AP European Enrichment and Bonus Outline

Instructions and Information As you know SCS has cut off your grades due to the Covid-19 pandemic. However, they have now

mandated that you can have an extra credit opportunity to enrich your grade by as many as Five points

added to your quarter grade. However, for some of you there is a catch; if you already have a quarter

average over 100, I can only award you point values up to 105. Therefore, no matter how good your work

might be, I can only give you three points if you already have a 102 average. It is important to know that

this is NOT MANDATORY. Keep in mind that you all have already earned +5 on your 3rd quarter average.

So, whatever you earn is icing on the cake.

Your enrichment opportunity will be the writing of a single DBQ essay based upon the 2020 AP European

History exam rubric. I posted the Marco Learning rubric on our class website

https://apusandapeuropeanhistory.yolasite.com/AP-US-History.php

The essay MUST be submitted by May 11th because I only have been given 3 days to complete the grading

and add to your average. I will accept no work after 11:59am on May 11th.

I have posted a DBQ from several of the Historical Unit/Period that could be the subject of the 2020 exam

DBQ. All of these are adapted from the original AP Exam DBQ essays from the past. Now these DBQ

prompts contain 7 sources like the normal AP exam. You are free to omit 2 sources as the 2020 exam only

have 5 sources. You should type your responses or hand write them and take images. If you handwriting is

a bit rough to read then you may want to type the DBQ for both myself and the real AP exam. See below

for prompts and documents.

Unit Seven Examples

1. Prompt: Evaluate whether German unification was primarily the result of German nationalism or

Prussian expansionism.

Document A

“Everything that one wants to use as a tool of Germany’s unification—communal monuments, similar coins,

measures, weights, and wagon gauges, even a general customs union—would follow naturally of its own accord

from Germany’s political unity.But the natural weakness of the current unification focus resides in the way we have

a confederation instead of a federal state. We have, instead of a single Germany, 38 German states, 38 governments,

almost as many princely courts, 38 different laws and administrations. What an enormous savings it would be if

everything were taken care of by a central government; what a savings in money would result if Germany

maintained a single army! But much worse than the waste of expenditure is the way that, among 38 different states,

many special interests are quashing daily commerce. No mail can be expedited, no postage facilitated, without an

intergovernmental agreement. No rail line can be proposed that won't be kept in its own state for as long as possible.

What help is it if a German Confederation grants the freedom to move from one German state into another if this

other state turns away the poor emigrant?

Editorial from a newspaper in Düsseldorf, 1843

Document B

The German people shall possess the following fundamental rights. These rights apply to the individual German

states, and no constitution or legislation of a German state shall abolish them. The German people consist of the

citizens of the states that make up the Reich [empire or realm]. Every German has the right of German Reich's

citizenship. He can exercise this right in every German land. Every German has the right to live in any part of the

Reich's territory, to acquire property, to pursue his livelihood. No German state is permitted to distinguish between

its citizens and other Germans. No German state may treat Germans who are not its citizens as foreigners.

There are no class differences before the law. The rank of nobility is abolished.

All Germans are equal before the law.

Every German has complete freedom of religion and conscience.

The non-German-speaking people of Germany are guaranteed their national development, namely, equal rights for

their languages, insofar as they exist in their territories, in ecclesiastical matters, in education, in administration of

local affairs, and in laws. Every German citizen stands under the protection of the Reich.

The Frankfort Assembly, 1848-49

Document C

For a long time, the confederation agreements of 1815 and 1820 have rested on shaky foundations. All other

German governments have repeatedly recognized the need for a fundamental reform of the German Confederation.

Neither Austria, nor Prussia, nor the other German states, can rely on the Confederation in its current condition. The

more clearly they recognize this, the less they doubt the legitimacy of reform. Just take an impartial look at the

voices that are raising this call nowadays! They no longer ring out only from the camp of the destructive, radical

parties; there, to the contrary, every hope for legal reform of the German confederal constitution is scorned.

Radicalism knows that its harvest ripens in a field where no healthy crop has been planted. Today the German

governments themselves see their salvation in the reorganization of the Confederation. In the [parliamentary]

chambers the moderate parties are pushing toward this goal. They feel that the longer reform is delayed, the greater

the chance that even more far-reaching demands will be ventured and find support in the spirit of the people.”

Austrian Emperor Franz Joseph Letter to rulers of German states 1863

Document D

Document E

“I beg Your Highness to accept the most reverent expression of my thanks. My gratitude lies in the magnanimous

decisions through which Your Majesty, at the beginning and at the imminent end of this great national war, has

achieved a great conclusion to the unity and power of Germany. With respect to the question of German Kaiserdom,

it is in my respectful estimation that its proposal should originate with none other than Your Majesty and certainly

not with the representative body of the people. The title would be compromised if its origin were not initiated by the

most powerful princes joining the German Empire. I have taken the liberty of drafting a statement to be directed to

my King, Wilhelm of Prussia. It is based on the idea that fills the hearts of the German tribes: the German Kaiser is

their countryman, the King of Prussia their neighbor; only the German title shows that the privileges connected with

it derive from the voluntary transfer by the German princes and tribes.”

Chancellor Otto von Bismarck letter to Kaiser Wilhelm I, 1870

Document F

“We cannot conceal the fact that the whole German question is a simple alternative between Prussia and Austria. In

these states, German life has its positive and negative poles—in the former, all the interests which are national and

reformative, in the latter, all that are dynastic and destructive. The German question is not a constitutional question,

but a question of power; and the Prussian monarchy is now wholly German, while that of Austria cannot be. We

need a powerful ruling house. Austria's power meant lack of power for us, whereas Prussia desired German unity in

order to supply the deficiencies of her own power. Already Prussia is Germany in embryo. She will merge with

Germany.”

