spondylus in south america prehistory

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Spondylusin Prehistory

New data and approachesContributions to the archaeology of shell technologies

Edited by

Fotis IfantidisMarianna Nikolaidou

BAR International Series 22162011


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Spondylusin Prehistory

New data and approachesContributions to the archaeology of shell technologies

Edited by

Fotis IfantidisMarianna Nikolaidou

BAR International Series 22162011


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Published by

ArchaeopressPublishers of British Archaeological ReportsGordon House276 Banbury RoadOxford OX2 [email protected]

www.archaeopress.com

BAR S2216

Spondylus in Prehistory: New data and approaches. Contributions to the archaeology of shelltechnologies

Archaeopress and the individual authors 2011

ISBN 978 1 4073 0774 9

Printed in England by Blenheim Colour Ltd

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TABLEOFCONTENTS

Lis of Contributors.......................................................................................................................................................................ix-xList of Figures..........................................................................................................................................................................xii-xii

List of Tables.................................................................................................................................................................................xiv

INTRODUCTION

A VolumeonSpondylusMarianna Nikolaidou & Fotis Ifantidis

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I SPANNINGSPACEANDTIMEINSPONDYLUSSTUDIES: ARTIFACTS, SYMBOLS, IDENTITIES

CHAPTER 1 SpondylusShells at Prehistoric Sites in the Iberian Peninsula.....................................................................13-18 Esteban lvarez-Fernndez

CHAPTER 2 Spondylussp. at Lezetxiki Cave (Basque Country, Spain):First Evidence of its Use in Symbolic Behavior during the Aurignacian in Europe....................................19-24

lvaro Arrizabalaga, Esteban lvarez-Fernndez & Mara-Jos Iriarte

CHAPTER 3 Spondylus gaederopus in Prehistoric Italy: Jewels from Neolithic and Copper Age Sites..........................25-37 Maria Angelica Borrello & Roberto Micheli

CHAPTER 4 Status of SpondylusArtifacts within the LBK Grave Goods........................................................................39-45 Jan John

CHAPTER 5 Reconsideration of SpondylusUsage in the Middle and Late Neolithic of the Carpathian Basin...............47-62 Zsuzsanna Siklsi & Piroska Csengeri

CHAPTER 6 Spondylusin South American Prehistory......................................................................................................63-89 Benjamin P. Carter

II VIEWSFROMTHETHRESHOLD:SPONDYLUSTECHNOLOGIESINTHEAEGEAN

CHAPTER 7 Spondylus gaederopus in Aegean Prehistory: Deciphering Shapes from Northern Greece......................93-104

Tatiana Theodoropoulou

CHAPTER 8 The Neolithic Settlement at Makriyalos, Northern Greece:Evidence from the Spondylus gaederopusArtifacts.................................................................................105-121

Maria Pappa & Rena Veropoulidou

CHAPTER 9 Cosmosin Fragments: Spondylusand GlycymerisAdornment at Neolithic Dispilio, Greece.................123-137 Fotis Ifantidis

CHAPTER 10 Personhood and the Life Cycle of SpondylusRings: An Example from Late Neolithic, Greece............139-160

John C. Chapman, Bisserka I. Gaydarska, Evangelia Skada & Stella Souvatzi

CHAPTER 11 SpondylusObjects from Theopetra Cave, Greece: Imported of Local Production?................................161-167 Nina Kyparissi-Apostolika


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III RECONSTRUCTINGLIVES: ARCHAEOMETRICANDEXPERIMENTALANALYSES

CHAPTER 12 The Contribution of Archaeometry to the Study of Prehistoric Marine Shells........................................171-180 Katerina Douka

CHAPTER 13 Paleobiological Study of SpondylusJewelry found in Neolithic (LPC) Graves

at the Locality Vedrovice (Moravia, Czech Republic)..............................................................................181-189 rka Hladilov

CHAPTER 14 Spondylus gaederopusTools and Meals in Central Greecefrom the 3rdto the Early 1stMillennium BCE..........................................................................................191-208

Rena Veropoulidou

CHAPTER 15 Pre-Hispanic Attire made of Spondylusfrom Tula, Mexico.....................................................................209-219 Adrin Velzquez Castro, Belem Ziga Arellano & Norma Valentn Maldonado

CONCLUDINGCOMMENTARYLives and Journeys, of Spondylusand People: A Story to Conclude

Marianna Nikolaidou223-237


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LISTOFCONTRIBUTORS

ESTEBANLVAREZ-FERNNDEZDepartamento de Prehistoria, Historia Antigua y Arqueologa, Universidad de Salamanca

C. Cerrada de Serranos S/N, E-37002 Salamanca, SpainE-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]

LVAROARRIZABALAGADepartament of Geography, Prehistory & Archaeology, University of Basque CountryC/ Francisco Toms y Valiente s/n. 01006, Vitoria, SpainE-mail: [email protected]

MARIAANGELICABORELLODpartement de Gographie, Facult des Sciences Economiques et Sociales, Universit de GenveUni Mail, 40 Bd du Pont-dArve, CH-1211 Genve 4, SwitzerlandE-mail: [email protected]

BENJAMINP. CARTER

Department of Sociology & Anthropology, Muhlenberg College2400, Chew St. Allentown, PA 18104-5586, Pennsylvania, USAE-mail: [email protected]

JOHNC. CHAPMANDepartment of Archaeology, Durham UniversityDH1 3LE, Durham, United KingdomE-mail: [email protected]

PIROSKACSENGERIHerman Ott MuseumGrgey Artr u. 28, H-3529, Miskolc, HungaryE-mail: [email protected]

KATERINADOUKAResearch Laboratory for Archaeology & the History of Art, University of OxfordDyson Perrins Building, South Parks Road, OX1 3QY, Oxford, United KingdomE-mail: [email protected]

BISSERKAI. GAYDARSKADepartment of Archaeology, Durham UniversityDH1 3LE, Durham, United KingdomE-mail: [email protected]

RKAHLADILOVInstitute of Geological Sciences, Faculty of Science, Masaryk UniversityKotlsk 2, 611 37, Brno, Czech Republic

Department of Biology, Faculty of Education, Palacky UniversityPurkrabska 2, 77140, Olomouc, Czech RepublicE-mail: [email protected]

FOTISIFANTIDISAristotle University of Thessaloniki; 16thEphoreia of Prehistoric & Classical Antiquities Thessaloniki Metro94, Theagenous Charisi str., 54453, Thessaloniki, GreeceE-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]

MARA-JOSIRIARTEDepartament of Geography, Prehistory & Archaeology, University of Basque CountryC/ Francisco Toms y Valiente s/n. 01006 Vitoria, SpainE-mail: [email protected]

JANJOHNDepartment of Archaeology, University of West Bohemia in PilsenSedlkova 15, 30614, Plze, Czech RepublicE-mail: [email protected]


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NINAKYPARISSI-APOSTOLIKAEphoreia of Palaeoanthropology & Speleology of Southern Greece34b, Ardittou str., 11636, Athens, GreeceE-mail: [email protected]

ROBERTOMICHELISoprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici del Friuli Venezia Giulia9, Viale Miramare, I-34135, Trieste, ItalyE-mail: [email protected]

MARIANNANIKOLAIDOUCotsen Institute of Archaeology, University of California, Los Angeles1748, Orangewood Ln, Arcadia, CA 91006, California, USAE-mail: [email protected]

MARIAPAPPA16thEphoreia of Prehistoric & Classical AntiquitiesMegalou Alexandrou (opposite to Poseidonion) str., 54646, Thessaloniki, GreeceE-mail: [email protected]

ZSUZSANNASIKLSIEtvs Lornd University, Institute of Archaeological SciencesMzeum krt. 4/B, H-1088, Budapest, HungaryE-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]

EVANGELIASKAFIDAArchaeological Museum of Volos1, Athanassaki str., 38001, Volos, GreeceE-mail: [email protected]

STELLASOUVATZIHellenic Open University2, N. Plastira str., 13561, Athens, GreeceE-mail: [email protected]

TATIANATHEODOROPOULOUThe Wiener Laboratory, The American School of Classical Studies at Athens54, Souidias str., 10676, Athens, GreeceEquipe de Protohistoire Egenne UMR7041 (Archologie et Sciences de lAntiquit)Maison R. Ginouvs, 21, alle de lUniversit, 92023, Nanterre, FranceE-mail: [email protected]

NORMAVALENTNMALDONADOSubdireccin de Laboratorios y Apoyo Acadmico del INAHMoneda 16, colonia Centro, Mxico D.F. 06060, MexicoE-mail: [email protected]

ADRINVELZQUEZCASTRO

Museo del Templo MayorSeminario 8, colonia Centro, Mxico D.F. 06060, MexicoE-mail: [email protected]

RENAVEROPOULIDOUAristotle University of Thessaloniki; Museum of Byzantine Culture, Thessaloniki25, Solonos str., 54644, Thessaloniki, GreeceE-mail: [email protected]

BELEMZIGAARELLANOProyecto Tcnicas de manufactura de los objetos de concha del Mxico prehispnico, Museo del Templo MayorSeminario 8, colonia Centro, Mxico D.F. 06060, MexicoE-mail: [email protected]


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F. IFANTIDIS& M. NIKOLAIDOU(EDS.), SPONDYLUSINPREHISTORY: NEWDATA& APPROACHES CONTRIBUTIONSTOTHEARCHAEOLOGYOFSHELLTECHNOLOGIES

SPONDYLUS IN SOUTH AMERICAN PREHISTORY

BENJAMINP. CARTER

The mollusk Spondyluswas one of the most widely exchanged marine resources in Prehispanic Andean South America, yet we knowrelatively little about the living shellsh or its role within the cultures of this area. Since the original works of Paulsen (1974) andMarcos (1977; see also 1995, 2002) only one review of the prehistoric use of Spondylus(Blower 1995) has been presented despite thecollection of signicant data over the past three decades. While early works are invaluable and still heavily cited, new data contradictmany of the assumptions and conclusions within these works. This chapter makes several arguments based upon recent ecological andarchaeological data to reconstruct Prehispanic Spondylususe. First, it has often been stated that Spondylusis present only to southernEcuador; it is now clear that waters of modern-day Peru also harbor Spondylus. Second, while it has been oft-cited that Spondylusispresent only in deep waters, recent publications indicate that it resides in shallower waters as well. Third, it now appears that Spondy-lusarrived in the Central Andes (possibly as early as 2500 BC) before it arrived in the Ecuadorian highlands (at ca. 1400 BC) ratherthan the reverse as was originally proposed. Fourth, it has been assumed that Spondylusconsumption increased throughout prehistoryreaching a maximum during the Inka Empire, but, now there is evidence of a decline in Spondylus usage late in prehistory (after ca.

