birtalan initiation of shaman-type mediators -libre

Birtalan, Ágnes: Initiation of Shaman�Type Mediators. Brief Survey of the Cases of Korean Mudang, Mongolian Böö and Hungarian Táltos. In: Hungary, Central and Eastern Europe and Korea. Current Issues in Humanities and Social Sciences 17th – 19th July 2006. (The Sixth International Conference of KACEEBS). Seoul, Korea, Hankuk University of Foreign Studies 2006. pp. 197–206.

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Initiation of Shaman�Type Mediators

Brief survey of the cases of Korean mudang, Mongolian böö and Hungarian táltos

BIRTALAN Ágnes (ELTE University, Department of Inner Asian Studies)

In this brief survey I attempt to introduce the similarities and differences between the

initiation processes, rituals of shaman�type mediators in Korean, Mongolian and Hungarian

folk religion and belief systems.

��

The notion shaman is used in this essay according to the usual academic concept:1 the shaman

is a mediator�type religious specialist who “specializes in a trance during which his [or her –

the author’s remark] soul is believed to leave his/her body and ascend to the sky or descend to

the underworld” (Eliade 1974: 5). To Eliade’s definition I add that the shaman’s soul is able

to leave his/her body as well and become replaced by the spirits.

A broad diversity characterises the terminology and activity concerning the shaman�type

mediators among the examined folk groups. Because of the scarcity of early sources2 one can

rely mostly on later material (from the 17�18th centuries), in the case of the Mongols and

Koreans predominantly on travellers’ notes touching on the religious phenomena and in the

case of the Hungarians on the documentation of legal procedures against the táltoses, witches,

and other healers, divinators, etc. of the non� or less�Christianised spheres of folk belief. Here

I would sum up only the most commonly used terms without going into details.

Shamanism is a still existing and vivid phenomenon among the Mongols and Koreans.

Moreover it is an important component of the social life in Korea and Mongolia, provoking

also the interest of numerous researchers form both inland and abroad. Hence the terms used

for the designation of the shamans are parts of a more vigorous language usage and

vocabulary. The basic term in Korean language is mudang (originally “shamaness”) and

1 This concept is evidently only one of the several approaches, but it is used most widely in academic spheres in Hungarian researches. 2 Certainly there are sporadic mentions about shamanism, shamanic phenomena in very early sources. In the case of Korean states (Koguryo, Paekche, Silla) the early Buddhist documents contain information also about shamanism since the first half of the first millennium. In the case of the Mongols there are scattered data on their belief system and pre�Buddhist religion in the Chinese annals starting from the 11th century. Since the 13th century the Mongolian internal sources also provide records pertaining to shamanism. Concerning the Hungarians there are scattered information on the Hungarian beliefs, in non�Hungarian accounts on the pre�Conquest period (9th century), later sporadic data appear in internal sources, such as the chronicles and royal statutes.


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paksu, paksu mudang (“shaman”) to which a great diversity of additional and specialised

terminology is attached (Kim 1989 and the bibliography of the article). Most Mongolian

ethnic groups use the term böö (Mong. böge)3 originally “male shaman”, now the expression

means both male and female shamans; udgan (Mong. iduγan) originally “female shaman,

shamaness”, today also used only for female shamans, and jairan (Mong. �ayirang, �aγarin)

“shaman, shaman having several (usually 9 or 13) initiation”.

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The process of becoming a shaman is a twofold path:

1. being called, postulated by the spirits,

2. being trained by the master(s) shaman(s).

Though it has to be mentioned that the initiation could be an uncertain process, not all of the

initiated shamans will become a successful practising mediator. In the legends, myths there

are stories about shamans who failed to establish contacts with the spirits’ world and this

unsuccessful attempt could end with the candidate’s death. Shamanic initiation is an

experience of psychological and spiritual transformation (cf. e. g. Kendall 1993: 22). The

Korean naerim kut and the Mongolian šanar do not require isolation and secrecy, they are a

kind of public event, while the initiation of Hungarian táltos, the elrejtezés is a process that

appears in the dreams and visions of the candidate.