Member of the 1848 Frankfort Parliament

2. Prompt: Evaluate whether the policies of Otto von Bismarck’s government represented traditional

conservatism or a new kind of conservatism in nineteenth-century Europe.

Document A

Law Concerning the Equality of all Religions with Respect to Civil Rights and Citizenship of July 3, 1869: All

restrictions on citizenship or civil rights based on differences in religious confession are abolished. The right to hold

public office shall be independent of religious confession.

School Inspection Law of March 11, 1872: The supervision of all public and private school and educational

institutions is solely under the control of the state and not of any clergy.

Law Concerning the Order of the Society of Jesus [The Jesuits] of July 4, 1872: The Order of the Society of Jesus

and similar order-like Congregations, are banned hereby from the territory of the German Reich. The members of

the Order of the Society of Jesus or similar order-like Congregations can be banished, if they are foreigners; if they

are natives, their residence in certain districts or places can be denied, or they can be banished.

Law Against the Publicly Dangerous Endeavors of Social Democracy from October 21, 1878: Societies which aim

at the overthrow of the existing political or social order through social-democratic, socialist, or communist

endeavors are to be prohibited. Public festivities and processions shall be treated the same as meetings. Publications

in which social-democratic, socialist, or communist endeavors aimed at the overthrow of the existing political or

social order are manifested in a manner calculated to endanger the harmony among all classes of the population are

to be prohibited.

Legislation passed by Bismarck’s government, 1869–1878

Document B

Is it the duty of the Socialists to send delegates to the Reichstag [German parliament] at all? Our Social-Democratic

Party (SPD)* must not, under any circumstances, or in any field, engage in transactions with its opponents. We can

only transact business where there is a common basis. To do business with those who are your opponents in

principle is equivalent to a sacrifice of principle.... The slightest concession in matters of principle is a relinquishing

of the principle entirely. He who parliamentarizes, compromises.

Suppose a candidate comes up for election and the government is absolutely opposed to having him in the

Reichstag. The government will confiscate the newspapers that advocate his election—it will do so legally; it will

confiscate his election handbills—also legally; or it will give permits for meetings of electors and then dissolve

them—again legally; it will arrest the candidate’s campaign managers—quite legally; it will arrest the candidate

himself—also legally. They recently arrested a delegate to the Reichstag, and that delegate would still be in prison

right now if the National Liberals** had not been convinced by Bismarck of his harmlessness. There is no

possibility of our having an influence on legislation. Tell me, in heaven’s name, what would be the use of a

presentation of our principles in the Reichstag? Do you think you would convert the members of the Reichstag? The

idea is more than childish; it is infantile.

Wilhelm Liebknecht, German socialist, political speech, 1869

Document C

It is extremely dangerous to take up the battle against the ultramontane [extremely Catholic] and socialist parties

simultaneously. It is important to keep those pursuing anti-national aims away from the social movement but it

would be a political mistake to subject socialist leaders to emergency laws on account of their social advocacy,

particularly without also doing something substantial to satisfy the just efforts of their followers. It would be

hopeless to fight a powerful idea merely with material means, and, with respect to the extremely powerful Catholic-

clerical idea, there is currently only one idea that can be used as a political counterweight with any prospect of

success—and that is the social idea. The “social Kaiser” has a stronger position than even the “social Pope.” At the

moment, the mass of the population is wavering, unsure of the direction in which to turn. So far, the international

agitation has not gained a broader basis; where the masses turn, however, will be of crucial significance not just for

politics but also for the character of the army. The army will only be completely reliable if the workers, who make

up its main contingent, are won over and bound to the idea of the Reich through its very benefits and performance.

Hermann Wagener, memorandum written for Otto von Bismarck, “Why the Government Cannot

Ignore the Social Question: A Conservative View,” 1872

Document D

Document E

We, Wilhelm, German Emperor by the Grace of God, King of Prussia announce that in February of this year, We let

Our conviction be known that curing social defects will be pursued not only through the repression of Social

Democratic excesses but also through the promotion of workers’ welfare. We deem it Our Imperial Duty to urge the

Reichstag to take this task to heart once again. We would look back with all the more satisfaction on the many

successes with which God has blessed Our government [and] We could be content having left the fatherland lasting

guarantees of internal peace and having given the needy greater security and the assistance to which they are

entitled. We trust that we have the support of the Reichstag, despite party differences.

The draft bill submitted during the last session on insuring workers against industrial accidents will be revised.

Another bill will be added; the additional bill will give consistent organization to the commercial health insurance

system. [It should not be forgotten], however, that all those persons who have become unfit for gainful employment

through age or disability also have a legitimate claim to a greater degree of state welfare than they have received

thus far. Finding the proper ways and means to ensure this level of welfare is difficult, but it is also one of the

highest tasks of any community that rests upon the moral foundation of a Christian national life.

Kaiser Wilhelm I’s speech opening the Reichstag, Berlin, November 1881

Document F

Source: Chancellor Otto von Bismarck, speech in support of the new accident insurance bill, Berlin, March 5, 1884

Government according to Frederick the Great is to serve the people; the opposite is to dominate the people. We want

to serve the people. It is not correct that we made the proposal to win more support for the Anti-Socialist law. At the

time of the proposal of the law, His Majesty the Emperor and the majority of the Reichstag promised that as a

corollary to this law there would also be a serious effort to better conditions for the workers.

The whole problem is rooted in the question: does the state have the responsibility to care for its helpless fellow

citizens, or does it not? I maintain that it does have this duty and not simply the Christian state but indeed every

state. There are objectives that only the state can fulfill including national defense and the general system of

transportation. But the state must help persons in distress and prevent the workers’ complaints that can be exploited

by the Social Democrats. If one argues against my position that this is socialism, then I do not fear that at all. The

question is what are the limits of state socialism? Each law for poor relief is socialism. There are states that distance

themselves so far from socialism that poor laws do not exist at all. These states take the French view that every

French citizen has the right to starve and that the state has no responsibility to hinder him in the exercise of his right.

