birthing in prehistory

Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 163–171

www.elsevier.com/locate/jaa

Birthing in prehistory

Emer O� Donnell

Finders University of South Australia, Sturt Road, Bedford Park, SA 5042, Australia

Received 11 September 2003; revised 19 September 2003

Available online 27 February 2004

Abstract

The means by which women in prehistory may have attended to their birthing requirements is not generally con-

sidered in archaeological theory and methodology. In this paper I examine the process of pregnancy and birth and

define a number of pre-requisite needs known to maximise the potential for a successful birth. A number of criteria are

identified which appear to be global, transcending socio/cultural mores. This paper outlines a methodological approach

to the identification of this human life event from an archaeological perspective.

Crown copyright � 2004 Published by Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Since primitive peoples lack the scientific knowledge

upon which modern medicine is based, the correspon-

dence between many primitive customs and modern

practice may seem extraordinary. Actually, however, this

correspondence is not surprising, for it is the result of

many thousand years of wrestling with life�s problems.

The customs of primitive people are the product of an

unbelievable amount of experimentation. . . The present

day customs of each society thus represent the net result

of all that its members have learned about the art of liv-

ing (Ford, 1964, p. 88).

Our first upright shuffle across the savannah, some

seven million years ago, set in motion a chain of evo-

lutionary adaptations which have made us arguably the

most innovative species on earth (Price and Brown,

1985; Schick, 1993). From that initial step it is evident

that hominid species did not stay put. They travelled

thousands of miles and experienced vastly diverse cli-

matic variations in the course of their travels. They

reached an extremely cold Europe, and faced an even

more critical need for thermal regulation than their an-

cestors on the savannah.

The varying climatic and environmental conditions

(Guiot, 1997) experienced by ancient and modern hu-

E-mail addresses: [email protected], emero_donnell@

hotmail.com.

0278-4165/$ - see front matter. Crown copyright � 2004 Published b

doi:10.1016/j.jaa.2004.01.001

mans as they reached northern latitudes not only po-

tentially affected their viability throughout their entire

life cycle (Ainsworth Harrison, 1993), it may have in-

spired alternative modes of adaptation to survive

(Noble and Davidson, 1996). However, though bene-

ficial in many respects, these adaptations also poten-

tially introduced a broader spectrum of pathologies

which directly impinge on the health of the young and

vulnerable.

This paper reflects on the requisite needs of a par-

ticular group of Upper Palaeolithic humans from a

theoretical and archaeological perspective. These are

birthing women and their infants. This aspect of human

negotiation is not central to archaeological research. The

concept that active control and negotiation of the birth

process may have occurred during the course of human

evolution is of recent origin (Trevathan, 1997). That

such negotiation could be reflected in material evidence

as early as the Upper Palaeolithic has rarely been in-

corporated in archaeological discourse, or in the inter-

pretation of material evidence. This omission may be

due to the perspective that as the process of birth is

ostensibly organic; evidence relating to its negotiation

does not exist. However, with regard to hominid dis-

persal to colder climates thermal regulation becomes a

critical factor for a significant duration in maintaining

the health of birthing woman and newborn infants (for

y Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

mail to: [email protected],

164 E.O. Donnell / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 163–171

reasons I will outline in this paper). It may also be

central to situating birthing women in a defined spatial

location, potentially rendering them visible from an ar-

chaeological perspective.

The Upper Palaeolithic period of south western Eu-

rope is considered from this perspective as it is in this

region that cultural complexity becomes evident from at

least 30,000 years ago (Gamble, 1986; Wenke, 1984).

Though Neanderthal and modern human groups shared

this area for a significant period of time (Zilh~ao et al.,

1999; Shreeve, 1995), the cultural complexity evidenced

from moderns� allows for a more detailed overview of

potential adaptations regarding birth. As this paper is

theoretically based, the methodology, though outlined,

is still being refined.

The increase of modern human populations during

the Upper Palaeolithic indicates (among other factors)

that women gave birth successfully and consistently

throughout this period and ensured the viability of their

newborn infants. Though demographic success may

have resulted from a number of factors; successful

birthing and postnatal care of newborn infants com-

pensated more than adequately for deaths due to age,

illness or injury, thus ensuring the continuation and

expansion of modern humans. Surviving evidence sug-

gests that the Neanderthal groups, as a distinct and

separate population no longer exist. However, it is also

evident that they occupied parts of modern day Europe

for approximately 200,000 years and survived significant

and intense climatic fluctuations during this time (Jor-

dan, 1999; Mellars, 1996). The duration of their exis-

tence and the success with which modern humans

adapted to the environment with demographic success

suggests some form of behavioural adaptation in the

manner in which both groups prepared for birth.