Concerning the initiation process, we are going to examine the following phenomena:

1. the mythological background

2. the supernatural beings and world

3. importance of age and gender

4. birth marks (surplus body parts)

5. presence of pre�initiation sickness, malady

6. resistance against the spirits’ will

7. transmission of knowledge

8. pseudo�death, rebirth, transition between profane and sacral

9. symbols (bone, flesh, blood; world�tree, life�tree, water, mountain, forest and other

natural phenomena) in the initiation

10. INITIATTION

11. trials during the ritual

3 If it is not indicated otherwise, the mentioned Mongolian terms designate the Khalkha form, i. e. the official


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12. the role of the master�shaman

13. time and place

14. ritual objects, offerings

15. participants (masters, family, community, extraneous persons)

These phenomena are not all present at each case described below, some of them are more

emphatic while others are less important or do not appear in the processes at all. The list could

be enlarged during further researches, and since shamanism is a vivid phenomenon and there

is a period of transition now, the mentioned phenomena are expected to undergo changes.

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The most widespread designation of the Korean shamanic initiation is naerim kut literary

meaning “séance of descent”. The most important features of the ritual will be presented on

the basis of the case studies of Harvey Kim Yongsook (1979), Alexandre Guillemoz (1993)

and Laurel Kendall (1993).4 Guillemoz demonstrated the initiation kut of shaman Mr. Kim in

a wider context explaining it as a process (including the pre�initiation and post�initiation

events).

1�2. The mythological background and the supernatural world� are based on the traditional

threefold comprehension of the human and spiritual world. The spirit�pantheon is enriched

with numerous gods originated from Buddhism and Confucianism (cf. Kim 1989).

3. The importance of age and gender: age is not important among the Korean shamans; they

can be initiated in any age, though lately most of the shamans are initiated in their 20�30�ies

(Harvey Kim 1979). Most of the shamans are female mudangs.

4. Birth marks (surplus body parts) are not as significant as in the Mongolian and especially

Hungarian belief�systems.

5�6. Presence of pre�initiation sickness, malady; resistance against the spirits’ will. In the case

of Mr. Kim, the candidate was ill with a grave sickness (kidney failure) and got better after

the naerim kut. “Five days later Kim noted an improvement in his health. He no longer

vomited when he ate slightly salty food, his headaches disappeared, and the anxiety which

oppressed his chest considerably subsided.” (Guillemoz 1993: 29). Shamaness�Chini�suffered�

for ten years physically and mentally (Kendall 1993: 15).

language used in the Republic of Mongolia. Mong. means the written form of terms, Bur. indicates Buriad. 4 Further data and detailed bibliography cf. in the mentioned articles.


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7. The transmission of knowledge happens when being called by the spirits, during the

initiation process and later during training by elder shamans. Paksu Kim had thereafter a

vision and four spirits appeared to him; one of them was Grandmother Taesin (the patron of

diviners and shamans). (Guillemoz 1993: 29).

8. 10. During the initiation the candidate leaves behind his/her profane life and transforms

into a mediator between the human and spiritual world layers. The divination with bowls

(seven bowls filled with various kinds of grain; Guillemoz 1993: 31) shows the future destiny

of the candidate.

11. Trials during the ritual. The candidate should balance atop an earthen water jar, call the

spirits, and deliver an oracle (Kendall 1993: 18; Guillemoz 1993: 31), to demonstrate the

ability of talking to the spirits and the presence of the supernatural in his/her body.

12. The role of the master�shaman. Close connection, pseudo�maternal affinity occurs

between the candidate and the master. The initiating master shaman is the “spirit mother”

(Kendall 1993: 17).

13. Time and place of the initiation is determined by the master shaman. Usually one of the

numerous shamanic shrines serves as the initiation place, though it can happen also in the

candidate’s home, where a sacral space, an altar is formed with the help of spirit� god�

representations and other shamanic objects (incense�burner, bells, bowls, fans etc.)

14. Ritual objects: new dress, musical instruments (cymbal, drum, and gong) on which the

initiating shaman masters play (Kendall 1993: 19).

15. Participants: shaman masters and relatives (according to the data both maternal and

paternal relatives might participate in the ritual).

The achieved status is that of an initiated mudang who is able to contact spirits and solve the

problems of his/her clients, his/her community; the new shaman has undergone or will

undergo a learning process by practising shaman masters.

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The most characteristic Mongolian initiation ritual appears among the Buriads and is called

šanar. The Buriad term šanar (in written Mongolian činar, Khalkha Mongolian čanar) means

“quality” in the written and spoken Mongolian languages; in our case it refers to the skills of

5 I participated in numerous shamanic rituals, ceremonies during my fieldworks among various Mongolian ethnic groups (Sárközi – Birtalan 1997), but never took part in a šanar, hence the above described material is based on the data of other researchers. (A detailed summary and analysis of previous materials cf. Birtalan 2004).