AD 1300). Fifth, I also present a complete and current cultural chronology of Spondylusin South America because, while the originalchronologies were very broadly accurate, recent nds illustrate a much more complex history. This work highlights the incorporationof ecological and archeological data to produce a rich and interesting cultural history of the famous shellsh, Spondylus.

INTRODUCTION

Marine bivalves of the Spondylusgenus have been used bySouth American peoples for a wide variety of purposes begin-ning ve thousand years ago. The exterior shell and margin ofthis shellsh is thick and durable, can be shaped into a varietyof forms, and presents a variety of colors, including purple,

red, orange, pink and white. As such, this shellsh was usedas a semiprecious material and incorporated into the political,economic and religious realms of many cultures in the Andesand along the Pacic Coast of South America. This has beenrecognized since before John Murras plea (1975, 1982) tostudy the shellsh. In response to that appeal, broad-rangingchronologies of Spondyluswere presented by Paulsen (1974)and later by Marcos (1977). The latter also provided an initialtheoretical grounding for Spondylus exchange in South andCentral America. Since these original works, vast quantitiesof archaeological information have been recovered through-out Andean South America. Spondylusresearch, however, has

been limited to studies of single geographic areas (Glowacki

2005; Hocquenghem & Pea Ruiz 1994) or specic topics,especially iconography (Cordy-Collins 1990, 1999, 2001;Davidson 1980, 1981; Pillsbury 1996, 1999). Though valu-able and insightful, many of these works are based uncriticallyon early works. Recent archaeological and ecological data isscattered through a wide variety of published and gray lit-erature. This is an attempt to bring this material together toprovide a broader perspective of the use of Spondylusin An-dean and Pacic South America.

Five major updates, two ecological and three archaeological,are provided in this work that contradict the accepted story of

Spondylus. First, it is often stated that Spondylus recoveredfrom an archaeological site in Peru is an indicator of ancientexchange with peoples from the region known today as Ecua-dor. In fact, Spondylusis present (and presumably was present

in the prehistoric past) along the coast of extreme northwestPeru, as far south as Cabo Blanco (Carter 2008: 107-120;Olsson 1961). Contrary to the accepted story, archaeologi-cal Spondylusrecovered in Peru does not necessarily indicatetrade with Ecuador. Spondylusrecovered to the south and eastof extreme northwestern Peru is a likely marker of long dis-tance exchange, however.

Secondly, the shellsh inhabits coastal waters that are muchshallower than previously believed. This is signicant be-cause it is often explicitly stated that, because of the depthsat which Spondyluslives, divers must have been specialists orthat acquiring Spondyluswas particularly expensive; bothof which make Spondyluseven more attractive to the elite. Itappears, however, that Spondylusmay not have lived at suchdepth, but were available in shallow waters (intertidally or be-low 3 meters for Spondylus calciferand Spondylus princeps,respectively). Diving for these shellsh, especially the deeperwater resident Spondylus princeps, was likely not easy; strongcurrents, turbid waters, natural camouage, and strong attach-

ment to substrate may have made these shellsh difcult toharvest even at shallower depths than originally thought.

The third update is that the dating of the initial signs of Spon-dylus exchange (i.e. appearance in archaeological sites be-yond its natural range- into the highlands and south of CaboBlanco, Peru) needs to be modied. It was originally thoughtthat exchange was initiated with the peoples of the Ecuadorianhighlands rst (by ca. 2500 BC; Marcos 1977: 108) and later(ca. 1100 BC; Paulsen 1974) with those who lived in mod -ern-day Peru. It is now clear, however, that these dates needto be reversed. Spondylusarrived in coastal Peru rst, some-

time between 2600 and 2000 BC (Shady Sols 2005, 2006;Shady Sols, Haas & Creamer 2001), and did not arrive in theEcuadorian highlands until later, at approximately 1400 BC(Bruhns 1989).

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SPONDYLUSINPREHISTORY: NEWDATA& APPROACHES CONTRIBUTIONSTOTHEARCHAEOLOGYOFSHELLTECHNOLOGIES

The fourth update is the recognition that, although it wasoriginally proposed that Spondylus consumption increasedthrough time peaking with the Inka empire (e.g. Marcos 1977;Murra 1975, 1982; Paulsen 1974), current evidence suggeststhat Spondylususe peaked on the north coast of Peru amongthe Moche and Sicn (a.k.a. Lambayeque) cultures and de-

creased during the Inka Empire. This is quite understandablesince the Moche and Sicn were located on the North coast ofPeru relatively close to the Spondylusbeds of extreme north-ern Peru and Ecuador.

The fth, and perhaps most important, update is to highlightthe great variability of Spondylusconsumption by PrehispanicSouth Americans through time and space.

MORPHOLOGYANDECOLOGYOFSPONDYLUS

In order to understand the cultural history and use of Spondylus,we must rst rectify current conceptions about its morphologyand ecology. In the eastern Pacic, the term Spondylusrefersto bivalves of the genus Spondylus, which, in this region, con-tains three species: Spondylus princepsBroderip 1833; Spon-dylus calcifer Carpenter 18571; and Spondylus leucacanthusBroderip 1833 (Skoglund & Mulliner 1996; see also Abbot1974; Keen 1971; Lamprell 1986, 2006; Morris 1966; Olsson1961). Spondylus leucacanthusis currently present at depthsmuch greater than the other two (ca. 18-90 meters below seasurface Skoglund & Mulliner 1996: 96, Table 1) and has littleof the red/purple/orange shell so often used to make artifacts.Since it is less likely that Pre-Columbian people used this spe-cies with any regularity, only Spondylus princepsand Spon-

dylus calcifer are discussed below (see Fig. 1-3). Informa-tion on Spondylids of the eastern Pacic is mainly limited todescriptions in shell compendiums (Abbot 1974; Keen 1958,1971; Olsson 1961; Morris 1966; see also Lamprell 1986,2006) with a few important exceptions (de Len Gonzlez,Leija Tristn & Salazar-Vallejo 1993; Mata et al.1990; Sk-oglund & Mulliner 1996; Villalejo-Fuerte & Garca-Domn-guez 1998; Villalejo-Fuerte et al.2002). The taxonomic work

by Skoglund and Mulliner (1996; see also Lamprell 2006) isparticularly helpful because they use both museum specimensas well as detailed research at a single locale, Izla Danzante inthe Gulf of California, to study the taxonomy and ecology of

Spondylids. Although the distance between the Gulf of Cali-fornia and the coasts of Ecuador and Peru makes the directprojection of information from this study to South Americadifcult, much of the information presented by Skoglund andMulliner (1996) is supported by evidence from coastal SouthAmerica. Direct research on Ecuadorian and Peruvian Spon-dylids is still needed.

Shellsh in the genus Spondylus, known as the spiny or thornyoyster, are marine bivalves more similar to scallops than oys-ters. They are moderately large and are strongly sculpturedwith spinose radial ribs (Keen 1971: 96), which gives eachspecies differing degrees of thornyness (see Fig. 1-3). It is

these thorns or spines that are the principal, though not sole,

1 Lamprell (2006: 36) has proposed that Spondylus limbatus Sowerby,1847 is the appropriate nomenclature forSpondylus calcifer.

characteristic used to identify Spondylusin iconography (e.g.Cordy-Collins 1990, 1999; Pillsbury 1996). While there isa high degree of overlap between species, Spondylus calci-fer tends to have a larger (up to 249mm; Skoglund & Mul -liner 1996: 102) and thicker shell with fewer, shorter spinesthan Spondylus princeps, which tends to have a smaller (up

to 145mm; Skoglund & Mulliner 1996: 99) and thinner shellwith longer, more pointed spines. This generalization is com-plicated by the recognition that juveniles of both species mayhave long spines and gerontic specimens may lack them com-

pletely (Abbot 1974; Keen 1971; Lamprell 1986, 2006; Ols-son 1961; Skoglund & Mulliner 1996). In general, while thereis overlap, the two species are different in size and thorny-ness.

Spondylid spines provide camouage, not defense as wasoriginally believed (Feifarek 1987; Jones 2003; cf. Pillsbury1996: 318). The spines provide a framework to which plantsand animals attach themselves, thereby camouaging theshellsh. The creatures growing on the exterior of Spondy-lus, known as epibionts, differ between species; Spondylusprincepstends to be covered with mainly sponges and coral-line algae (Skoglund & Mulliner 1996: 99, g. 27) as well asmarine worms, mollusks and more (de Len Gonzlez, LeijaTristn & Salazar-Vallejo 1993; see also Lamprell 2006: 36;

Norton 1986: 133). Spondyluscalcifertends to have more in-vasive epibionts such as small boring clams, boring sponges,and worms (Keen 1971: 96; Lamprell 2006: 36; Olsson 1961:153; Skoglund & Mulliner 1996: g. 28-29). This means thatarchaeologically recovered Spondylus calcifershells are moreheavily marred by boring and encrusted with calcareous epi-

bionts, while prehistoric Spondylus princepstend to be rela-tively free of epibionts because many of them lacked mineralexoskeletons.

While spines clearly served a function, the bright colorationof Spondylus shells does not appear to have a role in ecol-ogy. Spondylus shells have bright coloration on the interiormargin and much or all of the exterior of the shell. Althoughcoloration can vary between individuals and even within asingle specimen, a Spondylus calcifershell tends to be purpleand orange, while Spondylus princepstends to be orange andred (Skoglund & Mulliner 1996; Lamprell 2006: 36, 80). Al-

though signicant overlap makes it difcult to identify Spon-dylusartifacts or fragments to species, it is most probable thata red object is made from Spondylus princepsand a purpleobject to be made from Spondylus calcifer; orange or pink ob-

jects may be from either species.

Though mobile as a juvenile, adult Spondylids are most oftencemented directly to bedrock or other hard substrate via itsright (lower) shell. Spondylus calcifertends to inhabit rockyareas and, therefore, is often attached by a large portion ofits right shell. On the other hand, Spondylus princepsis moreoften found in sandy areas and, therefore, the attachment areamay be smaller or even absent due to its attachment to a smallobject (e.g. a stone or other shellsh) or not at all (Skoglund &Mulliner 1996: 102; Lamprell 2006: 36).