Document G

The dismissal of Reich Chancellor Prince Bismarck is an accomplished fact. Thank God he’s gone! A continuation

of the domestic policy pursued up to now would actually have brought Germany to ruin, had it been followed by

another such period. The fact that in the last elections one-fifth of the German people declared their support for the

Social Democratic Party is mainly the fault of the Bismarckian system of government; it boosted socialism

artificially by offering the carrot one moment and applying the stick the next.

Existing religious differences were exacerbated through the battle over church policy, carried out by way of the

police and criminal regulations. The incitement of the parties against each other, the suspicions cast upon people’s

patriotism, and the denial of patriotism to any political dissident resulted from a press corrupted by bribery and fear.

Before the eyes of the world, what he did to unify the Fatherland was shown to the fullest advantage; but later

generations, those destined to suffer the consequences of his flawed domestic policies, will become fully aware of

how these measures have sinned against national life. We must once again draw inspiration from the idea that the

people themselves are called upon to participate in their own destiny. In the long term, people get only the kind of

government they deserve.

Eugen Richter, liberal journalist and politician, newspaper article, 1890

3. Analyze the extent to which imperialism in the late 19th and early 20th century differed from earlier

colonial efforts.

Document A

“An appeal to resist the French

This is a general proclamation addressed to the scholars and the people.

Our country is about to undergo dangerous upheavals.

Certain persons are plotting treason.

Our people are now suffering through a period of anarchy and disorder…

Nonetheless, even in times of confusion, there remain books that teach us how to overcome disorder.

Past generations can still be for us examples of right and wrong…

Let us now consider our situation with the French today.

We are separated from them by thousands of mountains and seas.

By hundreds of differences in our daily customs.

Although they were very confident in their copper battleships surmounted by chimneys,

Although they had a large quantity of steel rifles and lead bullets,

These things did not prevent the loss of some of their best generals in these last years, when they attacked our

frontier in hundreds of battles…

Heaven will not leave our people enchained very long

Heaven will not allow then [the French] the free enjoyment of their lives…

You, officials of the country,

Do not let your resistance to the enemy be blunted by the peaceful stand of the court.

Do not take the lead from the three subjected provinces and leave hatred unavenged…

Such hostility, such hatred, such an enmity; our heart will be quieted before we are avenged…

Do not envy the scholars who now become provincial or district magistrates [in the French administration]. They

are decay, garbage, filth, and swine.

Do not imitate some who hire themselves out to the enemy. They are idiots, fools, lackeys, scoundrels.

At the beginning, you followed the way of righteousness. From beginning to end you ought to behave according to

the moral obligations which bind you to your king.

Life has fame, death too has fame. Act in such a way that your life and your death will be a fragrant ointment to

your families and to your country.

Anonymous Source Vietnam 1864

Document B

“India has never had a real sense of nationalism. Even though from childhood I had been taught that idolatry of the

nation is almost better than reverence for God and humanity, I believe I have outgrown that teaching, and it is my

conviction that my countrymen will truly gain their India by fighting against the education which teaches them that a

country is greater than the ideals of humanity… We must recognize that it is providential that the West has come to

India. And yet someone must show the East to the West, and convince the West that the East has her contribution to

make to the history of civilization. India is no beggar of the West. And yet even though the West may think she is,

I am not for thrusting off Western civilization and becoming segregated in our independence. Let us have a deep

association. If providence wants England to be the channel of that communication, of the deeper association, I am

willing to accept it with all humility. I have great faith in human nature, and I think the West will find its true

mission. I speak bitterly of Western civilization when I am conscious that it is betraying its trust and thwarting its

own purpose. The West must not make herself a curse to the world by using her power for her own selfish needs,

but by teaching the ignorant and helping the weak, she should save herself from the worst danger that the strong is

liable to incur, by making the feeble acquire power enough to resist her intrusion. And also she must not make her

materialism to be the final thing, but must realize that she is doing a service in freeing the spiritual being from the

tyranny of matter…

Rabindranath Tagore, Nationalism in India, 1916

Document C

“We surrendered to the white people and were told to go back to our hoes and live our usual lives and attend to our

crops. But the white men sent native police who did abominable things; they were cruel and assaulted a lot of our

people and helped themselves to our cattle and goats. …They interfered with our wives and molested them… We

thought it best to fight and die rather than bear it…We knew that we had very little chance because their weapons

were so much superior to ours. But we meant to fight to the last, feeling that even if we could not beat them we

might at least kill a few of them and so have some sort of revenge…I remember a fight in the Matoppos when we

charged the white men. There were some hundreds of us; the white men also were many. We charged them at close

quarters: we thought we had a good chance to kill them but the Maxims were too much for us…Many of our people

were killed in this fight…We were still fighting when we heard that [Cecil] Rhodes was coming and wanted to make

peace with us. It was best to come to terms he said, and not to go shedding blood like this on both sides…So peace

was made. Many of our people had been killed, and now we began to die of starvation; and then came the rinderpest

and the cattle that were still left to us perished. We could not help thinking that all these dreadful things were

brought by the white people.”

Ndansi Kumalo, a personal account, 1890

Document D

“The Javanese is by nature a husbandman; the ground whereon he is born, which gives much for little labor, allures

him to it, and, above all things, he devotes his whole heart and soul to the cultivating of his rice fields, in which he is

very clever. He grows up in the midst of his sawahs [rice fields] …; when still very young, he accompanies his

father to the field, where he helps him in his labor with plow and spade, in constructing dams and drains to irrigate

his fields; he counts his years by harvest; he estimates time by the color of the blades in his field; he is at home

amongst the companions who cut paddy with him; he chooses his wife amongst the girls of the dessah [village], who

every evening tread the rice with joyous songs. The possession of a few buffaloes for plowing is the ideal of his

dreams. The cultivation of rice is in Java what the vintage is in the Rhine provinces and in the south of France. But

there came foreigners from the West, who made themselves masters of the country. They wished to profit by the

fertility of the soil, and ordered the native to devote a part of his time and labor to the cultivation of other things

which should produce higher profits in the markets of Europe. To persuade the lower orders to do so, they had only

to follow a very simple policy. The Javanese obey his chiefs; to win the chiefs, it was only necessary to give them a

part of the gain-and success was complete.”