Nonetheless, when comparing and contrasting ma-

terial evidence related to Neanderthal and modern

groups, it is clear that difference exists, most particularly

in the realm we define as culture. Human to human

communication was maximised and symbolised in

modern groups, while in Neanderthal groups the evi-

dence remaining does not indicate cultural complexity.

Coincidentally (or not), symbolic expression first ap-

pears during a climatic downturn (Gamble, 1986; Mi-

then, 1991). It also peaks during a subsequent cold spell.

These climatic conditions may have necessitated in-

creased inter-group communication to ensure survival.

Such conditions may also have precipitated new forms

of action and innovation within human groups to ensure

their own survival. These conditions also potentially

affect, in a critical manner, birthing women, and their

newborn infants.

In a prehistoric context, demographic constraints are

not solely based on successful parturition. Differential

fertility, nutritional factors, disease, and conflict are

among the factors which directly impinge on group

viability. However, the ramifications of obstetric prob-

lems are also potentially significant factors in the

maintenance of any group system (Hassan, 1981). Death

in the negotiation of birth is not instantaneous. It may

be painful and protracted, and extremely difficult to bear

witness to. For example, an obstetric complication such

as placenta praevia can occur (where placenta obstructs

the opening of the birth canal). This causes extensive

haemorrhaging which is fatal to woman and infant. If

the pelvis is proportionately small in comparison to the

foetal skull dimensions, the result can be fatal. If the

birthing woman is inadequately nourished it may nega-

tively affect her ability to birth successfully. If portions

of the placenta are retained, sepsis may occur which can

prove fatal. Injury or illness during the course of preg-

nancy may also result in an obstetric dilemma. Unhy-

gienic conditions during the postpartum period can

result in puerperal fever, which is potentially lethal.

Adverse temperatures can directly and pathologically

affect newborn infants.

If we allow Upper Palaeolithic groups the same range

of emotions that we are capable of, the ramifications of

even one such death in a season may have had far

reaching consequences. In this Upper Palaeolithic con-

text, the loss of a woman in the negotiation of birth also

represents the loss of a contributive group member

(Ehrenberg, 1989). Such loss may also jeopardise the

future of any previous children she may have had. Those

who may have had some emotional attachment to the

woman will also be affected. The manner in which she

died may have an immediate effect on other women

within the group, whether they had birthed or not.

Confronted with the reality of what can go wrong, and

the potentially extensive and protracted pain involved

prior to death, the process of birth could have embodied

significant meaning for women in this context. It may

also have inspired them to employ mechanisms to ensure

the best possible outcome in the face of this uncertain

life event. Relethford notes that �reproductive behav-

iours are associated with learning, intelligence, and

adaptive social behaviours� (Relethford, 2000, p. 176).

Negotiating this life event is, doubtless, a strong moti-

vation to adapt, adopt, and create mechanisms that

maximise the potential for a successful outcome.

This is the case in technologically advanced con-

temporary systems as, even with vast developments in

obstetric and surgical techniques; the element of uncer-

tainty inherent in the birthing process continues to re-

main a recognised part of its dynamics. Within these

systems preparation for birthing involves a considerable

amount of pre and post-natal care. These mechanisms

also exist in historial and traditional systems (Cressy,

1997; Jordan, 1993; Priya, 1992; Kioke, 2000). Such

extensive attention realistically provides the optimum

base from which to negotiate an uncertain event.

Moreover, their duration is extremely significant. Such

E.O. Donnell / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 163–171 165

rites are not purely confined to the hours or days of the

actual birth process. They span virtually a year in the life

of a pregnant and birthing woman. Attention to pre and

post-natal needs are consistently reflected in rites, ta-

boos, symbolic structures, and material culture in vari-

ous levels throughout the world (Jordan, 1993;

Laderman, 1982). In this manner the pregnant body is

inscribed with meaning and such meaning is recognised

by the group of which she is part.

