jakie inormacji o spoe-ceswie. Onaca o le, e niemoliwe s rua poa spoeceswem,

wkonwane pre indwidualne jednoski. Obrd i rua s ccikulur i elemenem cia spoecnego. Inormacja jak awieraj nie dlawsskic jes jasna i roumiaa. Nawe ucesnic nie awse s w saniew peni odca prekaane nacenie. I w m jes sabo i sia ruawi obrdw.

Powstanie rytuaw

Anali ruaw acnijm od posawienia sobie pania o powd ic

powsania. Pomocnej inormacji dosarcaj nam wniki bada KonradaLorena. Loren b eologiem i pscologiem ewolucjnm. Wnioski ob-serwacji acowa wiercc prbowa u w wjanieniu kwesii do-ccc acowa iso wsego rdu: ludi. taka jes genea jego najsn-niejsej koncepcji; eorii agresji. W en sam sposb podsed e do problemuwspowania ruaw w acowaniu wier. Jego koncepcj najprociejjes sreci naspujco: nawk preksaca si w obcaj, a pniej pre-ksaca si w rua. Swoj e ilusruje seregiem rnc prkadw; np.podaje, e u pewnego gaunku muc samiec anim omieli si podj prbkopulacji oiaruje samic upolowanego owada. I gd ona aakcepuje pre-

en i ajmie si jego spowaniem samiec moe spokojnie odb kopula-cj, be sracu e ukocana pomli go pokarmem. Jego sprnego wbie-gu nie mona rakowa jako rua, wsak cel jes jasn (Loren 1972, 96).


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Lec dlacego en sam wr acowania wspuje w innm gaunku muc,krego samice nie poeraj samcw i w ogle nie jed muc, wjkiem

ej jednej kolacji predkopulacjnej? Loren wierdi, e nab wceniejwr osa prekaan kolejnm pokoleniom i urma si, cocia w no-wc warunkac nik powod dla krc si pojawi. Auor wierdi, ew aki sam sposb powsaj i rua ludkie, rnic, e u wier icprekawanie dokonuje si popre wdrukowanie (wpojenie), a u lu-di preka ma caraker kulurow. Loren worenie i urmwanie siindwidualnc nawkw umac prcnami pscologicnmi: Istotaniemajca wgldu w zwizki przyczynowe osiga ogromny poytek z tego, emoe cile trzyma si pewnego zachowania, co raz kiedy, a potem ju wielo-krotnie okazao si celowe i bezpieczne. Gdy si nie wie, ktra z poszczeglnych

czynnoci jakiego cigu bya istotna dla osignicia sukcesu i bezpieczestwa,dobrze jest trzyma si z niewolnicz dokadnoci ich wszystkich. Zasada, enigdy nie wiadomo, co poza tym moe si zdarzy, znajduje swj wyraz wewspomnianych przesdach, a gdy zaniecha si stosowania owych magicznychpraktyk, odczuwa si po prostu strach (Loren 1972, 100).

W pewnm sopniu uupenieniem eorii Lorena sanowi badania an-ropologa Marvina harrisa nad powsawaniem i urmwaniem si pew-nc religijnc nakaw i akaw. tak samo jako Loren, harris sara siwumac pewne diwacne i niewke obrd miejscem i warunkamiw jakic powsawa i si ksaowa. Na prkad wjaniajc aka spo-

wania pre dw i Arabw wieprowin wierdi, e owa regua w icnauralnm rodowisku prrodnicm w owm casie ba asadna i sus-na, bo cocia miso wieprowe jes smacne, o jednak winie odowanew wsokiej emperaure i na obsarac pusnnc cecuje wsoka mierel-no. Ab powsrma spoecno pred podejmowaniem niebepiecnegorka wianego inwescjami w odowl wi wprowadono religijnaka spowania wieprowin (harris 1985, 49). Co prawda, w warunkaceuropejskic en aka presaje b ekonomicnie uasadnion, ale dla -dw jego odrucenie onacaob akwesionowania radcji i odruceniekulur, kra sanowi o ic osamoci.