Eduard Douwes Dekker, Max Havelaar, 1860

Document E

Document F

“It is [the Africans] who carry the “Black man’s burden.” They have not withered away before the white man’s

occupation. Indeed … Africa has ultimately absorbed within itself every Caucasian and, for that matter, every

Semitic invader, too. In hewing out for himself a fixed abode in Africa, the white man has massacred the African in

heaps. The African has survived, and it is well for the white settlers that he has …What the partial occupation of his

soil by the white man has failed to do; what the mapping out of European political “spheres of influence” has failed

to do; what imported measles, smallpox and syphilis have failed to do; whatever the overseas slave trade failed to

do; the power of modern capitalistic exploitation, assisted by modern engines of destruction, may yet succeed in

accomplishing. For from the evils of the latter, scientifically applied and enforced, there is no escape for the African.

Its destructive effects are not spasmodic; they are permanent. In its permanence resides their fatal consequence. It

kills not the body merely, but the soul. It breaks the spirit. It attacks the African at every turn, from every point of

vantage. It wrecks his polity, uproots him from the land, invades his family life, destroys his natural pursuits and

occupations, claims his whole time, and enslaves him in his own home.”

Edmund Morel, The Black Man’s Burden, 1903

Document G

Take up the White Man’s burden-

Send forth the best ye breed-

Go bind your sons to exile

To serve your captives’ need;

To wait in heavy harness,

On fluttered folk and wild-

Your new-caught sullen peoples,

Half-devil and half-child.

Take up the White Man’s burden-

In patience to abide,

To veil the threat of terror

And check the show of pride;

By open speech and simple,

An hundred times made plain

To seek another’s profit,

And work another’s gain.

Take up the White Man’s burden-

The savage wars of peace-

Fill full the mouth of Famine

And bid the sickness cease;

And when your foal is nearest

The end for others sought,

Watch Sloth and heathen Folly

Bring all your hopes to naught.

Rudyard Kipling, 1899

4. Unit 6 Examples

Prompt: Analyze various arguments that emerged over the course of the nineteenth century about

how to improve the lives of European workers

Document A

“The principal and most permanent cause of poverty has little or no relation to forms of government, or the

unequal division of property; and as the rich do not in reality possess the power of finding employment and

maintenance for [all] the poor, the poor cannot, in the nature of things, possess the right to demand them;

[these] are important truths flowing from the principle of population. . . . And it is evident that every man in

the lower classes of society, who became acquainted with these truths, would be disposed to bear the

distresses in which he might be involved with more patience.”

Thomas Malthus, An Essay on the Principle of Population, 1803

Document B

“Like all other contracts, wages should be left to the fair and free competition of the market, and should

never be controlled by the interference of the legislature. The clear and direct tendency of the Poor Laws*

is in direct opposition to these obvious principles: . . . instead of making the poor rich, they are calculated

to make the rich poor. . . . The comforts and well-being of the poor cannot be permanently secured without

some regard on their part, or some effort on the part of the legislature, to regulate the increase of their

numbers.”

David Ricardo, The Iron Law of Wages, 1828

Document C

“Perceiving the tremendous power you possess over the lives, liberty and labour of the unrepresented

millions, perceiving the revenue at your disposal — the relief of the poor in your hands, . . . [and] the

power of delegating to others the whole control of the monetary arrangements of the Kingdom, by which

the labouring classes may be silently plundered or suddenly suspended from employment, . . . your

petitioners earnestly pray your Honourable House to enact that every person producing proof of his being

21 years of age shall be entitled to have his name registered as a voter . . . [and] that there shall be no

property qualification for members of [Parliament].”

London Workingmen’s Association, petition to Parliament for the

“People’s Charter,” 1838

Document D

“Have we avowed that our goal is to undermine competition, to withdraw industry from the regime of

laissez-faire? Most certainly, and far from denying it, we proclaim it aloud. Why? Because we want

freedom. But real freedom, freedom for all. . . . We want a strong government because, in the regime of

inequality within which we are still vegetating, there are weak persons who need a social force to protect

them. . . . We want a government that will intervene in industry because the freedom of the future must be a

reality.”

Louis Blanc, The Organization of Labor, 1848.

Document E

“Workers, you must leave behind division and isolation as quickly as possible and march courageously and

fraternally down the only appropriate path — unity. . . . The workers, the vital part of the nation, must

create a huge union to assert their unity! Then, the working class will be strong; then it will be able to make

itself heard, to demand from the bourgeois gentlemen its right to work and to organize. Workers, it is up to

you, who are the victims of real inequality and injustice, to establish the rule of justice and absolute

equality between man and woman on this earth. . . . You, the strong men, the men with bare arms, proclaim

your recognition that woman is your equal, and as such, you recognize her equal right to the benefits of the

universal union of working men and women.”

Flora Tristan, The Workers’ Union, 1843

Document F

“Socialism aims to assure to every human being these two advantages: liberty and property, of which men

are deprived by the capitalist regime. . . . We address ourselves only to universal suffrage; our ambition is

to bring about through this means the economic and political liberation of all. We demand only the right to

persuade the electorate. And no one, I suppose, would attribute to us the foolish intention of resorting to

revolutionary means.”

Alexandre Millerand, member of the French national legislature, speech, 1896.

Document G

“A spectre is haunting Europe — the spectre of communism. All the powers of old Europe have entered

into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre: Pope and Tsar, Metternich and Guizot, French Radicals and

German police-spies.

Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as communistic by its opponents in power?

Where is the opposition that has not hurled back the branding reproach of communism, against the more

advanced opposition parties, as well as against its reactionary adversaries?

Two things result from this fact:

I. Communism is already acknowledged by all European powers to be itself a power.

II. It is high time that Communists should openly, in the face of the whole world, publish their views, their

aims, their tendencies, and meet this nursery tale of the Spectre of Communism with a manifesto of the

party itself.

Karl Marx and Frederic Engels, The Communist Manifesto, 1848

5. Period 6

Prompt: Analyze the extent to which condition of the Russian peasantry and explain how they

proposed to changed1861 to 1914.

Document A

“Some former serf owners choose the best land for themselves, and give the poor peasants the worst lands.

Places characterized by sand and ravines with the smallest amount of hayland were designated as the

peasant allotment. Orthodox emperor and our merciful father, order that the meadows and haylands be left

to our community without any restriction; these will enable us to feed our livestock, which are necessary to

our existence.”

Petition from peasants to Tsar Alexander II, 1863

Document B

The first thing one notices from observing the contemporary rural order is the almost complete absence of

moral bonds among members of the village commune. During serfdom the village was united by the

awareness of common misfortunes, for all were bound to obey every whim of the landlord. The master had

a right to interfere with a family's affairs, and arbitrarily direct a man's private life; he could arrange

marriages regardless of a man's own wishes, and so forth. Nowadays no one interferes with the family life

except the government, which conscripts soldiers. But the unity fostered by common resentments has not

been replaced by any positive appreciation of the necessity for general prosperity, and for a better life for

all. In place of the old arbitrary rule has come neither knowledge, nor development, nor even a kind word

among neighbors. Little value is placed on another's existence, and no sympathy or concern for another's

private interests.”

Gleb Uspensky, revolutionary socialist, journal article, 1879.

Document C

“The crop failure of winter as well as spring grains in vast parts of Russia; the complete absence of any

kinds of reserves or surplus for sale; the absence of any grain in the grain-exporting provinces not only for

provisioning themselves but in several cases also for reseeding the fields; all this put a large part of the

population of European Russia into an extremely difficult situation, and in some places, into a hopeless

condition. Our peasant economy has come to a full collapse and ruin, from which it will not recover in

several years even with good harvests.”

Russian Government report on the famine of 1891.

Document D

They lived in discord, quarreling constantly, because they did not respect but feared and suspected one

another. Who keeps the tavern and makes the people drunkards? A peasant. Who embezzles and drinks up

the school and church funds? A peasant. Who has stolen from his neighbor, committed arson, given false

testimony in court for a bottle of vodka?

Yes, to live with them was terrible, yet all the same they were people; they suffered and wept as people do,

and in their lives there was much for which excuses might be found.”

Anton Chekhov, playwright, and short story writer, "Peasants," short

story, 1897

Document E

“It was not enough to free the peasant from the serf owner-it is still necessary to free him from the slavery

of despotism, to give him a legal system, and consequently also an understanding of legality, and to educate

him. But, at present the peasant is subjugated by the arbitrariness of the local police chief, the local

bureaucrats, every noble landowner, and even his own village elders. Therefore, it is impossible to aid the

peasant through material measures alone. First and foremost it is necessary to raise the spirit of the

peasantry, to make them your free and loyal sons.”

Sergei Witte, Serge Witte, Minister of Finance, report

to Tsar Nicholas II, 1898.

Document F

“Why can a landlord own a lot of land, while all that remains to the peasant is the kingdom of heaven?

When the peasants sent me here they instructed me to demand that all state, private and church lands be

redistributed without compensation. A hungry man cannot sit quietly when he sees that in spite of all his

suffering, the powers are on the side of the landlords. He cannot help demanding land; his needs force him

to demand it.”

Peasant Representative to the Duma, 1906

6. History Period 5

Prompt: To what extent was the French Revolution successful in goals of reform France politically

socially, and economically from 1789 – 1800?

Document A

“Nine days of hard labor are unbearable even to the most hard-working and ambitious peasants. Even the

day laborers in the towns complain about it openly, even though they are earning high wages. It is not

fanaticism that stirs discontent but childhood education and long habit. Simple citizens of the country,

especially the aged, want some small distractions on their days of rest. Mass and vespers* were good in this

respect.”

Letter written by a peasant from Étampes to the National Convention,

March 19, 1794.

Document B

“The Jacobins were able to overthrow the religion of our fathers and trample underfoot the venerated

objects of the people. They were able to make the infernal Robespierre the first pope of Deism. It was

through his mouth that the French rendered homage to the Supreme Being. The new calendar was an act of

despotism forced on the people, and the festivals based on it were detestable.”

Pierre-Joseph Denis, Opinion on the Decades, 1795

Document C

“The short time the people spend in the republican temple [a former church] celebrating Tenth Day and

revolutionary festivals is an affront to republicans. Entirely decorated with all the old signs of fanaticism,

the building displays no symbol of liberty, equality, or the republic. No matter where one looks, one sees

only images, crucifixes, confessionals, and chapels —all as under the monarchical regime.”

Government official in the French town of Steenwerck, Picardy, letter

to superiors, March 3, 1798

Document D

“Soon commerce and the trades will be summoned to new progress through uniformity of weights and

measures, which will eliminate incoherence and inexactitude. The arts and history also require a new

measurement of time, freed from all errors that credulity and superstitious routine have handed down to us

from centuries of ignorance. It is this new standard that the National Convention today presents to the

French people; at the same time, by its exactness, simplicity, and detachment from every opinion not

sanctioned by reason and philosophy, it shows the character of our revolution.”

Instruction Concerning the Era of the Republic and the Division of the

Year, 1793

Document E

“Woman, wake up; the tocsin of reason is being heard throughout the whole universe; discover your rights.