In addition to this, when traditional, historical and

contemporary medicalised birthing systems are exam-

ined from a physiological and psychological perspective,

a pattern of criteria begins to appear. Often enmeshed in

socio-cultural rites and beliefs, which form part of their

negotiation, they embody real and significant physio-

logical, and psychological benefits. They are also re-

flected in material evidence surrounding the birth

process. On closer examination, a number of these cri-

teria are so solidly locked in place that, though fractured

during the transferral of birthing systems from home to

hospital, medical systems are returning to them. This is

because no comparable alternatives, however carefully

structured, are even closely adequate. If these criteria

can be clearly defined to provide a testable �framework,�it may be possible to reflect on the negotiation of birth

from an Upper Palaeolithic context.

Based on interdisciplinary research, on various as-

pects of parturition, I found that the following criteria

are attended to with considerable regularity to maximise

the potential for a successful outcome during birth.

Emphasis on one, or another, rests predominantly on

cultural or social mores, and sometimes on climatic

conditions. Exceptions are rare. They are adopted and

adapted to incorporate:

1. Thermal regulation to ensure the viability of the new-

born infant.

2. A defined spatial location.

3. Support and companionship.

4. Mobility in order for the birthing woman to negotiate

the process.

5. Attention to the pre and post-natal environment.

6. Ritual and symbolism in the psychological negotia-

tion of the process.

(1) Thermal regulation. Stringent attention to the

thermal regulation of the neonate�s environment, par-

ticularly if there is no skin-to-skin contact between wo-

man and infant is essential (Hamilton, 1999). Research

indicates that there is some level of seasonality in the

timing of birth, particularly in colder environments

(Russell et al., 1993). Based on an examination of reg-

istration of births in Scotland (which included over four

million entries) the authors found that birth rates tend to

peak in spring/early summer (a wide peak) and again in

October (a narrow peak). In addition to this, the effect of

cold on pregnant women is also considered to have some

effect on the weight of neonates (Murray et al., 2000).

Consistently, cold conditions during the post-natal

period can be pathological to a neonate, who lacks the

capacity to shiver and whose efforts to thrive are severely

hampered by cold (Beischer et al., 1997; Turner et al.,

1988). Babies� fat stores are quickly used in their attempt

to regulate their temperatures. When this happens, it is

at the cost of neonatal development. In the effort to

maintain a viable temperature, the infant will not gain

weight successfully, and will not develop as quickly as it

should. If attention to the thermal environment is not

adequate, the result is fatal for a newborn. Ideally,

newborn infants should maintain a core temperature of

at least 36 �C. If the infant�s core temperature is between

32 and 36 �C, this is classed as moderate hypothermia. If

core temperature falls below 32 �C an infant is regarded

as having severe hypothermia (Ellis et al., 1996).

Ethnographies of birth consistently indicate a heat/

cold dichotomy related to the pre and post-natal envi-

ronment that reflect attention to the thermal needs of the

newborn (Jordan, 1993; Priya, 1992). Though the socio/

cultural rites, rituals and meanings attached to this as-

pect of birthing are many and diverse, its physiological

necessity remains constant, and is always attended to in

some manner.

(2) Spatial location. A defined spatial location is

perhaps the most distinctive hallmark of all birthing

systems (Cressy, 1997; Ford, 1964; O�Donnell, 2002;

Steer and Flint, 1999). This location may be simply de-

marked by a screen or may have been deliberately

structured for precisely this event. Such deliberate choice

of a birthing area immediately situates the birthing

woman in a manner that provides her with the oppor-

tunity to incorporate all of the other criteria mentioned

above. Within this place apart she can access the support

and companionship of birthing attendants, she is able to

move and adopt birthing positions that maximise pelvic

expansion, she can control her immediate environment

and the temperature within it, and she can utilise rituals,

symbols and charms that provide not only a focus, but

psychological support throughout the process. Signifi-

cantly, the potential for thermal regulation is also en-

hanced.