Koncepcja harrisa jes prekonujca w wjanieniu pewnc aspekwpowsawania lub urmwania si konkrenc ruaw. Wsak kulura,a wra ni rua i obrd, peni unkcj adapacjn spoeceswa dorodowiska, lec rudno ocekiwa, e asada prsosowania wjani namcao.

Wracajc do Lorena powrm jesce ra: rnica mid ruaamiw wiecie wiercm a wiecie ludkim polega na m, e rne bardie in-eligenne gaunki wier s w sanie wwara i posugiwa si pewnm,do ograniconm, asobem nakw. Naomias cowiek jes wierciemsmbolicnm. znacenie aware w ruaac ludkic wkraca nacnie

poa dokadn c dosown ic re.Bardo moliwe, e rua odegra wan rol w anropogeneie. W-

niki wspcesnc bada nad acowaniem smpansw i innc gaun-


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162|Jerzy Jestal

kw cekoksanc map dowod, e rua w naceniu wielokronegobereleksjnego odwarania woru mg prcni si do powsania po-

j smbolicnc. Reula ekspermenw nad acowaniem najblisckrewnc cowieka dowod, e w umle smpansw mog uksaowasi smbole, j. naki, kre onacaj co wicej ni lko onacan obiek.Wielokrone powaranie ego samego woru acowa sprawia, e acierasi wewnrne rnicowanie pomid skadnikami woru i prawdopo-dobnie w umle map ksauje si nowe pojcie: wobraenie caoci,bdce cm nowm w porwnaniu do elemenw skadowc (Deacon1997, 402403).

Naspne omawiane uaj koncepcje sukaj pocku ruaw w jakirecwism, isorcnm lub micnm wdareniu. Konrowersj-

n iloo i anropolog rancuski, Ren Girard, suka pockw ruaww pierwsm micnm mordie. Girard wcodi naspujcego ao-enia: w kadej religii wspuj obrd oddawania cci bogom i bswom.Najbardiej pierwonm i podsawowm (spokanm w sanie penm lubsckowm w prakcnie we wsskic religiac) obrdem jes ru-a powicenia wiercia (abicia) na cwa jakiego bswa. Co wicej;w wielu kulurac mona nale lad jesce bardiej krwawego i okru-nego ruau: skadania ludi w oiere. Girard sdi, e w obrd ludo-bjswa soi u pockw ludkiej kulur i cwiliacji i dopiero w rakciejej rowoju osa aspion pre oiar e wiercia. Uasadniajc swoj

ak odwan i konrowersjn ipoe odwouje si do maeriaw u-skanc nie lko pre enograw, anropologw, arceologw, religio-nawcw, ale powierdenia swojej eorii suka w isorii lieraur, sukiora olklorsce. Jego ok roumowania mona grubsa predsawi ak:podsawowm mecanimem cia spoecnego jes mimem (naladow-nicwo). Onaca o, e kad mcna cce mie le samo (kobie, dbrid.), co inn conek jego biorowoci. Rwaliacja i robudone de nie-ucronnie prowad do sarcia, krego koniecnm reulaem musi bmier jednego rwali. ten pierws mord apockowa cwiliacj,bo roadowa nagromadone emocje, budowa wii wsplnoowe mi-

d abjcami, a pocucie win osao usunie pre wwcas sworonerne narracje obarcajce si wse, boga i bswa, odpowiedialnocia mier. Od ej cwili mecanim koa oiarnego sa si worcowmsposobem rowiwaniem krsw spoecnc. z casem jednak oiar ludi aspiono oiarami wier. lad ego doniosego dla umani-acji sosunkw ludkic darenia moem dosrec m.in. w Iliadie (i-soria oiarowania Iigenii pre Agamemnona w oiere a powodeniewpraw) c w Biblii (isoria niedosego abicia Iaaka pre Jakuba).I od ego momenu isoria ludkiej cwiliacji nabiera upenie innegocarakeru, a jej ukoronowaniem ba mceska mier Jeusa Crsu-

sa na kru, w oiere a ca ludko, kra sprawia i wsskie oiarsaj si odd nieskuecne, a wsskie pniejse oiarnice ak niedo-puscalne (Girard 1987, 292).