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Figure 1. Immature Spondylusprincepsfrom Salango [photo by the author]

Figure 2.Immature Spondylus calciferfrom Puerto Peasco, Gulf of California. 7.8cm across [photo courtesy of Chris Brown]

VERTICAL AND HORIZONTAL DISTRIBUTION OF SPONDYLUSPRINCEPSANDSPONDYLUSCALCIFER

The depth at which Spondylus princepsand Spondylus calcifer

reside is particularly important because this information hasbeen used to suggest that harvesting Spondylus, especially thered/orange Spondylus princeps,from deep water would have

been expensive and/or that specialized divers would have

been needed (e.g. Cordy-Collins 1990: 306; Marcos 2002: 28;Paulsen 1974: 597). Marcos (1995, 2002) has made such spe-cialization one of the keys to the rise of the Huancavilca (i.e.Manteo) state of the Ecuadorian Integration Period (ca. AD

5001500).

Originally, it was thought that Pacic Spondylids resided be-tween 20 to 60 feet (ca. 6 to 18 meters; Paulsen 1974: 597)

BENJAMINP. CARTER SPONDYLUSINSOUTHAMERICANPREHISTORY


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or 80-200 feet (25 to 60 meters; Marcos 1977). Skoglund andMulliners (1996; see also Lamprell 2006: 36, 80; Villalejo-Fuerte et al. 2002: 105) recent review, however, indicates

that, in the Gulf of California, Spondylus calciferis availableat fairly shallow depths (intertidal to 18m), while Spondylusprincepsresides in slightly deeper waters (3 to 28m). Thesedepths are supported by the admittedly sparse informationavailable from Peru and Ecuador. Presley Norton indicatedthat Spondylus calciferwas present as shallow as 3 meters,

but maintained, based upon his own diving experience nearSalango, Ecuador, that Spondylus princepswas present only

beyond 15 meters (Marcos & Norton 1981: 148, 1984: 14).Anne Marie Hocquenghem (1999: 59), citing Philippe Barezwho also dove in waters around Salango, indicates that Spon-dylus calciferwas probably available in the intertidal zone butis no longer due to recent overharvesting. More recently, Dan

Bauer, a cultural anthropologist sudying marine resource utili-zation in Salango, indicated that both Spondylus princepsandSpondylus calciferare currently available on reefs and rockyoutcrops between 4 and 20 meters (Bauer 2007; see also Faba-ra 2003: 25, 2008). While research on the modern Spondylidsof the coast of South America and critical application of mod-ern data to the past are still needed, it appears that both speciesmay have been available in waters that were relatively easy toaccess, especially for coastal peoples who were experiencedin utilizing a wide variety of marine resources. Spondylus cal-ciferwas likely available intertidally and Spondylus princepsprobably began to appear somewhere between 3 and 5 meters

below the surface of the ocean. This may have changed in cer-tain areas as the shellsh may have been overexploited locally(Hocquenghem 1999: 59, citing Barez 1996).

Although it is unclear under what conditions specialist diversare needed, it now appears that both species may have beenavailable at depths accessible by divers with limited ability.

Therefore acquisition of Spondylusmay not have been ex-pensive or required a specialist. One must note, however,that other factors suggest that knowledge may have been moreimportant than the ability to dive deeply. Experienced divers,

Norton (1986) and Barez (cited in Hocquenghem 1999: 59-60), have suggested that the ability for Spondylids to be dis-guised by epibionts, the degree to which Spondylids (especial-ly Spondylus calcifer) are cemented to the substrate as well asother factors may have presented problems for divers. Thesedid not necessarily increase the cost in physical effort, butmay have required specialized knowledge, such as the abilityto identify Spondylusthrough the epibiotic camouage and/orspecic techniques to separate Spondylusfrom its substrate.

Archaeologically there is very little evidence for specializedSpondylusharvesting, but such evidence would be particularlydifcult to identify. Even the diving weights regularly foundin the waters of Salango, indicate diving, not specialized div-ing for Spondylusas has been argued. It is possible that the im-ages of Spondylusharvesting in Sicn and Chim iconography(e.g. Cordy-Collins 1990; Pillsbury 1996; see below) suggestspecialization, but it may be that Spondylusacquisition wasthe only pursuit performed by divers that the Sicn and Chimregarded as important enough to enter into their iconography.

Although specialized diving cannot be eliminated as one of thepossible ways in which Spondyluswas harvested, it also can-not be demonstrated that it was necessary. Spondylusdiversmay have been maritime generalists whose submarine prey in-

Figure 3. Gerontic Spondylus calcifer from just below low tide, Puerto Peasco, Gulf of California. 15cm across[photo courtesy of Chris Brown]



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cluded more than just Spondylus, which may have been shedon a part-time, as-needed basis. The collection of Spondylusshould be seen, not as a necessarily expensive and specialized

pursuit, but as one of many strategies used by coastal peoplesto obtain marine resources. Was the knowledge needed toharvest Spondylus(and other prey) shared by all or restricted

to certain individuals? With current evidence we cannot de-termine this. If divers were generalists, costs would not begreat as long as Spondylids were present in relatively shallowwaters. Costs would have increased if Spondylusbeds wereoverharvested, but demonstrating prehistoric overshing, likedemonstrating specialized divers, is a difcult task.

Our knowledge of the geographical distribution of Spondy-lusis based upon very general, and now outdated, shell com-

pendia. Some early archaeological discussions of Spondylus(Marcos 1977: 101, 1986a: 199; Norton 1986: 133) recognizedthat at least one of the species of Spondyluswas present inwaters off extreme northwest Peru (i.e. between the Ecuador/Peru border and Cabo Blanco; see Fig. 4). And yet, Paulsen(1974: 597) and later authors (Anawalt 1997: 52, 1998: 247;Cordy-Collins 1990: 306, 2001, 35; Hocquenghem 1993: 702,1994: 211; Marcos 1995: 101, 2002: 26; Pillsbury 1996: 313,317, 1999: 151) contend that the southern extent of the naturalrange of Spondylids is the tropical waters of Ecuador or theGulf of Guayaquil (although see Glowacki 2005: 258; ShadySols 2005: 112). Indeed, this idea has lead Peruvian ofcialsto use Spondylusas the symbol of the renewal of an ancientrelationship between the two nations after the 1998 Peace Ac-cords ended a decades long border dispute (Sandweiss 1999).Interestingly, even some of the earliest shell compendia placed

Spondylids in the waters of extreme northwest Peru (e.g. Keen1971: 96; Olsson 1961: 152-153; although Keen 1958, the edi-tion cited by Paulsen [1974], indicated that Ecuador was thesouthernmost extent of their range).

Recently, multiple authors have indicated that Spondylus ispresent in Peru. In a regional study for the Nature Conser-vancy, Tern et al.(2004: 147, 190) indicate that both Spondy-lus calciferand Spondylus princepsare present in the CaletoMero/Caleto Sal area (Punta Sal, see Fig. 4), the same localityas some of the specimens of Spondylus calciferstudied by Sk-oglund and Mulliner (1996: 102). Olsson (1961: 152-153) also

gives Zorritos and Caleto Sal as localities from which Spon-dylus princepswere recovered. At Punta Sal, the populationdensity of Spondylus calciferis high enough (3-4 specimensper m2 at 10-12 meters below the surface) that Robles andMndez (1989: 69) encourage commercial exploitation. At Eluro Spondylus calciferis present, but density is signicantlylower (Robles & Mndez 1989: 69). Spondylusdoes not ap-

pear to reside in the Paita Buffer Zone (Olsson 1961; see alsoDaz & Ortlieb 1993) which lies between the warmer watersof the Panama Current to the north and the cooler waters ofthe Peruvian (Humboldt) Current. Both species of Spondylusappear to prefer waters with an average annual temperaturegreater than 20 C (see Fig. 4).

Archaeologically, it appears that a great deal of Spondyluswas worked in the Tumbes area (Hocquenghem 1993, 1999;

Hocquenghem & Pea Ruiz 1994; Hocquenghem et al.1993)probably because the shellsh was locally available. One cannow say that Spondyluslives in the waters of northern Peruand should be considered a Peruvian, as well as Ecuadorian,resource and, therefore, can no longer be seen as a necessaryindicator of ancient trade between the Prehispanic peoples liv-

ing in modern-day Ecuador and Peru.

It has been suggested that the shift southward of warm waterduring an El Nio-Southern Oscillation (ENSO) event may al-low Spondylids to temporarily survive hundreds of miles far-ther south than their natural range (Lumbreras 1987; Ravineset al.1982: 219; Sandweiss 1992: 152; Sandweiss & Rodr-guez 1991: note 9; Sandweiss, Rollins & Richardson 1983:283). Recent investigation of the movement of mollusks dueto ENSOs between 1972 and 2003 have yielded evidence forthe movement of twenty-ve species of mollusks outside oftheir normal range, but no Spondylids were among them (Car-los Paredes et al.1998; Carlos Paredes, Cardoso & Tarazona2004; see also Daz & Ortlieb 1993). Cabo Blanco appears to

be the southern limit of Spondylids, even during the ENSOevents.

An increase in demand for Spondylusfrom cultures in mod-ern-day Peru through time has been used to suggest that theSpondylusbeds of Ecuador were overshed. This reductionin supply drove Ecuadorians to sail farther and farther northin search of the Spondylus beds. This has been used as thedriving force that caused Ecuadorians and West Mexicans tointeract (Anawalt 1997, 1998; Marcos 1977, 1986a, 1986b,1995, 2002). However, there is no evidence for the overshing

of Ecuadorian (or Peruvian) Spondylusbeds. Support for thishypothesis might include a decline in the size of Spondylidsalong the Ecuadorian coast through time, but such evidencedoes not exist. Marcos has indicated that Spondylusbeds arefairly limited along the Pacic Coast of Central and SouthAmerica. While it is true that Spondylids prefer certain envi-ronments, Marcos has not indicated how he created his mapsof the distribution of Spondylus or why they have changed(compare Marcos 1977: Map 1, 1995: Map 1). The naturaldistribution, the quantity of Spondylusin a natural environ-ment and the potential for overshing needs to be researched.Until then, we cannot assume overshing because consump-

tion increased.