The use of a place apart by birthing women addresses

the fundamental physiological need to control potential

sources of stress during the birthing process. Compara-

tive analysis with other birthing mammals clearly indi-

cates the detrimental effect of environmental stresses

ranging from noise, excessive light, overcrowding, in-

terference, or the presence of a stranger have on the

successful negotiation of birth (Macfarlane, 1977;

Martin, 1992; Naaktgeboren, 1990; Newton, 1987). The

experience of stress triggers an endocrinological reaction

in all humans (Lovallo, 1997). If environmental stress is

experienced during birthing, the endocrinological

response halts the dynamics of birth temporarily (Na-

aktgeboren, 1990). This real and necessary physiological


reaction in the face of a perceived threat allows a

birthing woman the opportunity to escape the stressor

by removing herself to a more peaceful environment. If

labour is in the later stages the physiological reaction

brought about by stress causes a rapid conclusion to the

birth process, for the same purpose (Newton, 1987).

Therefore, despite rare exceptions, a defined and exclu-

sive spatial area is fundamental to the successful nego-

tiation of birth.

(3) Support and companionship. A further female-

centred response to stress has recently been defined.

From comparative analysis with other mammals, Taylor

et al. (2000) observed that in times of stress females tend

to build an attachment with other females, networking

with them for their mutual benefit, minimising their

exposure to stress. The authors suggest that such a re-

sponse may be endocrinologically based, adapted from

an evolutionary perspective for its obvious benefits.

Though this finding has not been directly related to the

birthing process, support during the stresses of birth is

now recognised as an intrinsic part of its negotiation

(Hodnett, 2000; Steer and Flint, 1999).

From a contemporary, obstetric viewpoint, the

problems affecting the physical and psychological health

of birthing women in technicalised systems, which were

not allowed access to such support, has led to a vast

corpus of research. Its benefits are tangible, ranging

from a lower incidence of surgical intervention, less

need for pain relief and improved post-natal psycho-

logical maternal health (Kitzinger and Davis, 1978;

Matlin, 1987; Rollins, 1996; Wagner, 1997). Essentially,

the support of another human being in the negotiation

of an uncomfortable, painful, and possibly frightening

event is of considerable comfort and embodies long-

standing benefits to woman and infant. There is also a

didactic element incorporated in such support, which is

particularly relevant in the case of first time birthing

women.

Historically, the support given to birthing women

was from other women who had themselves experienced

birth (Paige and Paige, 1981). This female-to-female

interaction is fundamental to virtually all traditional

birthing systems. Trevathan (1997) suggests that the

evolved female pelvic structure, couple with a corre-

sponding increase in the dimensions of the foetal skull

may also have contributed to the initiation of this sup-

port structure evident in ancient and present day birth-

ing systems.

(4) Mobility. Ethnographic research indicates that

during labour women adopt a number of positions to

alleviate pain and discomfort. During the actual birth

women overwhelmingly choose some form of upright

and forward leaning posture (Ford, 1964; Jordan, 1993).

This position is ideal from a physiological perspective.

Due to the evolutionary development of the human

pelvis a baby has to rotate on its way through the birth

canal in order to negotiate birth. This is the only means

by which it can actually navigate the female pelvic cav-

ity. Therefore, the physical position adopted by birthing

women during this negotiation has an impact on the

success of this transition. By being in an upright posi-

tion, ideally with arms raised above the level of the

waist, a woman is positioned to allow her pelvis to ex-

pand to its maximum extent, expediting the passage of

the baby. In contrast, the use of the lithotomy (lying flat)

position, once prevalent in medicalised systems, is

known to slow the birth process, seriously affect the

circulatory and pulmonary system of a birthing woman,

and is potentially lethal to the unborn infant (World

Health Organisation, 1996).

(5) Attention to the pre and post-natal environment.

Care of the pre and post-natal environment is also

paramount to the continued health of woman and child.

The immediate birthing environment must be main-

tained and access to the birthing woman must be strictly

regulated to avoid the possibility of infection or disease.

Beischer et al. (1997) outline the vulnerability of the

post-natal woman and infant due to the nature of the

labour process itself. Through trial and error, the high

rate of maternal mortality due to puerperal fever in the

last Century was sourced to unhygienic hospital condi-

tions and inadequate attention to this aspect of birthing

(Jordan, 1993). It is not surprising that for humans and

many other birthing mammals an intrinsic part of the

negotiation of birth involves careful preparation of the

birthing environment some time before the actual event

itself (Naaktgeboren, 1990), and continued maintenance

of the birthing environment for some time after. Ethn-

ographies of birth consistently record the attention given

to the pre and postnatal environment, aspects of which

may embody ritual of some type (Hart, 1965; Jordan,

1993; Laderman, 1982). Fundamentally, the continued

and lasting health of woman an infant relies on main-

taining this environment and excluding potential sources

of infection, which includes person-to-person transferral

of disease. The alternative is potentially pathological to

woman and child.