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the shaman “to improve the power, the skills of the shaman”. During the series of initiation

rituals the ability and skills of the shaman are to improve more and more.

This system (or chain) of initiations is amply described in the literature, but it is also a kind of

purification ritual in a wider sense. The initiation process of the white or white�black

shamans6 is called šandruu. The šanar performed for the purpose of purification could be

ordered by anyone from a shaman in order to banish bad�luck, illness, etc, but only during the

initiation ritual of a shaman. Rinchen,7 one of the foremost students of Mongolian shamanic

researches, was the first to describe the šanar�initiation of the Mongolian Buriads (Rintchen

1961: 128�137), followed by Gantogtox8 (1997) and Kümin (2001) presenting the recent

process of the ritual. Lately a PhD�student of mine Balogh Mátyás documented his field

results and published an article on the šanar (Balogh 2005). The following sketch of the most

important steps and objects of the ritual are based on the description of their data (there are

many differences of course between the rituals of particular shamans and particular territories,

our description contains the general features). The purpose of the ritual is dual: the shaman

can receive a higher rank of initiation, and the members of the shaman’s community can order

purification rituals (usually on the third day of the šanar).

1�2. The mythological background is based on the threefold comprehension of the world,

inhabited by supernatural beings, spirits, gods, partly of Buddhist and among the Buriads

Christian origin (a detailed description of the Mongolian mythology cf. Birtalan 2001); see

also below under 8�10, 13�15.

3. Importance of the age and gender. Gender is not significant, male and female shamans are

equally among the Mongolian population. Age is not important either, thus the classical age

of being called by the spirits is between 8–10 and 40 years of age.

4. Birth marks (surplus body parts) occur among the Mongolian shamans, but are not as

significant as among the Hungarians.

5�6. The pre�initiation sickness and malady are very characteristic. I made several interviews

with Darkhad and Oirad shamans and shamanesses and the pre�initiation sickness was always

a significant phenomenon (Birtalan fieldwork archive). Resistance to the spirits’ will is also

an inseparable part of Mongolian shamanism. Some informants of mine claimed to be devoted

Buddhists and did not wish to become shaman (Birtalan 1993).

6 On the question of black and white shamans, cf. Kharitonova 2004. 7 Professor Rinchen used various transcriptions of his name, hence the difference among the references. 8 The x in Khalkha and Buriad words is pronounced like [kh].


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7. The shamanic knowledge is transmitted by the spirits’ call and via a long training process

(Birtalan 1993).

8�10, 13�15. The ritual rebirth of the Buriad shamans takes place during šanar on a

meticulously formed ritual place. The ritual place (Buriad derbelge) symbolises the place of

the rebirth of the shaman which will be repeated twelve or thirteen times to complete a whole

initiation and become a zairan (Buriad form).9 The ritual aims to keep and foster the shaman’s

agnation, the udxa (“mythical origin”). Dualistic principles of the mythical background of

Buriad shamanism appear in the ritual place, such as the cosmic principles and phenomena of

ancestorship: the Sun and the Moon; the father and the mother, the old and the young, the

animal and the human being. An important phenomenon is fertility and rebirth (father –

mother, nests with eggs). Eighty�one (nine times nine) or twenty�seven or sixty�three birch

trees (xuhu) constitute the frame of the ritual place and it is called exe derbelge. There are two

more trees of larger size with roots in the ground (the rest are only put in the soil without

roots) called father tree (esege modon) and mother tree (exe modon). One tree is set up west of

the 81 trees, for the purpose of tying the horses of the invited spirits to it and it is called serge

“post tree”. Although most of the symbolical paraphernalia is attached to the father and

mother trees, in some cases there is a special tree for the nests called üür modon “nest tree”.

The trees and the tent, the yurt, are connected with a golden (or yellow) coloured rope. Fells

and skins of different wild animals (squirrel, ermine, sable) and small axes (tamruur) shaped

of birch bark hang on the trees. Behind the mother tree there is a tent covered with felt, which

is the place of the descending ongons. Between the tent and the temporary yurt (ger) built at

the Northern edge of the ritual place there is a line of nine more birch trees. The yurt is built

for the offerings, the nine trees are set up for nine children assistants (yühenšin lit. “the nine”)

of the shaman.