The powerful empire of nature is no longer surrounded by prejudice, fanaticism, superstition, and lies. The

flame of truth has dispersed all the clouds of folly and usurpation. Enslaved man has multiplied his strength

and needs recourse to yours to break his chains. Having become free, he has become unjust to his

companion. Oh, women, women! When will you cease to be blind? What advantage have you received

from the Revolution? A more pronounced scorn, a more marked disdain. In the centuries of corruption, you

ruled only over the weakness of men. The reclamation of your patrimony, based on the wise decrees of

nature-what have you to dread from such a fine undertaking?”

Olympe des Gouges, Declaration of the Rights of Women, 1791

Document F

7. Unit Five Example

Evaluate whether Napoleon’s rule represented the fulfillment of the French Revolution or the

abandonment of those principles.

Document A

“Convention between the French government and his Holiness Pius VII

The Government of the French Republic recognizes that the Catholic, Apostolic and Roman religion is the

religion of the great majority of French citizens. . . .

In consequence, after this mutual recognition, as well for the benefit of religion as for the maintenance of

internal tranquility, they have agreed as follows:

• The Catholic, Apostolic and Roman religion shall be freely exercised in France: its worship shall be

public, and in conformity with the police regulations which the Government shall deem necessary for the

public tranquility.

• Before entering upon their functions, the bishops shall take directly, at the hands of the First Consul, the

oath of fidelity which was in use before the change of Government, expressed in the following terms:

“I swear and promise to God, upon the Holy Scriptures, to remain in obedience and fidelity to the

Government established by the constitution of the French Republic. I also promise not to have any

intercourse, nor to assist by any counsel, nor to support any league, either within or without, which is

inimical to the public tranquility; and if, within my diocese or elsewhere, I learn that anything to the

prejudice of the State is being contrived, I will make it known to the Government.”

Concordat of 1801

Document B

“1. In the colonies restored to France in fulfillment of the treaty of Amiens of 6 Germinal, Year X, slavery

shall be maintained in conformity with the laws and regulation in force prior to 1789.

2. The same shall be done in the other French colonies beyond the Cape of Good Hope.

3. The trade in slaves and their importation into the said colonies shall take place in conformity with the

laws and regulations existing prior to the said date of 1789.

4. Notwithstanding all previous laws, the government of the colonies is subject for ten years to the

regulations which shall be made by the Government.”

Law of 30 Floréal, Year X [May 20, 1802]

Document C

Coronation of Napoleon, Jacques Louis

David, 1807

Document D

“Reasonable observation might have shown him that the alert obedience with which the French marched to

the battle-field was but a misdirection of that national spirit which a great Revolution had aroused in a great

people. The cry of liberty had awakened generous enthusiasm, but the confusion that ensued had rendered

men afraid to complete their work. The Emperor skillfully seized on this moment of hesitation, and turned

it to his own advantage. None dared utter the word “republic,” so deeply had the Terror stained that name;

and the government of the Directory had perished in the contempt with which its chiefs were regarded. . . .

The belief, or rather the error, that only despotism could at that time maintain order in France was very

widespread. It became the mainstay of Bonaparte; and it is to give him his due to say that he also believed

it. . . . He had some grounds for his belief that he was necessary; France believed it too; and he even

succeeded in persuading foreign sovereigns that he constituted a barrier against republican influences,

which, but for him, might spread widely.”

Memoirs of Madame de Rémusat, 1802 – 1806

Document E

The benefits of the Code Napoléon, the publicity of procedure, the establishment of juries, will be so many

distinctive features of your monarchy. . . . It is necessary that your people should enjoy a liberty, an

equality, and a degree of well-being unknown to the people of Germany. . . . What people would wish to

revert to a Prussian despotism, when it has once tasted the benefits of a wise and liberal government?

Napoleon Bonaparte, letter to his brother Jerome, Westphalia,

1807

Document F

Education, so important to public morals, an essential base of social harmony, has for some time been the

object of the Government’s care and attention. […] [the law] submitted for your examination, divides

public instruction into:

• Primary Schools,

• Secondary Schools,

• Specialized Schools.

The first advantage of this division is to spread without distinction among all the classes of citizens the

invaluable benefit of public instruction, in offering it to each of them, relative to the place they will occupy

in society.

Indeed, nature has not called all men to high office; but it calls all to knowledge of their rights and practice

of their duties. […] Society thus owes all its members the means to escape this coarse ignorance [that is]

too often the source of disorder.

Deputy Michel Carret, Plan for Public Education, 1802

8. Unit Four

Evaluate whether or not the Catholic Church in the 1600s was opposed to new ideas in science.

Document A

The reason produced for condemning the opinion that the earth moves and the sun stands still is that in

many places in the Bible one may read that the sun moves and the earth stands still. Since the Bible cannot

err, it follows as necessary the consequence that anyone takes an erroneous and heretical position who

maintains that the sun is inherently motionless and the earth movable.

With regard to this argument, I think in the first place that it is very pious to say and prudent to affirm that

the holy Bible can never speak untruth—whenever its true meaning is understood. But I believe nobody

will deny that it is often very abstruse, and may say things which are quite different from what its bare

words signify. Hence in expounding the Bible if one were always to confine oneself to the unadorned

grammatical meaning, one might fall into error. . . I do not feel obliged to believe that the same God who

has endowed us with senses, reason, and intellect has intended to forgo their use by some other means to

give us knowledge which we can attain by them. He would not require us to deny sense and reason in

physical matters which are set before our eyes and minds by direct experience or necessary

demonstrations.”