(6) Ritual and symbolism. Ritual and symbolism re-

lating to the entire process of pregnancy and birth is

recognised as providing significant psychological sup-

port in negotiating this life-event to the extent that the

World Health Organisation has included specific refer-

ence to its use in its Guide to Care in Normal Birth: A

Practical Guide (1996). Ritual relates to the ingestion of

particular foods, the avoidance of particular foods,

places or people, the use of charms and the wearing

of amulets, the use of particular locations imbued

with meaning related to pregnancy and birth, the

construction of symbols, the avoidance of certain types

of clothing or tasks, and so on. All forms have the sin-

gular purpose of attempting to ensure a safe pregnancy

and birth. The sharp instrument used for cutting the


umbilical cord is often considered of symbolic signifi-

cance and is therefore disposed of, or retained according

to custom, as is the cord. Similar attention is given to the

removal and disposal of the placenta (Beausang, 2000;

Priya, 1992). The post-natal care of woman and child

incorporates ritual again related to a heat/cold dichot-

omy, the ingestion of particular foods, the marking of

the birth, the eventual naming of the infant and the re-

turn of the birthing woman to the larger community of

which she is part.

This use of ritual in the negotiation of birth cannot

be over-estimated. Even within modern medical systems

the entire process is heavily ritualised, though it can be

argued that ritual in this case often emphasises the sys-

tem over the birthing woman as central to the process

(Robertson, 1999). Irrespective of the emphasis, the

pregnant and birthing body becomes socially, culturally

and ritually ascribed with meaning from the perspective

of the birthing woman, and from those who come in

contact with her (Marshall, 1999). The ostensibly cor-

poreal experience of birth is, in reality, a complex mesh

of human action and interaction, involving intrinsic and

extrinsic negotiations (Thiele, 1999). As gender and

feminist studies have demonstrated, the human body is

not reducible to a given formula (Crowley and Himm-

elweit, 1992; Gatens, 1996; Grosz, 1994). The highly

evolved, complex human brain ascribes kaleidoscopic

meaning to human corporeality. The process of birth

similarly embodies a vast range of meanings and sig-

nificance and ritualised actions and interactions form a

fundamental part of its negotiation.

From an evolutionary perspective, this use of ritual

in the negotiation of pregnancy and birthing may have

initiated from the basic patterning of the human mind

that strives to find meaning and connection in the ne-

gotiation of significant life experiences. Gosden observes

that the body �is the focal point of all levels of experi-

ence� (Gosden, 1999, p. 130). Ritual generates a sense of

order through which meaning is ascribed to corporeal

experience. In addition to this, the transposition of self

as a meaningful part of a larger universe can be effected

through ritual, and through symbolic gesture which in

turn, serves as a psychological defence, particularly in

the face of an uncomfortable, often painful, and po-

tentially hazardous life event. (Pyszczynski et al., 1997).

Therefore, thoughts of mortality in the negotiation of an

event such as birthing can be controlled and accounted

for by this means.

What relevance do these observations have in the

context of archaeological research? Given the proven

necessity for the above mentioned criteria in the suc-

cessful physiological negotiation of birth, their consis-

tent application cross/culturally, globally, historically

and within a contemporary context, these criteria may

potentially be sought in prehistoric systems also. Fur-

thermore, most of these criteria are tangible. To apply

this methodology, I have considered the most easily

adaptable spatial areas available to modern human

groups during the Upper Palaeolithic period in the south

of France. These are the south-facing caves and rock

shelters in the region. While a number could certainly

incorporate many of the criteria shown to expedite the

birth process this aspect of their potential use is not

definitive of all sites.

Methodology to identify potential birthing areas

Thermal regulation to ensure the viability of the newborn

The problem of controlling and maintaining tem-

peratures to ensure the viability of a newborn infant is a

critical factor in the negotiation of birth during the

Palaeolithic in Europe and even more so during the

Upper Palaeolithic. Given the climatic conditions which

deteriorated between 40,000 and 10,000 years ago, this

need for a place apart had to be mediated in some

fashion. Irrespective of season, however, the need for

neonatal thermal regulation should potentially situate

birthing areas in sites that offer maximum protection

from the elements. Theoretically it is possible that a

number of caves and rock shelters may have been

adapted for this purpose.