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Girard dos swobodnie egluje po isorii kulur wiaowej wsdiesukajc ladw pierwonej premoc i ruaw koa oiarnego. Relacjo-

nuje e ebrane pre enograw i anropologw inormacje o ruaacsmbolicnego umiercania krlw i innc osb. z unaniem odnosi sido koncepcji freuda i jego koncepcji pierwonego mordu pariarc rodu.Swoj prac rakuje jak adanie dla deekwa; o cm wiadc naspujcauwaga: Rezultat dotychczasowych rozwaa zmusza nas do stwierdzenia, ewieczycie aktualnym powoaniem ludzkiej kultury jest ukrywanie wasnychpocztkw, a wic kolektywnego gwatu (Girard 1987, 147).

Mona podiwia wied o kulurac Girarda, ale jego podsawowa i-poea, j. o, i kada spoecno niewiadomie ukrwa jak popenionw odlegej presoci brodni (ak jak spoecno Jedwabnego) jes w-

pliwa. Bo nawe jeli godim si, e rua skadania ludkic oiar bropowsecnione w casac preisorcnc, a w niekrc (np. w 2002 r.w tamiie naleiono woki maego, arkaskiego copca, a caraker rani predmio pr nim naleione wiadc, e pad oiar krwawego ob-rdu) akkac wiaa nawe w disiejsc casac s prakkowane, orudno aakcepowa wierdenie, e wi ludkie i religia ukonsuowasi wanie w casie ego pierwonego mordu.

Waro wrci uwag, e w ujciu Girarda, ak samo jak w analiowanejponiej eorii Eliadego, rua jes realiacj miu, kr jes isorcnie i lo-gicnie wceniejs. to sawia obu badac w gronie subiekwisw (np.

J. fraer). Naomias rualici (np. E. Durkeim, E. Cassirer) wierdili, ena plan pierws wsuwa si rua, a owarsce mu prekonania s lkoracjonaliacj podejmowanc diaa (Bursa 1998, 112).

Mircea Eliade, rancusko-rumuski iloo i religionawca una apocek ruau wdarenia opisane w wic ksigac. Eliade wierdi,e kad religijn cowiek je jednocenie w dwc wiaac: w casiewieckim i casie sakralnm. O obrd su mu do pokonwania ba-rier mid proanum a sacrum. Polega o na m, e cowiek religijnpowarajc acowania Bogw c herosw w sposb smbolicn sa-je si nimi. Eliade wierdi, e cowiek wcodi e swojej mcasowej,

miennej i nie awse udanej egsencji, b uska kosmicn spokj,nierucom cas i wiecno. za kadm odworeniem ruau dokonu-je si reakualiacja wdare amiercej presoci, wdare, kreosa opisane w miac, tm sposobem rua jes rdon pre mi.Mi dosarca woru acowa ora nace i smboliki. Eliade pise:Dla czowieka religijnego reaktualizacja tych samych wydarze mitycznychstanowi jego najwiksz nadziej: przy kadej reaktualizacji odnajduje onszanse przeistoczenia swej egzystencji, upodobnienia si do wzorca boskiego.W ostatecznym rozrachunku dla religijnego czowieka spoeczestw prymi-tywnych i archaicznych wieczne powtarzanie wzorcowych gestw i wiecz-

ne spotykanie si z tym samym mitycznym czasem pocztkw, uwiconymprzez bogw, nie implikuje pesymistycznej wizji ycia; wrcz przeciwnie(Eliade 1993, 119).