The horizontal and vertical distribution of Spondylids alongthe coasts of Ecuador and Peru is much clearer now than inthe 1970s. We have convincing evidence that both Spondyluscalcifer and Spondylus princeps are present at signicantlyshallower depths (intertidally to 18 meters and 3 to 28 meters,respectively) than originally thought. Although these data are

based upon recent records and extending this information intothe past is not without risks, recent patterns in oceanic cur-rents and, therefore climate, appear to date to have begun ap-

proximately 5000 years ago (Sandweiss et al.1996; see alsoDaz & Ortlieb 1993). This suggests that this data is at least

approximately representative; more in-depth study of Spondy-lushabitat, modern and ancient, is needed. The relative easewith which the shellsh could have been acquired calls into



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Figure 4. Map of Ecuador and Northern Peru showing average annual sea surface temperature from 2000-3[based upon Ternet al. 2004:g. 2.3]


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question whether or not the harvesters of these shellsh werespecialized. It is unlikely that specialized divers were neededsolely due to the depth at which Spondyluslives, but it remains

possible that specialized knowledge was needed for reasonsother than depth, including degree of fastness of the attach-ment to the substrate, camouage by epibionts and other local

variables, such as turbidity and current. Either way, identify-ing specialized divers in the archaeological record is difcult.Similarly, there is no archaeological evidence of purportedovershing of Spondylids driving merchant sailors outwardsfrom Ecuador in search of Spondylusbeds.

PREHISTORICUTILIZATIONOFSPONDYLUS

The cultural history presented below provides a new archaeo-logical view of Spondylusin South America that contradictssome of the simplied, all-encompassing interpretations ofSpondylus. The story is not simple, but intricate, multifacetedand intertwining. I have retained Paulsens (see also Blower1995) chronological framework, her Periods A and B (before1100 BC and 1100100 BC, respectively have remained in-tact), but I have been able to subdivide her Period C into four

parts (C1-C4). During Period A, Spondylususe began amongcultures where the shellsh was locally available (i.e. coastnorth of Cabo Blanco), but quickly spread to Coastal Peru(south of Cabo Blanco, around 2500 BC) and later into theEcuadorian highlands (ca. 1400 BC). In Period B, as Paulsenindicated, Spondylus use and imagery is dominated by theChavn and Cupisnique traditions. During Period C1 the mostsignicant use of Spondylusis as tiny shell beads, known aschaquira, among the Moche as well as in the Ecuadorian high-

lands. Period C2 shows a marked increase in production ofchaquira and other Spondylus artifacts, as well as the massaccumulation of the whole shell, especially by the Sicn. Dur-ing Period C3 Spondylusis being used primarily as inlay in avariety of materials, especially wood, among the Chim. Andlastly, During C4, the Inka appear to restrict the use of Spon-dylusto the production of small gurines, some of which wereused in the ceremonies on the high peaks of the Andes. Alsoat this time, whole Spondylusvalves were deposited in burialson the coast, especially the Central Coast. Lastly, I highlightsome of the mistakes that have been made in the interpretationof ethnohistoric documents that have made Spondylusappear

more prevalent at Contact, when the Spanish arrived, thanit truly was. Specically, the conation of the terms mulluandSpondylus has caused archaeologists and ethnohistorians tothink that the shellsh was more prevalent than archaeologicalevidence demonstrates. Spondylusis only one of many typesof mullu(Blower 1995, 2000).

PERIODA (BEFORE1100 BC): INITIALEXCHANGE

Paulsen proposed that before 1100 BC Spondyluswas usedmainly by people living within the natural distribution ofSpondylus and was also transported into the Ecuadorianhighlands. Not until after 1100 BC did Spondylusexchange

expand into modern-day Peru. However, it now appears thatthis chronology was inverted. Spondylusdid not appear in theEcuadorian highlands until much later, at around 1400 BC,

nearly 1000 years after it was acquired by people living on thePeruvian Coast to the south of the natural range of Spondylus(i.e. south of Cabo Blanco).Early Spondylususe has been recorded among the Valdivia

peoples of coastal Ecuador: by Valdivia III (ca. 29002600

BC; Zeidler 2003) people were using the shellsh in dedica-tory offerings at the site of Real Alto (site locations are shownin Fig. 5) and this is supported by the presence of Spondylusat the eponymous Valdivia site (Lathrap, Collier & Chandra1975; Marcos 1977, 1988; Zeidler 1991; see also Blower1995; Carter 2008; Meggers & Evans 1965). It has been ar-gued that the absence of the colorful lip on some Spondylusvalves is evidence of external exchange, but, because littledata has been published, it is unclear if this is evidence forlong-distance trade or deposition away from the site (e.g. inagricultural ceremonies in the elds).

Small fragments of Spondylushave been reported from Pre-ceramic sites in Peru (e.g. Aspero and La Paloma) (Blower1995: 95-96; Carter 2008; Moseley 1992: 104; Quilter 1989:24; Zeidler 1991: 258) but these are often tiny fragments withlimited contextual information. The recent discovery of Spon-dylus at the site of Caral (ca. 29002000 BC; Shady Sols,Haas & Creamer 2001; Shady Sols 2005, 2006) is the bestdated and clearest early evidence for exchange of Spondylus.A Spondylusworkshop has been reported at the site (ShadySols 2005: 110), but details have not yet been published.Elsewhere in Peru, early dated Spondylusis found at La Gal-gada (ca. 2000 BC; Greider et al. 1988) and Los Gavilanes(ca. 1750 BC; Bonavia 1982) as well as Initial Period sites

such as Garagay (ca. 1500600 BC; Burger 1992; Ravines etal.1982), Ancon (ca. 1200 BC; Matos Mendieta 1968), MonteGrande (ca. 15001000 BC; Elera 1993; Tellenbach 1987) andPunkur (Burger 1992: 89-90). It must be noted that Spondylusdoes not appear at highland sites in Peru during this period,only at coastal sites and at a few located between the coast andthe highlands such as La Galgada and Monte Grande.

The reassessment of dates from Cerro Narro in the Ecuador-ian highlands indicates that the site dates to approximately1400 BC rather than the original proposed date of 2500 BC,(Bruhns 1989, 2003; see also Carter 2008). The material from

Cerro Narrio, however is quite signicant and includes, com-plete Spondylusshells without spines, square and round cuen-tas, chaquiras, pendants, collars[i.e. necklaces], ear spoolsand highly polished rim fragments (Blower 1995: 89; seeUhle 1922: 236-238). Other Spondylusremains found at near-

by sites (Chaullabamba, Monjashuaycu, Putushio, and others)may also date to a similar time period (Bruhns 2003). The pur-ported early dates of Spondylusin the Ecuadorian Amazon atCueva de los Tayos (ca. 20001500 BC; Marcos 1977: 114;Porras G. 1978) are also highly problematic (Bruhns 2003:158).

Spondylusconsumption during Period A (prior to 1100 BC)

was at rst centered at coastal Ecuadorian sites (and possiblyat sites on the extreme northern coast of Peru). Spondylusap-

pears at archaeological sites outside its natural range at Caral



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Figure 5. Archaeological sites mentioned in the text from Period A and B[based upon Moseley 1992: 34]


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and La Galgada before 2000 BC, but was not consumed inthe Ecuadorian highlands until near the end of this period (ca.1400 BC). There does not yet seem to be a pattern behind thetypes of Spondylusartifacts and ecofacts being used, althoughsimilar types of artifacts were found at Monte Grande, La Gal-gada and Valdivia sites (Zeidler 1991).

PERIODB (CA. 1100100 BC): CHAVNANDCUPINIQUE

During Period B (ca. 1100100 BC; Paulsen 1974), Spondy-luscontinued to be used on the coast and in the highlands ofEcuador, while consumption by the Chavn and Cupisniquecultures of northern Peru reaches new heights.

In Ecuador, this time period has not been well studied. Lun-niss (2001) has reported on Spondylusfrom Salango (for sitelocations, see Fig. 5) during the Engoroy Period (ca. 600100BC). Spondylusartifacts and whole valves are buried as offer-ings in pits and post holes and with human burials (Lunniss2001; see also Carter 2008: 131-132). Three Spondylusshellswere also buried beneath an Engoroy period water retentionstructure (albarrada) in Achallan (Stothert 1995). In the Ec-uadorian highlands, Spondylusdecreases at Cerro Narrio andassociated sites (Bruhns 2003), but is present in the poorlydated site of Chinguilanchi (Uhle 1922: 208). In the northernhighlands, small fragments of Spondyluswere recovered fromall levels at La Chimba (ca. 700 BCAD 250; Athens 1995;Stahl & Athens 2001).

In Peruvian territory, the story is quite different. Paulsens(1974) initial suggestion that Spondylususe increases at this

time, especially as evidenced at Chavn de Huantar (Burger1992), accords with new data (Carter 2008: 133-135). Spon-dylusiconography is particularly notable at this time. Duringthe Urabarriu phase (ca. 1000500 BC) at Chavn de Huantaran anthropomorphic Spondylus, with characteristic spines, is

present on the Tello Obelisk. During the same time span, anundisclosed number of cut Spondylusfragments were depos-ited within the Gallery of the Offerings in the Old Temple atChavn (Burger 1992). Spondylusimagery and consumptionincreases during the Jannabarriu phase (ca. 400200 BC).Spondylusis depicted in the left hand of the Smiling God,in the hands of an individual on the cornice of the New Tem -

ple, and on the ceiling slabs in the Room of the OrnamentalBeams (Blower 1995; Burger 1992; Rick 2005; John HowlandRowe 1967). Remains of Spondylusappear to be more broadlyspread across the site in the later phase; it has been recoveredfrom both elite contexts at Chavn de Huantar and at smallersites in the area (Burger 1992). It is quite clear that Spondylus

played a role in religious and sociopolitical spheres at Chavnde Huantar and that its concentration at the site of Chavn deHuantar marks that site as extraordinary in comparison withother sites. The only nd comparable to those at Chavn isa burial (ca. 750500 BC) at Kuntur Wasi that included 849Spondylusbeads and 3,653 fragments of Spondylus(Bruhns2003: 160; Kato 1993: 216-224).