Suitable caves and rock shelters potentially embody

considerable thermal advantages with a minimum of

modification, a significant factor in the context of glacial

Europe. For example, caves not only provide shelter

from the elements; they can also retain an annual mean

temperature beyond approximately 10m from their en-

trance (Collins, 1976). Therefore, if external tempera-

tures fall to )20 �C, within the cave temperatures may

remain at 18 �C above zero, a critical factor in main-

taining the life of a neonate. The temperature differential

required to sustain the life of a newborn is considerably

lessened in such an environment.

Rock shelters, like caves absorb solar radiation and

provide significant shelter with some adaptation. In both

cases, south facing sites are optimum locales from this

perspective, many of which occur in the south west re-

gion of France (White, 1980). As a result, this region

provides a potential testing area for this methodology.

Though caves and rock shelters may provide signifi-

cant advantages, they are also prone to currents of air.

Caves in particular tend to �breathe,� as air is displaceddue to their morphology and variability in size. There-

fore, particular areas in both of these locations would

have to be chosen with care. In the former case, side

chambers or alcoves are potentially viable, as they pro-

vide additional protection from draughts and can be

modified through the use of hangings/constructed

windbreaks. Selected rock shelters may also bear evi-

dence for such modification. The presence of a hearth


within or closely proximate to these areas may further

indicate that efforts were made to maintain consistent

temperatures.

From an archaeological perspective these areas

within selected caves may contain evidence for such

modification and may contain evidence of hearths.

A defined spatial location

The proven need for a place apart during birthing

additionally situates birthing women within a defined

spatial location. In the context of the evolved group

dynamics and access to resources evident in Upper

Palaeolithic Europe, this consideration had to be medi-

ated in some fashion.

From an archaeological perspective, potential birth-

ing areas in caves and rock shelters would be closely

proximate to group habitation sites, or may be flanked

by them. Proximal location to the main habitation

group is logical when one factors in the presence of

carnivorous animals in this region during the Upper

Palaeolithic period; the need for support and compan-

ionship for a birthing woman; the need to ensure the

safety of previous children (which may be hers or those

of her companion) and the need to access group re-

sources. Evidence for the presence of children may be

evident in areas closely proximate to this chosen site in

the form of footprints, for example.

Support and companionship

The need for support in the negotiation of birth is

also relevant to the spatial domain of birth. The chosen

area must be expanded to include the presence of an-

other or others. I can only estimate the maximum

number of people allowed within this area as to my

knowledge no research on this aspect of birthing exists.

The use of caves and rock shelters immediately provides

a three dimensional spatial area for this purpose with

minimal modification.

Mobility

This spatial location must allow for a degree of

mobility to expedite the birth process. An upright and

forward leaning posture is known to expedite the

birthing process, but such mobility must take into ac-

count the mobility of support companions also and the

need for an element of space in the maintenance of this

site. Certain areas within caves and rock shelters, by

their very structure, provide this facility.

Attention to the pre- and post-natal environment

The proven need to maintain the pre and post-natal

birthing area to ensure the health of a birthing woman

and her infant may be difficult to decipher from material

evidence, particularly in view of the period in question

(the Upper Palaeolithic). However, given the necessity to

maintain the pre and post-natal environment, the pres-

ence of large number of lithic tools or bones would

contradict the real and fundamental necessity to main-

tain a birthing site free from sources of disease or in-

fection.

Therefore, though potential birthing areas may bear

evidence of use, material evidence would be significantly

less in comparison to habitation sites. This would be due

to the specialised use of this area coupled with the ne-

cessity to maintain it. The dispersal of remains or micro

remains may be suggestive of site maintenance (Tani,

1995). Pollen analysis within these areas may indicate

traces of Flora within this spatial location that had an-

algesic, antiseptic or absorbent properties, and which

may have been used for bedding.

The use of ritual and symbolism

Finally, the consistent and global use of ritual and

symbolic structures pertaining to the negotiation of

pregnancy and birth may also be present within these

areas. Specific tools may, for instance, have been de-

posited in a manner that suggests ritual disposal. They

may have been marked in some manner symbolically.