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164|Jerzy Jestal

Waro auwa, e w mli Eliadego rua peni drugordn rol, bojes odgrwaniem pre wiercc wdare awarc w miac religij-

nc. Na prkad Wielkocwarkow obrd umcia ng (w. Mandaum)jes nicm innm jak odworeniem wdarenia opisanego w Ewangeliiw. Jana. O po spociu wiecer pascalnej Jeus wsa od sou, djwiercnie okrcie, wi rcnik i prepasa si nim. Poem nala woddo miednic i ac m nogi ucniom i wciera rcnikiem, krm bprepasan (J. 13, 4-5). to, e Papie i biskupi prakkuj obmwanie ngw Wielki Cwarek jes wanie odworeniem c wdare. ten obrdjes areerwowan dla dosojnikw kocielnc, ale wierni, seregowi con-kowie kociow crecijaskic ucesnic w rnego rodaju obrdacarwno indwidualnc (np. modliwa) jak i biorowc (np. prjmowa-

nie komunii wiej). Isone punku widenia Eliadego jes o, i poc-ki kadego c nakaanc acowa mona nale bd w Pimie w.bd w radcji konkrenc kociow crecijaskic.

Problem koncepcj polega na m, e opisana asada dobre pasujedo decdowanej wiksoci obrdw religijnc, lec upenie nie uma-c wieckic ruaw. Nie umniejsajc jej nacenia nale jednak pod-kreli, e nie ma ona carakeru uniwersalnego. Doc jednie obrdwreligijnc. Nic nie mwi o pocodeniu i unkcji wieckic ruaw.

Klasyfikacja rytuawW prac Rua: perspekw i wmiar Caerine Bell arsowaa

se gwnc rodajw acowa rualnc. S o: 1) rua prejcia, 2)rua kalendarowe, 3) Rua wmian i cenia, 4) Rua corobo-we, 5) Rua ucowania, poscenia i wiowania, 6) Rua policne(Bell 2009, 93169). Jak mona awo auwa, nie jes o podia roc-n jak pniej si okae mona nale prkad, kre mona alicjednocenie do dwc lub wicej rodajw. Niemniej pologia Bell dobrespenia adanie nadania pordku analiie ak bardo rnicowanm ak-

om. Omwm wrnione p:Rytuay przejcia

Rua prejcia o ceremonie kre owars i dramauj isonewdarenia w ciu cowieka jak: osignicie dojraoci c lub (Bell 2009,94). Waro auwa, e naura wor lko impuls, nie deerminuje anicasu ani prebiegu owc ceremonii. Wsak sam ak urodenia nie nacjesce, e diecko osanie unane a conka grup, osignicie dojraocipciowej nie nac, e dana osoba osanie unana a mcn c kobie-, sosunek seksualn nie jes osam awarciem wiku maeskiego.

Wsak np. nam kulur, kre odowa wcajowi maeswa dieci,a w redniowiecu na rcer pasowano nielenic copcw. Kulura niejes reulaem naur, o racej kulura popre rua prbuje apanowa


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nad naur. Biologicne premian cowieka osaj wocone w ram kul-urowe. W en sposb nowa energia biologicna osaje spokowana dla

dobra caego spoeceswa. folklorsa Arnold van Gennep (van Gennep2006) swierdi, e isniej powsecnie obowiujce regu kierujce a-cowaniem conkw spoeceswa podcas prekracania c naural-nc granic. Nawa je obrdami prejcia (rites de passage). Skadaj sione rec a: po pierwse, a smbolicnej separacji, j. smbolic-nego erwania poprednim ciem, po krej jes aa rodkowa, w krejjednoska jes awiesona mid ciem poprednim a prsm, nie jesju m kim ba, ale wci nie jes now osob. ten okres osa nawana liminaln (od aciskiego sowa limen = prg). Po jego ukoceniunaspuje aa wcenia, kied jednoska uskuje now osamo i saje

si penoprawnm conkiem spoeceswa nowm sausem spoecnm.Cso podcas ej a liminalnej jednoska jes poddawana rnm pr-bom, si, dolnoci do urmanie siebie i prsej rodin c odpornocina bl. zwasca prb wrmaoci na bl dowod, e jedn gwncunkcji obrdw prejcia jes apanowanie nad biologicn warsw oso-bowoci ludkiej. tradcjni di, krc religia jes mocno rualiowa-na, prjcie nowego conka podkrelaj obrdem obreania, a dobciedojraoci obrdem bar micw. W kaolicmie analogicn rol, co-cia nacnie mniej wan, peni obrd cru i pierwsej komunii. Wewspcesnm, acodnim spoeceswie obrd prejcia powoli anika-