On the Peruvian coast, Spondylusappears mainly among thepeople classied as Cupisnique (a.k.a. Coastal Chavn). Evi-

dence of Spondylusconsumption includes beads from the Cu-pisnique Clsico (ca. 1000500 BC) site of Pumape (Elera1993: 246), iconography of an eagle holding a Spondylusona Cupisnique Clsico stone vessel (Elera 1993: 249, g. 10;Lapiner 1978: g. 118), layers of ground Spondylusaround alarge stone (altar?) at Moro de Eten (Elera 1993: 252) and un-

provenanced Cupisnique style stirrup-spout bottles that lookremarkably like Spondylusshells (Cordy-Collins & Giannoni1999: 105; Paulsen 1974: 601).

Beyond Chavn and Cupisnique sites only a few occurrenc-es have been recorded during Period B. Spondylushas beenrecovered from Cerro aaique (ca. 900400 BC; Guffroy1989) and some individuals in the famous Paracas burial bun-dles wore Spondylus as necklaces (Blower 1995: 218; Paul1990: 39; J. C. Tello 1959; J. C. Tello & Meja Xesspe 1979).

In summary, during Period B (1100-100 BC) Spondyluscon-sumption increased, but is mainly associated with the Chavnand Cupisnique cultures. The occurrence of Spondylusat othersites may be directly associated with the spread of Chavnoidideology and iconography.

PERIODC1 (100 BCAD 700): THEAGEOFCHAQUIRA

The major evidence for Spondylusconsumption during PeriodC1 comes from the elite burials of the Moche culture on the

North Coast of Peru and from the site of La Florida in thehighlands of Ecuador. At this time, Spondylus was most com-monly fashioned into chaquira, tine shell beads that were as-sembled into composite artifacts. Although evidence of Spon-

dylusartifact production is limited, it appears to be focused onthe coast of Ecuador.

At Sipn (occupied between ca. AD 1300; for site locationssee Fig. 6) evidence is from three large tombs, Tomb 1 (knownas the Lord of Sipn), Tomb 2 (the Priest), and Tomb 3 (theOld Lord of Sipn). Approximately fty-six Spondylusvalvesalong with a wide variety of other nely crafted goods wererecovered in these tombs (Alva & Donnan 1993). The menwere buried with a total of nineteen shell pectorals, seventeenof which were made from thousands of shell chaquira. Basedupon photos and illustrations (Alva & Donnan 1993) of these

beads, I conclude that the tomb of the Old Lord contained apectoral made of exclusively of purple beads, which are likelySpondylus calcifer, and the tomb of the Lord contained four

pectorals with some red or pink chaquiraand one that is com-pletely red, which suggest Spondylus princeps. The Old Lordwas also interred with a non-chaquirapectoral made of whiteshell inlaid with red shell and chaquirabracelets containingsome Spondylus beads (Alva & Donnan 1993). Finally, thetombs of the Lord and the Priest each contained a sacricedindividual both of whom wore a shell pectoral. Other tombsexcavated at the site contained shell pectorals (Tombs 7, 8, 9),

bracelets (Tomb 7), metal objects inlaid with shell (Tombs 5and 9) and whole valves (Tomb 10; Alva 2001).

Other Moche sites have also yielded evidence of Spondylusconsumption. The severely looted tomb at La Mina yielded



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Figure 6. Map of archaeological sites mentioned for Periods C1 and C2Note that Cerro Juan Diaz is off the map to the north

[based upon Moseley 1992: 34]


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fragments of Spondylus and small shell beads (Narvez V.1994). Extensive excavations of eighty-four burials at theMoche III cemetery at Pacatnam produced possibly 218Spondylusbeads that seem to be associated with women andchildren, not men (Donnan & McClelland 1997; see also Cart-er 2008: 144-145). The evidence of Spondylusconsumption at

the supposed capital of the Moche, the site of Moche (Huacade la Luna and Huaca del Sol), is curiously absent at this time,although it does appear in more recent levels.

During Moche V (ca. AD 550650/700) evidence for Spondy-lusconsumption was recovered from Pampa Grande and SanJos de Moro. At Pampa Grande, Spondylus remains comefrom two locations, atop the immense Huaca Fortaleza (orGrande) and workshops dedicated to working Spondylus. Onearticulated Spondylus shell was located beneath the oor ofa checkpoint and another was found beneath a ramp atopHuaca Fortaleza (Haas 1985: 397). A Spondylusnecklace wasplaced on top of the burial of a child and immature llama be-neath the access ramp to the complex of rooms at the top ofthe structure and another necklace was found just beyond theramp in a pit in the oor. In total, these necklaces containednearly 100 large trapezoidal beads and smaller cylindricalbeads made of Spondylus along with turquoise and sodalitebeads (Haas 1985: 404; Shimada 1994: 214; see also Carter2008: 145-146). Another necklace was located atop the sec-ond largest mound, Huaca 2. The Spondylus workshop atPampa Grande, in room 1 of compound 15, contained a scat -ter of thirty-two whole and numerous fragments of Spondylusshells (Shimada 1994: 213-216; see also Anders 1981). Someof the fragments were trapezoidal, suggesting they were unn-

ished versions of the trapezoidal beads from Huaca Fortaleza.The only tool found here was a large cobble. It is surprisingthat no tools used in the perforation of beads were present atPampa Grande or any other Moche site.

Finally, the Sacerdotistas (Priestesses) found at Moche V SanJos de Moro appear to have held Spondylus shells in theirhands (Cordy-Collins 1999, 2001; Donnan & Castillo 1994).Cordy-Collins (1999, 2001) has suggested that the Sacerdotis-tas, both those from San Jos de Moro and those portrayed inthe Sacrice Ceremony painted on Moche pots, are intimatelyconnected with Spondylus. While her argument is interesting,

there is no direct iconographic link between the Sacerdotistasand Spondylus. Of course, Spondylusin the hands of the skel-etal remains of the Priestesses does indicate a connection, butsince other burials also have Spondylus, it is a relationship notlimited to the Sacerdotistas.

While the Moche elite appear to be the major consumers ofSpondylus in coastal Peru, limited evidence is available be-yond the Moche area. At Cerro de Trinidad, occupied duringthe contemporaneous Lima period, a burial contained wholeSpondylusshells and beads (Paulsen 1974: 602). Similarly, aLima period ceramic vessel depicts a person seated on a reedboat holding a Spondylus shell (Cordy-Collins & Giannoni

1999: 107). Middle Horizon Nievera sites also yielded Spon-dylusartifacts (Gayton 1924: 320-321; see also Menzel 1964),

but dating is imprecise.

Spondylusconsumption in the Peruvian highlands appears tobe centered in the Condebamba Valley at Cerro Amaru andMarcahuamachuco (ca. AD 350800) and among the imperialHuari (ca. AD 540900). Because these time periods overlapthe boundary of Period C1 and C2 (AD 700) it is possiblethat consumption discussed here may fall into either period,

but with current data their precise chronological placement isdifcult to determine. At Cerro Amaru, part of a mausoleumoor was covered with burnt cut pieces of Spondylus(Topic1991: 159; Topic & T. Lange Topic 2000: 197). Also at CerroAmaru, nearly 3,000 chaquiraand approximately 90 rectan-gular plaques were dredged from a well in 1900 (Topic & T.Lange Topic 2000: 197; T. Lange Topic 1991: 243). Withinthe Castillo at Marcahuamachuco, 9.6kg of Spondylusshellwere recovered from a shallow pit, including a minimum of20 valves with edges and exterior ground, a minimum of 270

broken rectangular pieces (ca. 10% perforated) as well as frag-mented miniatures (


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Figure 7.Map of archaeological sites mentioned for Periods C3 and C4Note that Huarancate and Uhles site D are not on this map and the Calchaqui Valley, Aconcagua and El Plomo are to the south off this map

[based upon Moseley 1992: 34]



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While the Peruvian evidence indicates relatively large scaleconsumption, a single site in the highlands of Ecuador issimply staggering. At La Florida, a Chaupicruz phase (ca.AD 100450) site, six extremely deep shaft tombs produced674,643 shell chaquira, the majority of which were purpleor red (310,961 and 79,014, respectively; the remaining 42%

were white) suggesting the use of Spondylus (Doyon 1988,2002). Considering the thousands of beads recovered fromextremely rich tombs of the Moche, this quantity of beads isastounding.

Spondyluswas being consumed farther north at this time aswell. Spondylusbeads were also being used at Malagana (ca.200 BCAD 200; north of La Florida) sites in the Colombianhighlands (Bray et al.2005). Spondyluswas also being con-sumed at this time in Panama, during the Tonos (ca. AD 300550) occupation of Cerro Juan Diaz (Cooke & Snchez 1997).A total of 1,200 Spondylusartifacts were recovered from thesite, including Spondylusbeads and other Spondylusartifactsunlike those in Ecuador, suggesting local manufacture.

Important evidence for the production of chaquiraduring Pe-riod C1 comes from Site 47 and other sites near El Azcar incoastal Ecuador. Here, Masucci recovered 597 in-process and37 nished beads along with 1,257 lithic microdrills. The laterwere used for perforating the shell beads. Masucci also identi-ed two distinct sizes: small beads, (i.e. chaquira) and largeones (Masucci 1995). Only seven percent of the beads con-tained coloration suggesting Spondylus. Therefore, althoughchaquirawere clearly produced at this site, they do not appearto have concentrated highly upon Spondylus. It is not clear,

therefore from whence the beads used at La Florida and Sipncame.

During Period C1 (100 BCAD 700), Spondylus consump-tion increased dramatically. The most signicant consumptionwas in the form of tiny shell beads, centered largely upon theMoche on the North Coast of Peru and at La Florida in thehighlands of Ecuador. Consumption has moved into the south-ern highlands, and though signicant the absolute quantities ofconsumption are much more limited than among the Moche.Production appears to be somewhat limited with signicant

production only at the Guangala site of El Azucar.