Symbolic motifs may also occur in this area. For ex-

ample, some may be placed in a manner difficult to

view from an upright position, but accessible from a

crouching position. Others may be position in a

manner that demarks or frames the entrance to this

area, indicating some form of specialised use. Some

may be situated within this spatial area. These sym-

bolic motifs may bear evidence for repeated renewal as

such a defined location could have been used by a

number of birthing women (though not simulta-

neously).

Discussion

This concept of a place apart during the negotiation

of birth touches on an alternative interpretation of a

proportion of Upper Palaeolithic symbolism. It is clear

that interpretations of Upper Palaeolithic symbolic

motifs are many and varied. It is also accepted that the

placing of motifs and representations is deliberate and

premeditated (Conkey, 1981; Leroi-Gourhan, 1982).

The negotiation of a potentially hazardous life-event

such as birthing could be incorporated within these in-

terpretations, particularly if these symbolic structures

occur within a spatial area that fulfils the other criteria

of a birthing locale.

Current theories of corporeality perceive the body

and mind as an integrated and highly complex unit


enmeshed with socio/cultural influences (Gatens, 1996;

Grosz, 1994; Marshall, 1999). They argue that there

can be no clear cut definition separating mind from

body, particularly from the sexed body. Though from

birth we are consistently influenced by numerous and

diverse influences, these influences must first navigate

our sexed bodies and our intimate perceptions of

ourselves. We are motivated in part by our physio-

logical needs (Foley, 1991). For example, the physio-

logical need for food motivated the desire to hunt,

gather and create technologies to facilitate this. The

physiological need for warmth, particularly in an ice

age climate, is a strong motivator to seek or construct

shelters. The physiological need for a constant supply

of drinking water may have been a primary factor in

choosing the location of these shelters. Over time the

maintenance of these needs has become heavily socially

and culturally inscribed as they are intellectually ne-

gotiated.

Though pregnancy and birth appear as physiological

processes, their negotiation also involves similar intel-

lectual energy. It is another factor in the motivation of

human adaptation and in the construction and evolution

of technologies and cultural systems. The use of a place

apart in the negotiation of birth is a physiological and

psychological necessity of the birth process and, when its

significance is appreciated and recognised, this place

apart can provide a locus from which to examine female

corporeal, ritual, and symbolic strategies. For example,

the fundamental human propensity to express meaning

and connection evident in symbolic structures is gener-

ally accepted. As the negotiation of birth is a recognised

life event that embodies an element of the unknown, the

quest for meaning and connection in its psychological

negotiation may be greatly amplified. The creation and

maintenance of symbols may have served to reduce

anxiety, fulfil the expectation of relief or provide some

anticipation of success, all significant aspects of the ne-

gotiation of birth (Charlton, 1998). The inherent ele-

ment of uncertainty in birthing is a strong motivator to

anticipating this event and preparing for it long in ad-

vance.

This paper attempts to provide a preliminary meth-

odology for the examination of archaeological sites from

the perspective of birthing needs. Though further re-

finement is doubtless needed, theoretical consideration

of this vital aspect of human negotiation is extremely

relevant to archaeological research. Without consistent

and continuous success in the negotiation of birth, all

other aspects of human negotiation are indeed moot.

Serious consideration of the negotiation of pregnancy

and birth from an evolutionary context could also pro-

vide further indications of behavioural development.

From an Upper Palaeolithic context further research

may potentially reflect alternative aspects of human in-

novation and adaptation in what is regarded as a cul-

turally complex group system. From either perspective,

the negotiation of birth should be considered with the

same rigour and attention given to other aspects of

human negotiation (Davies, 2001), for example, the

transition from puberty to adulthood. This life event

(that could be viewed as a purely biological transition) is

also referred to in the interpretation of Upper Palaeo-

lithic material evidence (e.g. Owens and Hayden, 1997).

Cross-cultural rites related to this negotiation are stud-

ied in detail and reflected on from an Upper Palaeolithic

perspective, despite the fact that no �organic� evidence ofthis transitory life event exists. Nonetheless, symbols,

technologies and artefacts are ascribed meaning related

to this negotiation based on its perceived and accepted

significance to the maintenance of group systems. I

suggest that a life altering, intense and possibly life

threatening negotiation such as birth can also be equally

reflected in the spatial, symbolic and material remains of

the distant past, if we accept this possibility.

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