Objects and paraphernalia on the ritual place�symbolise the cosmic background of the šanar;

there is a red Sun (on the father tree) and a white Moon (on the mother tree) made of textile or

silk. Three nests (üür) are set on the mother tree with three eggs, made of wool, in each one

(nine altogether), and four wedges (šaantag) are stuck at its roots (symbols of the four

cardinal points of the world). There are some symbolic objects on the father tree too,

representing the mount of the shaman: reins made of elk’s skin (sumnaar).

Time. The šanar is arranged in the first summer month, around the beginning of the Moon�

month, and continues for three days. The šanar must start before sunset.

9 The terms in this paragraph – if it is not indicated otherwise– are from the dialects of the Buriad language.


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Participants. The šanar is performed for the promotion of the shaman�candidate that is why it

is conducted by another shaman of higher rank. Some members of the shaman’s community

represent the clan�ancestors and the shaman�protectors: two elderly people act as the spiritual

mother and father (exe, esege) of the shaman, and nine children, three girls and six boys

(yühenšin) represent nine protector spirits, deities.

Offerings on the occasion of the šanar and the process of the ritual. Both bloody and

bloodless types of offerings are performed during the šanar. A sheep (e. g. sheep of “blue,

grey” colour) will be offered for the šanar and particular parts of the meat will be offered to

the ongons10 and will be consumed by the participants during the three days of the ritual.

Apart from the meat, sacred white food (sagaan idee), some sugar, fruits, and homemade

pastry belong to the food offering. The guests, and those who order purification ritual for their

family also bring sacred pieces of blue or white silk, the so�called xadag as a kind of offering.

The ritual begins – similarly to other shamanic rituals – with the purification of the ritual

place (with juniper, arsa) and the clothing of the shaman. The shaman puts on his garments

and starts his invocation with his drum. In the meantime the nine children assistants also put

on their special clothes and start the purification ritual circumambulating the fire in the yurt.

The shaman and the nine children offer xadag to the spiritual father and mother and the

shaman continues the ritual, namely invoking various deities, spirits. During the ritual the

shaman and the nine children walk around the ritual place. The šanar could be connected

sometimes with a consecration of cattle (see above).

The trials during the ritual. The shaman � similarly to other Siberian and other Asian (e. g.

Nepalese) shamans � must climb high on a stage formed on the trunk of a sacral tree without

falling or if he/she falls down, without being hurt (Kümin 2001; Balogh 2005). This event

demonstrates the presence of the sacral, the supernatural in the shaman’s body.

�

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The Hungarian term táltos originates from the Finno�Ugric common heritage of the

Hungarian language (TESZ 1976: 832; Berta 2001), the phenomenon can be derived from the

pre�Conquest belief�system which shares a lot of similarities with Siberian shamanism

(Diószegi 1998). Contrary to the Korean and Mongolian systems, the traditional Hungarian

10 Ongon (plur. ongod) are the general name of the protector spirits and of their representation. On the ongon�cult cf. Birtalan – Sipos – Colō 2004.


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táltos is not a vivid part of the religious or social life among Hungarians, i. e. the táltos as a

mediator�type sacral figure is nowadays only part of the folk narratives, legends.11

The initation process of a Hungarian táltos, contrary to the Mongolian and Korean shaman’s

initiation, is not public, but takes place concealed, the ancestral spirits stealing the candidate

or his/her soul. This is a process and not a ritual; it is called in Hungarian elrejtezés “being in

hiding”: “One of the accused said, when interrogated for charlatanry in 1720: “... lying dead

for nine days, he had been carried off to the other world, to God, but he returned because God

sent him to cure and to heal.” (data from 1720; http://mek.oszk.hu). Elrejtezés “being in

hiding” is also a word of Finno�Ugric origin. The centre notion of this initiation is a well�

known phenomenon throughout Siberia, the dismembering of the candidate in order to find

his/her extra bone. The dismembering occurs usually during a long (e. g. seven�days sleep; cf.

Eliade 1974; Diószegi 1998, etc.

1�2. The mythological background and the supernatural world are based on a similar world

comprehension, which can be clearly reconstructed from Hungarian folk narratives recorded

from informants since the 19th century, and from the folk tales.12

3. Gender is not, but age is significant in most shamanic initiation stories, the candidates

being called by the spirits and initiated usually at the age of 7, or 14.