PERIODC2 (AD 7001100): THESPREADOFPRODUCTION

Production of shell chaquiraon the coast of Ecuador inten-sied drastically during this period. The main evidence forproduction of Spondylus artifacts comes from the Manteosites of Loma de los Cangrejitos (for site locations, see Fig.6) and Lpez Viejo (Carter 2008). Archaeologists recoveredover 10,000 shell beads during excavation of the latter (Currie1995a, 1995b, 2001). I have studied 2,837 shell beads and 460lithic microdrills from Lpez Viejo and 573 beads and 444lithic microdrills from Loma de los Cangrejitos. Many of the

beads from these sites were in-process (1587 [56%] from

Lpez Viejo and 392 [68%] from Loma de los Cangrejitos).Both sites also contained a wide variety of Spondyluscores(the portion of the valve, including the hinge, after the outer

colored rim is removed) and fragments of red, purple, orangeand pink shell. At Loma de los Cangrejitos, people were bur-ied with their tools for making shell beads, including smallchert drills, margins of Spondylus princeps, some in-processSpondylus, sandstone saws, and copper chisels (Marcos 1981;Zevallos 1995). Spondyluswas the main raw material: 86.3%

(458 of the 531 beads from Loma de los Cangrejitos) and55.9% (1,567/2,805 from Lpez Viejo) were red, orange, pinkor purple or bore these colors in part (Carter 2008) signifyingmore careful color selection during this period compared tothe previous.

Production was not limited to the Manteo area. Evidencefrom northern coastal Ecuador comes from Atacames where1,581 discoid shell beads were recovered, of which 68% werered or orange (i.e. Spondylus). Most of these beads were recov-ered from Tola 69 (Cabada 1989: 97-98), which dates to EarlyAtacames (ca. AD 7001100; Guinea 1989: 139). In-process

beads were present, though no data has been published, and,surprisingly, no lithic microdrills were recovered from the site(Cabada 1989; Guinea 1989, 1995; see also Galvn Garca &Barriuso Prez 1986).

Farther north in Panama, people were working Spondylusatthe site of Cerro Juan Diaz during the Cubit phase (ca. AD700900): artisans made a variety of beads including discoidones suggestive of chaquira (n=82 or 28.6% of all beads).Spondylusmade up 12% of shell fragments by count. Shellfragments and style of beads different than those from Ecua-dor suggest local production, but the absence of lithic micro-drills is curious (Mayo 2004; Mayo & Cooke 2005).

Consumption of Spondylusartifacts on the Ecuadorian coastreached new levels during this period. At Puerto de Chanduyexcavations uncovered 774 beads of which 119 (15.4%) hadsome red, orange, pink or purple (Carter 2008). At Ayaln,5,243 shell chaquirawere located amongst numerous burials;most beads were white, but 1,090 (20.8%) were categorizedas solid colored (black, red, orange, lavender, pink and yel -low) or partially white by Ubelaker (1981). Further to the east,the Guayas Basin was occupied by people utilizing a materialculture known as Milagro-Quevedo who were also consumersof Spondylus, but their Spondylusartifacts have been neither

analyzed nor dated adequately (Delgado Espinosa 2002; Muse1991; Zevallos 1995: 261-290).

The main consumers of Spondylus during this period werethe Sicn (a.k.a. Lambayeque), a people of the North Coastof Peru. While their culture dated to AD 750/8001375, theSicn culture reached their apogee during the Middle SicnPeriod (ca. AD 9001100; Shimada 1990). Evidence for Spon-dylusconsumption comes from elite burials, dedicatory offer-ings on the tops of mounds and iconography.

Two large elite tombs have been excavated near the baseof Huaca Loro in the Batn Grande area: the East and West

Tombs. The East Tomb contained a group of 179 wholeSpondylus princepsshells, the largest offering of Spondylusyet uncovered. These shells are particularly large specimens,



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more than 50% larger (16-17cm in diameter) than the norm(ca. 10cm) and weighing nearly 1kg each. Other evidence forSpondylususe comes from groups of beads. Unlike the Moche

pectorals, these contained more large beads, not diminutivechaquira, and these beads were fabricated from a greatervariety of materials, including turquoise, sodalite, amethyst,

transparent quartz crystal, calcite, uorite, agate, amber, andSpondylusshell. It is difcult to know how many beads weredeposited in each bundle have not yet been analyzed and onlythe exterior layers can be seen (Shimada 1995, 2000).

In the West Tomb, the principal individual was buried wear-ing an unspecied number of pectorals that included Spondy-lus, amber, turquoise and sodalite beads. He wore bracelets of

beads of unreported composition. The two women buried inthe central chamber were associated with beads as well: oneapparently was wearing a beaded pectoral and the other was

buried beneath a bead bundle. Compared to the large piles ofSpondylusshells from the East tomb, the central chamber ofthe West Tomb contained only two shells, along with a lineof eleven more connecting the principal individual with a ju-venile male in niche 6 (Shimada 1995; Shimada, Grifn &Gordus 2000; Shimada et al.2004).

Beyond elite burials, Spondylusshells were also used in dedi-catory offerings in large ceremonial mounds constructed ofcolumnar boxes of adobe bricks containing ll. Shimada es-timates that 400 whole Spondylusshells served as dedicatoryofferings in the columnar boxes, seven of which he excavatedatop Huaca Rodillona (Shimada 1990: 341, 366, g. 24-25).

Our understanding of Spondylusconsumption at Sicn sitesoutside of the Batn Grande area is still limited. Three ndsat Pacatnam contained Spondylus: 1) a woman was buriedwith a Spondylusvalve tied to each hand with a sheer fabric,2) a 12-14 year-old was buried with four Spondylusbeads vemeters in front of a U-shaped audiencia, and 3) the remainsof four youths beneath another U-shaped structure were foundwith broken and charred Spondylus (Bruce 1986; Verano &Cordy-Collins 1986).

Sicn imagery includes representations of Spondylus(Cordy-Collins 1990; see also Cordy-Collins & Giannoni 1999). Exca-

vations of a partially looted elite tomb at Huaca Las Ventanasin the Batn Grande area revealed a painted mural called theSicn Cosmovision (Shimada 1995: g. 121). This muralcontains numerous three-, four- and ve-pronged crescents,some of which bear their original red paint. By themselves,these images are not convincingly Spondylus, but as AlanaCordy-Collins (1990, 1999, 2001) and Joanne Pillsbury (1996,1999) have argued, it is likely that these pronged crescentsrepresent Spondylus. Sicn imagery on museum objects con-vincingly depicts scenes of Spondylusdiving (Cordy-Collins1990). These scenes often contain a stylized boat upon whicha single or several individual oversee the shing. Divers areattached to the boat via cords tied to their waists and they ap-

pear to be collecting three-pronged crescents. Although the artobjects studied by Cordy-Collins have limited context, some

contain the Sicn Diety (or Lord) and therefore have been at-tributed to Middle Sicn Phase.

Spondylususe on the coast of Peru was not limited to the Mid-dle Sicn, but nds outside the La Leche and LambayequeValleys are limited. Spondylus was recovered from Cerro

aaique (Guffroy, Nigueras & Caldo 1989), Pachacamac,(Franco Jordan & Ponciano Paredes 2000: 613), Nievera (seeabove), Pinilla (Paulsen 1968: 3; ca. AD 1000, Menzel 1964:Plate I) and Cahuachi (del Carmen Rodriguez de Sandweiss1993; Silverman 1993; Silverman & Proulx 2002: 66-67).The only large deposit was observed in three Middle Horizon

pits at Pachacamac which contained a total of 106 Spondylusvalves (Franco Jordan & Ponciano Paredes 2000: 613). Theother nds consisted of small fragments or unspecied mate-rial.

As previously indicated, it is possible that much of the ma-terial discussed for the Peruvian highlands during Period C1may belong here. Only future clarication of chronology willclarify this issue.

The single most important development of Period C2 (AD7001100) is the broad expansion of Spondyluschaquira, es-

pecially at Manteo sites on the Ecuadorian coast. Produc-tion spreads north to include Atacameos and even residentsof modern-day Panama. Consumption of Spondylusbecomesmore diverse as chaquiraretain their popularity, but are ac-companied by whole shells and inlay. The Sicn appear to bethe largest single consumer, though many other cultures showsigns of consumption on smaller scale.

PERIODC3 (AD 11001470): CONTROLSHIFTSSOUTH

After the disappearance of the Middle Sicn (ca. AD 1100),the coast of Peru was dominated by the expansionist Chim,whose control of the north coast is cut short by the Inka atapproximately AD 1470. These two cultures were also the pri-mary consumers of Spondylusduring their respective periods,

but in ways different from their predecessors and each other.

In Ecuador, the Manteo of Period C3 stop making the tinychaquira beads of Spondylus and transition to larger, more

irregular beads made from conchilla, sea-worn bits of shell(Carter 2008). Sites dating to this time period, such as MarBravo and Salango-140 (for site locations, see Fig. 7), havefew lithic microdrills (24 at each; Carter 2008) but have likelyin-process beads, suggesting that these expedient beads mayhave been drilled with a perishable material (cactus thorn,wooden drill with abrasive, etc.). These sites do show someuse of tiny Spondyluschaquira, but the presence of very fewin-process beads hint that they are curated (or recovered) arti-facts from the previous time period. Shell bead production atJapoto, another Manteo site, appears to be similar, but moreregimented. There appears to be a clearer production chain,more like beads from the earlier period (Carter 2008), than at

Mar Bravo and Salango, but no lithic drills are present (Guin-ea 2006). However, few of the beads from Japoto appear to bemade from Spondylus.



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While the production of Spondyluschaquiraon the coast ofEcuador appears to drop off signicantly, it is neverthelessclear that the shellsh remained an important raw material.The single most spectacular discovery in Ecuador from thistime period is a cache of approximately 600 Spondylus prin-ceps valves at OM-PL-IL-14 on La Plata Island (Marcos &

Norton 1981, 1984). The presence of a grave containing anInka ofcial also suggests direct involvement of the empirein the acquisition of Spondylus (Dorsey 1901). At nearbySalango-140 (ca. AD 13001600), which has few Spondylus

beads and lithic microdrills, excavators recovered 15 wholeSpondylusshells, 153 valves and over 16kg of fragments ofSpondylusshell (Allan 1989; Carter 2008; Norton, Lunniss &

Nailing 1983). Spondyluswas being processed at the site, butit is unclear whether the lips were being removed for export,as is often suggested (Norton, Lunniss & Nailing 1983): Oneresearcher lists only nine Spondylusshells with their colorfullip missing (Allan 1989). At Loma de los Cangrejitos, buri-als from Marcos phase C, ca. AD 15001600, do not containSpondylusartifacts as did earlier burials (Marcos 1981: 54).

The Ecuadorian highlands show even less evidence of Spondy-lusconsumption than previous periods. Approximately 2800chaquirawere recovered from imprecisely dated pre-Inkacontexts at Ingapirca, but only some of these were purple(Fresco 1984: 143). These appear to have come mainly fromTomb 1 and Room D which contained chaquiras of mullu(Fresco 1984: 89).