Galileo Galilei, Italian mathematician, astronomer, and physicist, letter to the

Grand Duchess Christina of Tuscany, 1615

Document B

Source: Maria Celeste Galilei, Catholic nun, letter to her father, Galileo, 1623

The happiness I derived from the gift of letters you sent me, Sire, written to you by that most distinguished

Cardinal, now elevated to the exalted position of Pope, was indescribable, for his letters so clearly express

the affection this great man has for you, and also show how highly he values your abilities. I have read and

reread them, savoring them in private, and I return them to you, as you insist, without having shown them

to anyone else except Suor Arcangela,* who has joined me in drawing the utmost joy from seeing how

much our father is favored by persons of such caliber.

Maria Celeste Galilei, Catholic nun, letter to her father, Galileo, 1623

“A new description of the universe seems to be necessary because the old one has been

changed a great deal in our day and many embellishments have been added to it. But the

question has been raised as to whether it is proper for us Jesuits to do this. It seems to me that the time has

now come for a greater degree of freedom of thought to be given to both mathematicians and philosophers

on this matter [the constitution of the heavens], for the imperfection of the heavens is not absolutely

contrary to theology or to philosophy and even much less to mathematics. . . . It seems that our colleague

Biancani has not exercised his talents sufficiently in writing the Cosmographia [which rejected

heliocentrism and the existence of mountains on the moon]. But I am quite willing to excuse him about

this. For up to now his hands have been tied, as have ours. Thus he has dealt with most topics in a way

which is not adequate when he was not allowed to think freely about what is required.”

Christoph Grienberger, German Jesuit mathematics professor in Rome, 1615

Document D

“Descartes’ thoughts on scientific reasoning are distasteful to mathematics, philosophy, and theology. They

are distasteful to philosophy, because they overthrow all philosophical principles and ideas which common

sense has accepted for centuries. They are distasteful to mathematics, because mathematics cannot be used

to explain natural things without great disturbance of the traditional order. They are distasteful to theology,

because Descartes’ reasoning attributes too much to the chance combination of atoms, which favors the

atheist. And finally, following Descartes’ reasoning, there can be no conversion of bread and wine in the

Eucharist into the blood and body of Christ, which favors heretics.”

Critique of French thinker René Descartes by the Jesuits of Clermont College,

Paris, 1665

Document E

Document C

Cristiano Banti, The Trial of Galileo, 1633, oil on

canvas 1880

Document F

“Because the common system of the world devised by Ptolemy has hitherto satisfied none of the learned,

hereupon a suspicion is risen up amongst all, even Ptolemy’s followers themselves, that there must be some

other system which is more true than this of Ptolemy. . . . The telescope (an optick invention) has been

found out, by help of which many remarkable things in the heavens . . . were discovered. . . . By this same

instrument it appears very probable that Venus and Mercury do not move properly about the Earth, but

rather about the sun; and that the Moon alone moveth about the Earth . . .

Now there is no better or more convenient hypothesis than that of Copernicus. Because of this, many

modern authors are induced to approve of, and follow it: but with much hesitancy and fear, because it

seems to contradict the Holy Scriptures, and it cannot possibly be reconciled to them. Which is the reason

why this hypothesis has been long suppressed and is now entertained by men in a modest manner, and as it

were with a veiled face.”

Paolo Antonio Foscarini, Catholic monk, An Epistle Concerning the Pythagorean and

Copernican Opinion of the Mobility of the Earth and Stability of the Sun, 1615

9. Unit 4-5 Example

Analyze the extent child-rearing practices reflected changing assumptions about children and

families in early modern Europe.

Document A

“The force of our natural love is so great that we are unable to refrain from crying and grieving in our

hearts and experiencing death ourselves. The features, the words, and the movements of our living and

dying daughter, who was so very obedient and respectful, remain engraved in our hearts; even the death of

Christ is unable to take all this away as it should. You, therefore, please give thanks to God in our stead.”

Martin Luther, 1542

Document B

“My dear son Georg Scheurl will by the grace of God be six years old on April 19. He is now growing so

fast that he has become completely awkward. He likes to learn, delights in it. He is now learning the Donat

and can already cite it from memory. He says grace at the table and keeps his hands clasped so that he is

not looked on as a child. Although he still cannot pronounce “r” or speak perfectly, he chatters away. He

knows where everything he puts between his teeth comes from. Crabs, calf brains, and berries are his

favorite foods. He likes to drink new wine and takes good, deep swallows. He goes about the house in

leaps. He now holds his father dearer than his mother and his brother Christoph.”

Christoph Scheurl, Nuremberg jurist and diplomat, 1538

Document C

“On one occasion, when I was in that mood, I mounted my handsome little horse, and with a hundred

crowns in my pocket rode off to Fiesole to see a natural son of mine (meaning illegitmate), whom I was

keeping at nurse with the wife of one of my workmen. When I arrived I found the boy in very good health.

Sad at heart, I kissed him; and then when I wanted to leave he refused to let me go, holding me fast with his

little hands and breaking into a storm of crying and screaming. Seeing he was only somewhere around two

years old, this was beyond belief. I detached myself from my little boy and left him crying his eyes out.”

Benvenuto Cellini, Florence 1550

Document D

“I cannot abide that passion for caressing newborn children, which have neither mental activities nor

recognizable bodily shape by which to make themselves lovable, and I have never willingly suffered them

to be fed in my presence.”

Michel Montaigne, Bordeaux, 1580

Document E

“It must be noted that the command of the father obligates the child to obey under pain of mortal sin,

except in matters that are against his conscience and the honor of God. In such matters, the child is not

obliged to obey him. For example, if the father commands the child to go to hear the preaching of heretics,

to steal, to kill, to traffic at festivals, to lend money with usury, to leave the religious state, to fornicate, to

swear, to lie, to bear false witness, etc., he is not to be obeyed. Likewise, if the father or the mother,

wishing to sell the honor of their daughter, commands her to submit to intercourse in order to earn them

something, the daughter must definitely not obey them, but rather suffer death, however poor her parents

may be.”

Jean Benedicti, Franciscan priest, moralist, A Summary of Sins, Lyon,

France, 1584.