4. The birth marks (surplus body parts) are very important and one of the most characteristic

distinguishing features of the táltos still living in the folk tradition (six fingers on one hand,

extra bones, being born with teeth, or with thick hair (on the back) etc.).

5�6. Presence of pre�initiation sickness, malady and resistance against the spirits’ will. The

candidate and his/her family oppose the spirits’ will, and this might cause the candidate’s

death.

7�12. Transmission of knowledge. According to the narratives recorded since the 19th century

and the lawsuit interrogations written down since the 17th century, the táltos receives his/her

knowledge not through training, but through calling and initiation: “Nobody taught me to be a

táltos, because a táltos is formed so by God in the womb of his mother.” (Data from 1725;

http://mek.oszk.hu). Pseudo�death – rebirth occur during the inner initiation when the táltos'

body is dismembered and reconstructed. Trials occur also in dreams or visions: climbing the

11 An exception is today some new religious movements. Healers, divinators call themselves táltoses though the main problem with them is the lack of the original mythical background and that most of them mix up various phenomena from various cultures (starting from the Asian systems through the original Hungarian up to North� or South�American phenomena). 12 For an excellent brief survey on the táltos�belief cf. Pócs 1990.


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world�tree, reaching other world�layers and fighting with other táltoses in the form of a bull,

cloud, fiery wheel etc. (táltosviaskodás).

Conclusions:

In the societies where shamanism and the religious conceptions connected to it are still vivid,

and even more where they are thriving, both the mythological and folk religious model, and

the paraphernalia (ritual objects) are present – as in the case of Korea and Mongolia. In these

two cultures the established religion (Buddhism) and the philosophical religious system

(Confucianism in Korea) influenced significantly shamanism, but its fundamental nature

remained intact. Owing to their importance in social life, the initiation rituals are spectacular

public events. In the case of the Hungarians, where the initiation turned into an internal affair

(only via vision, dream), there is no public ritual in the known tradition. The initiation

happens inside the candidate’s body and mind showing externally only the symptoms of a

sickness.13

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September 12–17, 1992 Taipei, China. Ed. Chieh�hsien Ch’en. Taipei, Taiwan, National Taiwan University and Center for Chinese Studies Materials pp. 1–10. Birtalan, Ágnes 2001. Die Mythologie der mongolischen Volksreligion. In: Wörterbuch der

Mythologie. I. Abteilung. Die alten Kulturvölker. 34. Lieferung. Ed. Egidius Schmalzriedt – Hans Wilhelm Haussig. Stuttgart, Klett�Cotta pp. 879–1097. Birtalan, Ágnes 2004. Buryat Shamanism (Mongolia). In: Shamanism. An Encyclopedia of

World Beliefs, Practices, and Culture. Ed. by Mariko Namba Walther – Eva Jane Neumann Fridman. Santa Barbara, California – Denver, Colorado – Oxford, England pp. 539–545. 13 As we mentioned above this constitutes the part of the Korean and Mongolian initiation rituals as well, but it is only a part of it and not the central affair.


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Birtalan Ágnes – Sipos János (in collaboration with �. Colō) 2004 „Talking to the Ongons”: The Invocation Text and Music of a Darkhad Shaman. In: Shaman 12. Nos. 1–2. (Spring/Autumn) pp. 25–62. Diószegi, Vilmos 1967. A pogány magyarok hitvilága. Budapest, Akadémiai Kiadó [The Beliefs of Hungarian Pagans] Diószegi, Vilmos 1998. A sámánhit emlékei a magyar népi műveltségben. 2. edition. Budapest, Akadémiai Kiadó [Traces of Shamanic Belief in Hungarian Folk Culture] Eliade, Mircea 1974. Shamanism. Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy. (Bollingen Series LXXVI.) Princeton, University Press Gantogtox, G. 1997. Derwelge modnii üg xelleg. In: Erdem šin�ilgeenii bičig 9. pp. 45–55. [The terminology of Derwelge trees. In: Academic Writings] Guillemoz, Alexandre 1993. The Naerim Kut of Mister Kim. In: Shamans and Cultures. Ed. by Mihály Hoppál and Keith D. Howard. Budapest, Akadémiai Kiadó pp. 27–32. Harvey, Kim Yongsook 1979. Six Korean Women. The Socialization of Shamans. St. Paul � New York etc., West Publishing Company Hoppál, Mihály 1984. Traces of Shamanism in Hungarian Folk Beliefs. In: Shamanism in

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birtalan initiation of shaman-type mediators -libre

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