During C3, the Chim dominated the coast of Peru and Spon-dylustrade as well. The evidence for Spondylusconsumption

at the Chim capital of Chan Chan is very scattered due tosevere looting; few intact contexts remain. Ground Spondylushas been recovered from stone-lined bins in three of the cui-dadelas (large elite constructions), including Cuidadelas Ban-delier, Liberinto, and Tschudi (Conrad 1981; Pozorski 1979:123). Quantities of Spondylushave also been recovered fromthe walk-in well at Cuidadela Tschudi (Pillsbury 1996: 323citing personal communication from Arturo Paredes). Buri-als in front of U-shaped structures within Gran Chim alsocontained shell beads and a whole Spondylus princepsshell(Andrews 1974: 252). Within the Las Avispas burial platformof Cuidadela Liberinto, carved and whole shells (including

Spondylus and Conus fergusoni) were found in and imme-diately around the chamber area of the platform (Pozorski1979: 134). Within Cuidadela Rivero, a half centimeter thicklayer of ground Spondyluswas found at the north end of a

bench along the west wall of the burial platform. In the areasbetween and around the cuidadelas, known as SIAR (SmallIrregularly Agglutinated Rooms), a cobble-lined pit from be-neath the intersection of two walls contained six completeSpondylusshells (Topic 1981).

The evidence for Spondylususe is more interesting at the out-er huacas of Chan Chan, including Huacas El Dragon (ArcoIris) and Tacaynamo. These were probably burial mounds like

those in the cuidadelas of Chan Chan, but the preservationof these sites is greater and, therefore, can provide insightinto what the severely looted tombs of Chan Chan may have

looked like. Huaca El Dragon produced 1,563 shell objects,520 (33%) of which were Spondylus(Schaedel 1966). In Cell11, one of the well-preserved contexts, archaeologists recov-ered 200 pieces that were cut, in preparation, ve valvesand fteen whole shells. The objects that were cut, in prep-aration were deposited while in the process of becoming

rectangular pendants and other objects for inlay. The fteenwhole shells were wrapped in textile along with twenty-fourStrombus (probably Conus) shells (Schaedel 1966). HuacaTacaynamo revealed similar use of Spondylus. Twenty wholeSpondylus pictorum (probably Spondylus princeps), 1983fragments of Spondylus and fty-four complete Spondylusobjects were recovered from the site (Iriarte B. 1978). Thenished artifacts present a wide variety of forms similar tothose used as inlay on wood and other materials (Jackson2004; Cordy-Collins 1990: g. 13). Iriate (1978) notes thatmany of these nished objects had bitumous glue on one sidesuggesting that they served as inlays. Margaret Jackson (2004)has studied the wooden sculptures recovered from Tacaynamoand El Dragon, which include a wide variety of human forms,most containing some sort of inlay, including white, iridescentand red/purple shell.

The excavations of tomb 7 on Platform I at Huaca de la Lunaat the Moche site, which date to the Chim occupation of thesite, provide more context for the materials found at Tacayna-mo and El Dragon. Tomb 7 produced 45 valves of Spondylus(and 287 Conusshells) and a textile bag containing more than700 worked fragments of unidentied shell (Ricardo Tello1997; Uceda 1997). While the fragments and whole shells ofSpondylusin Tomb 7 are similar to the material from Huacas

Tacaynamo and El Dragon, it is the inlay and wooden guresfrom Tombs 6 and 7 that provide an analogy for the shell andwooden artifacts from Tacaynamo and El Dragon (Jackson2004; Uceda 1997). Two maquetas(wooden miniatures of ar-chitecture) in the form of a ceremonial plaza were recoveredfrom these tombs in which numerous wooden individuals andobjects, 13 from Tomb 6 and 39 from Tomb 7, depict a cer-emony for a deceased individual (Ricardo Tello 1997: 32-33,35). These architectural models may represent ceremonies inminiature that were represented at Tacaynamo and El Dragonin larger, though smaller than life-size, form. The most impor-tant aspect of these maquetato the present research is their

association with quantities of whole and fragmentary Spondy-lusand the inclusion of Spondylusinlay on the wooden sculp-tures.

Also on top of Cerro Blanco, which overlooks the Moche site,quantities of Spondylus princeps(and Conus fergusonii) wererecovered (Cordy-Collins 1990: 396, citing Uhles unpub-lished notes; Menzel 1977: 41). This nd appears to be relatedto the Chim occupation of Huaca de la Luna at the foot ofCerro Blanco (Bourget 1997).

Spondylusimagery is present at Huaca Tacaynamo. A minia-ture wooden backrest contains imagery reminiscent of Spon-

dylus diving (Cordy-Collins 1990; Pillsbury 1996, 1999),though pronged crescents are not visible (Jackson 2004:g. 5). Jackson (2004: 310-312) has interpreted three of the



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wooden male sculptures from Tacaynamo as prisoners andsacricial victims, all of whom have three-pronged crescents

painted on their bodies. This is the most convincing evidence,from any time period, of an association between Spondylusand sacrice.

Chim consumption of Spondylus can be seen outside theMoche Valley at the sites of Tucum (El Purgatorio), Caburand at Site V-124. A Shell-Bead Workshop at Tucum con-tained beads similar to the rough, irregular Manteo beadsof this time period (Carter 2008) and, curiously, lacks lithicmicrodrills. Chaquira, however, were recovered from Cabur,where three Chim burials of young children (6-9 years old)each contained a single Spondylus princepsnear their handsor heads (Sapp 2002). Two of the burials contained a total of6,400 small chaquira(2-5mm in diameter) which Sapp (2002)suggests are made of Spondylus. Twenty-two whole and 152pieces of Spondyluswere recovered from the Huaca Quad-rangle at Cabur, but because of looting activities it is unclearif these belong to the Sicn (Lambayeque), Chim or Inka oc-cupations at the site. At V-124 in the Vir Valley twenty-veSpondylusshells were recovered from the ll near the oor ofa U-shaped structure, as at Chan Chan (Andrews 1974; Collier1955: 44). Approximately 500 meters west of V-124, Burial 1at V-304 was recovered with a Chim pot and two articulatedSpondylusshells (Collier 1955: 47).

Beyond the wooden sacricial victims from Tacaynamo,the most convincing Spondylus iconography comes fromChan Chan and nearby Huaca Esmeraldas (Pillsbury 1996).The imagery from the Los Buceadores (the Divers) frieze in

Cuidadela Uhle is clearly reminiscent of the imagery fromCordy-Collins (1990) study of Spondylusdiving. Divers be-neath a boat are surrounded by three- and four-pronged cres-cents. Four-pronged crescents are also seen on the relief onthe Platforma de las Virgens, in Cuidadela Uhle, but withoutany diving imagery. Finally, at the outer Huaca Esmeral-das, pronged crescents can also be seen along the base of themound (Pillsbury 1996: g. 13).

Finally, Anne Pollard Rowe (1984; see also Carter 2008: 182-183) has presented a wide variety of artifacts that are believedto date to the Chim period, although some may be Sicn. In

many cases tiny chaquirawere woven onto textiles in a vari-ety of ways. However, since these artifacts lack any but themost general context, it is difcult to identify the time periodor archaeological culture to which they belong.

Period C3 (AD 11001470) saw a dramatic shift from theconsumption of chaquirato a primary concentration on inlayfor wooden statues, especially those associated with the rep-resentation of funerary ceremonies. Most Spondylusis beingconsumed by the Chim at this time.

PERIODC4 (AD 14701532): INKADOMINATION

When the Chim were defeated by the Inka around AD 1470,Spondylus usage changed dramatically. Spondylus was notnearly as ubiquitous during Period C4 as many have sug-

gested. Little Spondylushas been published from large Inkasites, such as at Cuzco (for site locations, see Fig. 7) (Bauer1998; Isbell 1997), Ollantaytambo (Protzen 1993), HunucoPampa (Morris & Thompson 1985), or Machu Picchu (Burgerand Salazar 2004). Valcrcel (1946: 181) did locate a smallanthropomorphic gure, also of shell, red on the front side

and white on the back from the fortress of Sacsahuamanabove Cusco. Little Spondylusis present at smaller Inka sitesin the highlands. The Mantaro Valley project recovered a totalof ve fragments of Spondylus, only one of which dated tothe post-Inka Wanka III. A single Spondylusvalve and an un-specied number of Spondylusbeads were recovered from thechullpasat Cutimbo (Tantalean 2006). A small llama gurineof Spondylus was recovered near the surface with Inka pe-riod artifacts at Pampa Koani (Kolata 1986: 751) and a singletubular bead was recovered from Inka period contexts in theCalchaqu Valley of northwest Argentina (Earle 1994: 450).A single fragment of Spondyluswas recovered from the LlutaValley in northern Chile (Santoro et al.2004).

Other than these fairly limited and minor nds, all of the ma-jor Inka period Spondylusnds in the highlands are from ca-pacochasacrices on the highest peaks. Nearly all of theseare llama or human gurines made from Spondylus. The childmummy on Cerro Aconcagua was recovered with two llamaand an single human gurine of Spondylus(Schobinger, Am-

puero & Guercio 2001) and a necklace with 47 Spondylusbeads (Brcena 2001). At a nearby Inka tambo(way station)along the Quebrada Horcones, another small human gurinemade of Spondyluswas found (Schobinger 2001). Similarly,the child mummy from El Plomo, Chile was interred with

Spondylusgurines of a llama and a woman (Mostny 1957).A Spondylusgurine of a man was recovered from TaapacVolcano (Reinhard 2002: 85) and another, along with a llamagurine of Spondylus, were recovered from Cerro Copiap(Iribarren Charln 1978; Reinhard 2002). Other Spondylusgurines have been recovered from the southern Peruvianhigh peaks of Huarancate, Pichu Pichu, Sara Sara and Ampato(Chvez Chvez 2001).

Chile has been cited as the southern extent of Spondylustrade(e.g. Marcos 1977), but, outside the Inka capacochasacriceson the high peaks, Spondylusremains in Chile are minimal.