Document F

I have a complaint to make: you do not send word that you have whipped my son. I wish and command you

to whip him every time that he is obstinate or misbehaves, knowing well for myself that there is nothing in

the world which will be better for him than that. I know it from experience, having myself profited, for

when I was his age I was often whipped. That is why I want you to whip him and to make him understand

why.

King Henry IV, letter to governess to the king’s six-year-old son,

Louis, Paris, 1607.

Document G

“We were bred tenderly, for my mother naturally did strive to please and delight her children, not to cross

and torment them, terrifying them with threats, or lashing them with slavish whips; but instead of threats,

reason was used to persuade us, and instead of lashes, the deformities of vice were discovered, and the

graces and virtues were presented unto us.

Margaret Cavendish, Duchess of Newcastle, letter describing her

upbringing, England, 1620s.

10. Unit Three -Four Sample

Evaluate whether or not the Glorious Revolution of 1688 can be considered part of the Enlightenment.

Document A

The reason why men enter into society, is the preservation of their property; and the end why they choose

and authorize a legislative power, is, that there may be laws made, and rules set, as guards and fences to the

properties of all the members of the society, to limit the power, and moderate the dominion, of every part

and member of the society: for since it can never be supposed to be the will of the society, that the

legislative should have a power to destroy that which every one designs to secure, by entering into society,

and for which the people submitted themselves to legislators of their own making; whenever the legislators

endeavour to take away, and destroy the property of the people, or to reduce them to slavery under arbitrary

power, they put themselves into a state of war with the people, who are thereupon absolved from any

farther obedience, and are left to the common refuge, which God hath provided for all men, against force

and violence. . . . the supreme executor, who having a double trust put in him, both to have a part in the

legislative, and the supreme execution of the law, acts against both, when he goes about to set up his own

arbitrary will as the law of the society.

John Locke, English writer, Two Treatises of Government,

1689

Document B

The English are the only people upon earth who have been able to prescribe limits to the power of kings by

resisting them; and who, by a series of struggles, have at last established that wise Government where the

Prince is all powerful to do good, and, at the same time, is restrained from committing evil; where the

nobles are great without insolence, though there are no vassals; and where the people share in the

Government without confusion. . . . The English have doubtless purchased their liberties at a very high

price, and waded through seas of blood to drown the idol of arbitrary power. Other nations have been

involved in as great calamities, and have shed as much blood; but then the blood these other nations split in

defense of their liberties only enslaved them the more.”

Voltaire, French writer, Letters on the English, 1726–1729

Document C

“Dr. Tenison [an Anglican minister] preached at St. Martin’s church, showing the Scriptures to be our only

rule of faith, and its perfection above all traditions. After which, near 1,000 devout persons partook of the

Communion. The sermon was chiefly a response to a sermon by a Jesuit, who the Sunday before had

disparaged the Scripture and railed at our translation. Some who were present [on that Sunday] pulled the

Jesuit out of the pulpit, and treated him very coarsely. Hourly expectation of William, the Prince of

Orange’s invasion heightened to that degree, that his Majesty [James II] thought fit to dispense with all

laws and in the meantime, he called over 5,000 Irish and 4,000 Scots soldiers, and continued to remove

Protestants and put in Papists at Portsmouth harbor and other places of trust, and retained the Jesuits about

him, increasing the universal discontent. It brought people to so desperate a pass, that they seemed

passionately to long for and desire the landing of the Prince of Orange, whom they looked on to be their

deliverer from Popish tyranny, praying incessantly for an east wind, which was said to be the only

hindrance of his expedition [from the Netherlands] with a numerous army ready to make a descent.”

John Evelyn, Diary entry, 1688

Document D

The Declaration of His Highness William, by the Grace of God, Prince of Orange, etc., of the reasons

inducing him to appear in arms in the Kingdom of England, and for preserving the Protestant religion, and

for restoring the laws and liberties of England, Scotland, and Ireland:

We for our part will concur in everything that may procure the peace and happiness of that nation, which a

free and lawful Parliament shall determine, since we have nothing before our eyes in this our undertaking

but the preservation of the Protestant religion, the covering of all men from persecution for their

conscience, and the securing to the whole nation the free enjoyment of all their laws, rights, and liberties,

under a just and legal government.

King William III, declaration, October 10, 1688

Document E

“Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons, being now assembled in a full and free representative of

this

nation, do in the first place (as their ancestors in like case have usually done) for the vindicating and

asserting

their ancient rights and liberties declare:

That the pretended power of suspending the laws or the execution of laws by royal authority without

consent

of Parliament is illegal;

That levying money for or to the use of the Crown by pretence of prerogative, without grant of Parliament,

for longer time, or in other manner than the same is or shall be granted, is illegal;

That the raising or keeping of a standing army within the kingdom in time of peace, unless it be with

consent

of Parliament, is against law;

That the subjects which are Protestants may have arms for their defense suitable to their conditions and as

allowed by law;

That the freedom of speech and debates or proceedings in Parliament ought not to be impeached or

questioned in any court or place out of Parliament;

That excessive bail ought not to be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual

punishments

inflicted;

And that for redress of all grievances, and for the amending, strengthening and preserving of the laws,

Parliaments ought to be held frequently…”

The English Bill of Rights, passed by Parliament and ratified by

William III, 1689

Document F

“When the encouraging and promoting of a vigorous piety, and sublime virtue, and the explaining and

propagating of true religion is the chief design of their rule; when impiety and vice are punished, and error

is repressed; when the decency of the worship of God is kept up, without adulterating it with superstitions;

when order is carried on in the Church of God, without tyranny; and above all when princes are in their

own deportment [conduct], examples of the fear of God . . . and when it is visible that they honour those

who fear the Lord, and that vile men are despised by them, then do they truly rule in fear of God.”

Gilbert Burnet, Anglican bishop and close friend of William II, 1689