j, a ic nacenie jes cora sabse. Saj si lko jesce jednm preek-sem do abaw. Bnajmniej nie jes o co, cego powinnim si cies.Wsak unkcj obrdw prejcia jes preksacenie osobowoci, wpoje-nie jednosce prekonania, e mienia si jej pocja spoecna, co onacanie lko nowe prawa, ale ake obowiki. Problem niedojraoci wsp-cesnm kobie i mcn, nieumiejnoci radenia sobie obowikamiw jakim sopniu wnika ego, i nigd nie bli poddani obrdom prejcia.

francuski socjolog, Pierre Bourdieu krkuje ak pown ocen ob-rdw prejcia. Celem obrdw prejcia jego daniem jes oddzieleniejego uczestnikw od tych, ktrzy nigdy w nim nie bd brali udziau, poniewa

on ich nie dotyczy(a: Maisonneuve 1995, 83). Na prkad rua prj-cia na sudia, promocji na wse sanowiska id. doc osb wscwarsw spoecnc. tm sposobem wsa pocja uskuje legimiacjspoecn, a nieucesnicc osaj epcnici na dno ierarcii spoecnej.

Rytuay kalendarzowe

O ile obrd prejcia daraj si lko ra w ciu jednoski, o leobrd kalendarowe powaraj si corocnie i w dokadnie okrelonmcasie. Ic adaniem jes uj w smbolicne ram prepwajc cas, nada

sens mianom prrod. Bd o obcod Nowego Roku c wia Wiel-kiej Noc c Boego Narodenia. Waro wrci uwag, e wia creci-jaskie naladuj wceniejse pogaskie obrd, kre nacnie wraniej


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166|Jerzy Jestal

b powiane premianami prrod. Na prkad wio WniebowiciaNajwisej Mari Pann (obcodone 15 sierpnia) jes nawane wiem

Maki Boej zielnej i cso cone jes e wiem plonw. Bardo popular-nm wcajem niegd bo wicenie i skadanie darw i, b, wa-rw, kwiaw. Jedna unkcja obrdw kalendarowc jes ocwisa: co-di jednej sron o podpordkowanie prrod spoeceswu, drugieja o waciw adapacj ludkic biorowoci do warunkw nauralnc.Oprc obrdw odnoscc si do mian w prrodie wrd ruawkalendarowc wspuj rua odcodenia wanc dla caego narodurocnic, na prkad 3 maja c 11 lisopada. Ic unkcj jes prpomnie-nie isorii narodowej, predsawienie c dare, kre b klucowedla uormowania paswa w jego disiejsm ksacie. Podobn unkcj dla

conkw wsplno religijnej peni wia kocielne, na prkad WielkiPiek jes prpomnieniem mceskiej mierci na kru Jeusa Crsusa.

Rytuay wymiany i zczenia

W prakcnie kadej religii mam do cnienia pewn orm wmia-n: wierni oiaruj jakie dar ocekujc w amian, e ic prob osanwsucane. zwiek wiernc Bogiem awse awiera elemen beinere-sownego oddania ora elemen skalkulowanej manipulacji. Proporcje aleod wielu cnnikw, w pierwsm rdie od osobowoci i kulur religij-

nej. Dar mog mie rn caraker: od smbolicnego (modliw, pale-nie wiec, obracanie koowrokw) po maerialn (wiera, warociowepredmio lub pienide). ten rua nawan jes powicaniem oiar.Dosownie nac o ucnienie oiarowanej rec wi. Oiara jes nis-cona (wkle pre spalenie) lub (jeli o wier) abijana i e jes albospalana albo spowana podcas rualnc uc. Oiara musi b dosko-naa. Powinna b w rokwicie, nienarusona bem casu, pobawiona ja-kickolwiek brakw. Bell nawa e obrd ruaami wmian i cenia,poniewa ucesnic wier, i w klucowm momencie ruau naspujecnie wiercc Bogiem c jak bosk energi.