The dating and context of the quantity of Spondylusbeadsrecovered from Alacrn Island in northern Chile is question-able (Bird 1943; Carter 2008: 187). Bird did, however, nd asingle similar bead from Inka contexts at Playa Miller (Bird1943). The limited presence of Spondylus on the coast ofChile has more to do the vast networks of trade and trans -

portation that developed with Inka imperial expansion thanwith Spondylusexchange per se. Although Spondyluscan befound farther aeld than during previous periods, this appar-ent expansion, at least geographically, of Spondylusconsump-tion does not necessarily indicate an increase in demand, butmay be more indicative of an increase in the importance oflong-distance trade. In this sense, Spondyluswould have been

traded along with a vast array of Inka imperial goods.



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The southern and central coast of Peru, however, presents alocal expansion of Spondylusconsumption at this time. In theIca Valley of South Coastal Peru, a Late Horizon youth wasburied with parts of necklaces of Spondylusshell pendantsalong with whole Spondylus valves (Menzel 1977: 12-13).Farther north, three of eight graves at Pampa de los Canelos

contained two to ve Spondylus shells (Kroeber & Strong1965: 30). Uhles Late Horizon Site D (not shown on map)produced regularly rounded oblong pendants and ne beads(chaquira?) of Spondylus (Kroeber & Strong 1965: 51-52).Only a single Spondylus fragment was recovered from thenearby shing village of Lo Demas (Sandweiss 1992: 152).

Around modern Lima, Spondylus has been recovered fromLate Horizon contexts, generally in the form of whole shells.The pattern is best seen at Puruchuco, where 1,286 burialshave been excavated (Cock 2002; Cock & Goycochea Daz2004), and Huaquerones (Farfn Lobatn 2000). Melissa ScottMurphy (2004) has studied 207 burials from these sites. Oneto fourteen Spondylusshells were found with 68% (15/22) ofthe high status, false head mummies. Only 6.5% (12/185)of the lower status mummy bundles contained any Spondylusshells. This pattern appears to be similar at other Late Horizoncemeteries in the area (Daz Arriola & Vallejo 2004: 297-298),including Armatambo (Daz Arriola 2004: 590-591), Ancn(Ravines & Stothert 1976: 158, 164), Rinconada Alta (Frameet al.2004) and Pachacamac (Eeckhout 2004: 28-29, Table7; Franco Jordan & Ponciano Paredes 2000; Shimada 1991;Uhle 1991: 37-39). Also, the door to a temple at Pachacamacwas reportedly adorned with whole Spondylusshells attachedto a cloth background (Paulsen 1974: 603; Shimada 1991:

XXXIV).

North of the Lima area, there are few sites with Spondylusduring the Late Horizon, perhaps because of the loss of much

political and economic might in the area due to the Inka con-quest of the Chim (Hyslop 1984, 1990). Aside from the Lam-

bayeque Valley, Spondylus was recovered at only one site,Late Horizon Chiquitoy Viejo (Conrad 1977).

In the Lambayeque Valley, however, Spondylusreappears. Re-mains at Tucum, the capitol of the Late Sicn polity with sig-nicant Inka period occupations, combine both of the patterns

discussed above. Two small human gurines, similar to thosefrom the high peaks, were buried to the east of the doorwayat the Temple of the Stone (Heyerdahl, Sandweiss & Narvez1995: 109, g. 78-80). Inka mummy bundles from the SouthCemetery often clasp Spondylusvalves in their hands (Heyer-dahl, Sandweiss & Narvez 1995: 177, g. 156) and, in a ndreminiscent of Moche and Sicn pectorals, a mummy bundlein Room 1 of the Huaca Larga had 16 strings of Spondylusshell beads (Heyerdahl, Sandweiss & Narvez 1995: 96).Upon La Raya, the mountain towering over Tucum, Spon-dylusoccurs more frequently than anywhere else at thesite, except in the burials (Heyerdahl, Sandweiss & Narvez1995: 186).

The most important nd of Spondylus in the Late HorizonLambayeque Valley is the burial of a Spondylusand Conus

artisan at the local Inka administrative center of La Via (Shi-mada & Samilln Torres 2008). This artisan was buried withhis tools (large shale tablet and shale saws) and nished andin-process artifacts. In-process artifacts include a Spondylusshell with its spines removed, shells with etched lines outlin-ing rectangular or trapezoidal plaques on the exterior of the

shell that would have been removed by breaking along theetched lines and a shell with the plaques removed leaving onlythe hinge core. These rectangular, trapezoidal and triangular

plaques were then used to make a variety of small artifactsincluding sh, crops and human forms. There is no evidenceof bead production; no nished or in-process beads or lithicmicrodrills. This burial provides denitive evidence of Spon-dylusartifact production similar to the undated material fromthe Tumbes area (Hocquenghem 1993, 1999; Hocquenghem& Ruiz 1994). Spondylusartifacts have been recovered from

both Cabeza de Vaca and Rica Playa. Cabeza de Vaca (orTumbes Viejo) sits on a heavily occupied hill above the cityof Tumbes. Shell artifacts, including those made from Spon-dylus, litter the site. Signicantly, a wide variety of in-processand complete shell artifacts are present along with slate tabletsand saws and hammer stones. Spondylusartifacts included hu-man, llamas, sh and vegetable gurines similar to those fromLa Via (Hocquenghem & Pea Ruiz 1994).

There is very limited evidence from the Ecuadorian highlandsduring Period C4. At Tomebamba, an Inka-period construc-tion in modern-day Cuenca, four tombs contained an unspeci-ed number of mullusof Spondylus (i.e. Spondylusbeads),a single Spondyluspendant and a fragment of a possible hu-man gurine made from Spondylus. A llama gurine, of the

type known amongst the Inka, was also found in a pit (IdrovoUriguen 2000). The possible human and the llama gurinesclearly indicate an Inka presence.

Consumption of Spondylusappears to decline during PeriodC4 (AD 14701532). Evidence for Inka consumption of Spon-dylus is largely limited to the capacocha sacrices on high

peaks. The La Via burial appears to indicate that shell artifactproduction was an important, perhaps specialized, occupation.

ETHNOHISTORICEVIDENCE

There has been much discussion about the use of Spondylusin the Andean area at the time of contact with the Spanish.The largest single problem has been the conation of the termmulluwith Spondylus. David Blower (1995, 2000) has explic-itly shown that mulluis a broader term that includes objectsmade from Spondylus, but which cannot be reduced to, nortranslated as, Spondylus.Mullu, according to Blower, is 1) amulti-colored concept that includes Spondyluscolors (i.e. red,yellow, orange and purple) but also includes white, gold and

blueish-green (Blower 2000: 213-215); 2) may include herbsand other food items as well as shell, including but not limitedto Spondylus, stone, bone and turquoise (Blower 2000: 215-217, 222) and 3) is often related to water, sacrice/offering

as well as women (Blower 2000: 218). The recognition thatmullu> Spondylus, is extremely important because many ofthe most important citations of Spondylususe in ethnohistoric



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documents are based upon translations of mulluas Spondylus.For example, Murra (1975: 257, 1982: 266; see also Marcos1977: 119) states that millions of humans, Andean farmers,needed quantities[of mullu] that we can consider industrial.He bases this upon a quote from Cobo (1653) that refers tothe vast use of conchas del mar or seashells in the high-

lands, but does not specify Spondylus. And while Spondyluswas certainly used, did millions of farmers require industrialquantities? The archaeological evidence discussed above doesnot support the interpretation of the industrial use of Spon-dylusby the Inka.

It is often stated that Spondyluswas a favored food of the gods(e.g. Blower 2000: 215; Glowacki 2005: 260; Murra 1975:258, 1982: 266; Paulsen 1974: 603; Pillsbury 1996: 318; Ros-tworowski de Dez Canseco 1999: 36), but again this is basedupon the translation of mulluas Spondylus(Murra 1975: 258,1982: 266; Saloman & Urioste 1991: 116). There is no otherinformation, except for the cap, cap of the jaws of MacaHuisa as he eats the mullu, to suggest that Spondylus, or anyshellsh, was being eaten as mullu. We have little evidencetherefore that gods ate Spondylus, though we can be fairlycondent that they did consume mullu.

The value of Spondylus is often indicated by an account byPablo Jose de Arriaga, a seventeenth century Jesuit missionaryin Peru, who states that a piece of mulluthe size of a nger-nail is worth four Spanish reales (Arriaga 1968: 45; see alsoBlower 2000: 210; Murra 1975: 260). While this does suggestthat mulluis quite valuable, he indicates that mulluis a smallfragment of a large seashell from which people make beads.

This may or may not be Spondylus, but it does suggest thehigh value of sea shells in the Andean highlands.Perhaps the most convincing piece of ethnohistoric evidenceof the importance of Spondylusat the time is the Samano-Xe-rez Relacin (Samano 1844), the account of Francisco Pizar-ros captain Batolomeo Ruiz, which records the capture of alarge indigenous balsa raft off the coast of Ecuador in 1525.The raft, carrying 20 men, had a capacity of approximately 25modern tons (Currie 1995a: 511) and carried a large collec-tion of valuable goods. All this they brought to exchange forsome shells from which they make coral red and white beads,and they had the vessel almost laden with them (Currie

1995a: 511). Unfortunately, we know little about from wherethis vessel came or where it was heading and the identica -tion that people made beads from these same shells must beseen in the light that the two foreign peoples had little meansof communicating. Were the shells for making beads? Werethey for trade with the coastal Late Horizon peoples who usedthem in mummy bundles? Were they trading them with Inkaartisans who fashioned gurines? Were they making objectsthemselves? The current interpretation is that the voyagers in-habited the coast of Ecuador, specically Calangome, whereevidence for the production of Spondylusartifacts at this timeis relatively limited. This should not make light, however, ofthe fact that this large capacity vessel was almost laden with

Spondylusshells.

The apparent decrease in the use of Spondylusafter ca. AD1100 according to the archaeological record does not accordwith the current interpretation of ethnohistoric accounts.However, the purported use of vast quantities of Spondylusat contact is not so obvious once one realizes that those vastquantities are of mullu, which is not necessarily Spondylus.

Spondylus, however, was still being used and may have beenone of the more important types of mullu. At this point, how-ever, we simply do not know how prevalent Spondyluswasafter the arrival of the Spaniards.

CONCLUSION

Prehispanic Spondylususe was dynamic varying through timeand space. This work provides ve key updates to the inno-vative works of Paulsen (1974) and Marcos (1977). First, Ihave demonstrated that Spondylusmay not have been difcultto acquire because it was present in waters much shallowerthan originally believed. This means that it may not have beendifcult to collect Spondylus shells,

spondylus in south america prehistory

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