Jes pewien p oiar, kr wbuda sceglne konrowersje: o oia-ra ludi. James fraer w swoim opus magnum zoa ga opisuje ruamorderswa krla w celu prekaania jego magicnej si naspnemu wadcbd prrodie i w en sposb apewnienia sobie dobrej podnoci, dobrcbiorw. wia prrod w imie amiera i eb mg si odrodi koniecnajes oiara cowieka. mier jes koniecna, b kosmicn pordek osaacowan. W wielu saronc kulurac oiarami bli ludie: niewolniclub jec. Majowie co, e gro relacjonowali ispasc ksia powi-cali e swoje dieci. Rwnie i w religii dowskiej i crecijaskiej mo-na nale lad ego obrdu. z ego punku widenia obrd communi

jako jedenia ciaa Crsusa i picia jego krwi smbolicnie naladujrua skadania ludie w oiere (fraer 2002).


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Rytuay leczenia choroby

W spoeceswac prmiwnc lecenie corob wmaga poddaniasi rnm ruaom udrawiajcm. Wspcesn cowiek wpi w sku-ecno akic acowa, cso unajc je a dowd irracjonalimu spo-ecesw radcjnc. Lec ublc bnajmniej nie s ak awowierni, jakb cciao ego nase, wcowane w micie wsoci biaego cowieka, ego.Claude Lvi-Srauss wspomina, e gd po wkonaniu pewnc ruaw spadocekiwan desc ucesnic ruaw, Busmeni, bnajmniej nie prpi-sali sobie asugi jego wwoania, wrc wmiali sugesi obserwaorw, erua sprowadi opad.

Lvi-Srauss uwaa, e na skuecno smbolicn (cli skuecno

ruaw) mona spojre innej perspekw. Bowiem jeli nawe godimsi, e same modliw kapana c aklcia wpowiadane pre samana nieprowad do popraw pogod i nie wpwaj odrowieco na pacjenw,o wcale nie nac, e nie s skuecne w inn sposb. Lvi-Srauss wier-di, e diaanie samanw mona porwna do erapii pscoanalicnej:daje coremu jk, w krm pacjen moe wrai san niemoliwe dosormuowania w inn sposb ( Lvi-Srauss 2000, 177). tm sposobem do-konuje si odblokowanie pscologicnc preskd i urucomienie we-wnrnc pscosomacnc si. Jednak a propocja jak auwaa JeanMaisonneuve nie jes o rowianiem problemu, lec jednie odwiee-

niem sarego problemu ilooicnego doccego wikw mid mli rucem (Maisonneuve 1995, 82).

Rua rakowania corob b predmioem bada Vicora turne-ra (turner 2010). Roser on predmio bada na wsskie san, kredaniem radcjnc spoecnoci isonie odbiegaj od normalnoci i w-magaj specjalnc ruaw lecenia. W najbardiej oglnm naceniucorob arwno jednoski jak spoecnoci mog b akie darenia jakna prkad urodin diecka, mensruacja i mier ora diwne i radkieprpadki jak np. urodin blini, ale e akie wdarenia jak anomaliepogodowe. Wsskie wdarenia wmagaj odpowiednic ruaw umo-

liwiajcc prwrcenie uraconej rwnowagi i armonii.

Rytuay ucztowania, poszczenia i witowania

W kadej kulure isniej rua polegajce na upenm lub ccio-wm powsrmwaniu si od jedenia. Wem dla prkadu crecija-ski pos i muumaski Ramadan. Maj o b cwile adum i romla,wrwania si normalnego oku cia dla premlenia swojej posaw -ciowej, sosunkw innmi ora posaw wobec Boga. z kolei cas uco-wania onaca rado, ciesenia si ciem. Jako prkad moe su uro-

cso biesiadna wana polacem w plemionac Kwakiulw albo w.wio wi isniejce w kulure mieskacw Nowej Gwinei. Poniewaowe wdarenia koncenruj si wok wnoci, krej bd nie nale

analecta 6 - jestal 2011

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