bock_music in merida

8/4/2019 Bock_Music in Merida

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University of Texas Press

Music in Mrida, YucatanAuthor(s): Philip K. BockSource: Latin American Music Review / Revista de Msica Latinoamericana, Vol. 13, No. 1(Spring - Summer, 1992), pp. 33-55Published by: University of Texas PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/780061

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Philip K. Bock Music in Merida, Yucatan

The late GeorgeDevereux once suggestedthat, in the study of ethnopsychiatry,"depth equals breadth." By this hemeant that the intensive study of a few individuals(or even of one person)from a given society could yield information on psychologicaland socialphenomena that is as valuable as a more superficial study of many in-dividuals(Devereux 1980:315). This aphorism may be appliedto the studyof music in a number of different ways. Some scholars have immersedthemselves in the works of specific composers or performerswhile othershave devoted themselves to a musical form(ballad, sonata, concerto), trac-ing its development, diffusion, and world-wide significance.Recently, two trends have appeared in ethnomusicology that illustratethe wisdom of Devereux's remark. Careful investigationof the repertoiresand performance practice of a few individuals, as in Judith Vander'sSongprints1988), reveals the complex cultural and historical matrix inwhich musical knowledge is embedded. On the other hand, studies of ur-ban music have shown the extent to which surveys of large communitiesmanifesting multiple musical traditions can reveal the dynamic processesthat constrain individual choice (Nettl 1978; Finnegan 1989).I travelled to Yucatan on sabbatical leave from the University of NewMexico to survey urban music in the capital city, Merida.1 The immediatemodel for this study was an article by David K. Stigberg (1978) thatdescribed the musical scene in Veracruz-a somewhat larger and morecosmopolitan city than Merida, but one that seemed comparablein manyways. I had wanted to visit Yucatan since I first read Robert Redfield's TheFolkCulture f Yucatan1941), which sealed my commitment to social an-thropology; however, fieldworkin central Mexico took precedence(Bock1980).Stigberg's essay, "Jarocho,Tropical, nd 'Pop': Aspectsof Musical Life inLatinAmericanusicReview,Volume13, Number1, Spring/Summer99201992by theUniversity f Texas Press


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34 : PhilipK. BockVeracruz, 1971-72," introduces the reader in an excellent manner to themain genres and musical groupings that were current during his nine monthsof fieldwork. He outlines the demographic and socio-economic context inwhich musicians worked, the audiences to which they appealed, and theprocesses of technological and social change that were then affectingmusical life in Veracruz. Many of Stigberg's observations apply equally toMerida and, I suspect, to other cities of comparable size (about a halfmillion) in Latin America. The displacement of older forms of music byradio, television, and pop recordings is evident, though some traditionalforms persist in domestic or neighborhood settings. Also, city, state, andnational agencies promote particular styles for tourist purposes and as partof their concept of nationalism, regional identity, or indigenismo.2In this article, I will limit myself to what appeared to be distinctive aboutmusic in Merida during the period of my residence (January throughMarch 1989). I brought to this study my training as a social anthropologistand a pianist (mainly classical, but with many years performing popularmusic with dance bands) and my interest in the distribution of culturalforms in social space and time (Bock 1986). Coming to Merida with fewpresuppositions, I resolved to approach the city through all the kinds ofmusic and settings available to me, focusing on those genres and per-formers that seemed to represent the community best, to express its distinc-tive values, and to predict, perhaps, the direction of social change.

Merida in 1989Merida is a relatively easy city in which to become oriented; with a few im-portant exceptions, the streets are numbered-even numbered streets runnorth and south while odd numbered streets run east and west. Locationswithin the colonias(neighborhoods) are often indicated by Cartesian coordi-nates (for example, Calle 69 x 70 indicates the intersection nearest the mainbus terminal). The downtown area centers on the cathedral (Calle 60 x 61)and the main plaza with its surrounding government buildings, banks,shops, and eating places. The nearby mercado s a locus of retail activityfrom early morning to mid-afternoon although some shops sell piratedcassettes, little music is usually heard there or at the tourist craft market afew blocks away. Each of the colonias has its own central area with achurch, market, retail shops, and often a movie theater, while some of theprosperous outlying neighborhoods have shopping centers or even malls.One's first impression of Merida is of a busy, but exceptionally clean andpleasant, downtown area served by old and plentiful public transport. Ex-tending north from downtown is the elegant Paseo Montejo with its luxuryhotels, consulates, museums, and restaurants. A friendly taxi driver helped


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Music in Mrida : 35me find a suitable apartment at Calle 14 x Avenida Col6n (in the coloniaGarcia Gineres). The second bedroom of the apartment overlooked thedance hall of the Merida Lions Club. This was fortunate for research butless so for sleep, since public or private dances usually continue until threeor four in the morning.My notes from the earliest days in Merida recall a soundscape in whichbirdsong and diesel engines were complemented by car horns and radios,recorded music, and domestic disputes issuing from private homes. (On thelack of auditory privacy in Mexico, see Bock 1988:10). Public buildingsand hotels often featured background music of an international "pop" style,while several types of businesses used music to attract customers or tocreate an ambiente or clients. The opening of a new business was generallyadvertised with the promise of a granfiesta with many musical groups andentertainers.

Live music was heard little in residential areas, voices and instrumentsoccasionally sounded from the streets or the chanting of a novena might beheard from a home, but spontaneous singing seemed rare. The pipes of theknife sharpener (four or five ascending whole tones), the whistle of the mailcarrier (sounding a minor third), and the bell-like clang of the ice creamvendor were the only instrumental signals noted. Some ambulatory ven-dors of fruits or vegetables also gave street cries, but these seemed moreidiosyncratic than standardized. In retrospect I realize that my notes con-tain no references to church music. I attended one mass at the neighbor-hood church and observed a wedding at a downtown church, but have norecord or memory of either organ or choral sounds. This is an unfortunateomission, especially since Protestant missionaries are making many con-verts in Yucatan and it would be useful to contrast their musical practiceswith those of the Roman Catholic congregations.

It seems clear that music plays a large part in the commercial andcultural life of the city. The English-speaking tourist or visitor will soon en-counter a copy of YucatanToday, a vacation guide of maps, advertising, anduseful information about schedules of events. A listing of "Daily Happen-ings" is also posted at the Tourist Office, including many free cultural andmusical events such as nightly concerts (except Saturdays) and an ongoingprogram of varied lectures or discussions. The city government also spon-sors "Sunday in Merida," which features dances and musical programs atdifferent parks around town.

Both the Merida city government and the government of the State ofYucatan underwrite a large number of what Milton Singer called "culturalperformances." On these occasions, the local and regional identities ofMeridanos and Yucatecos are represented, often with explicit reference todifferent historical periods and to class or ethnic relationships. I attendedone of these events on a Thursday night at Santa Lucia Park. The serenata


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36 : PhilipK. Bockstarted promptly at 9 p.m. with sixteen instrumentalists dressed up in white(the men wearing soft hats, "Pilipino" shirts, and white trousers; thewomen wearing colorful embroidered blouses or dresses) playing severalorchestral numbers. This was followed by two men who recited long anec-dotes, an excellent trio (see below), and a soloist who sang and playedguitar. Each of these performers was given an elaborate introduction. As afinale the orchestra played again while a small troupe of dancers, who hadbeen waiting over an hour, performed ajarana.

Although most of the audience appeared to be local, this performancewas clearly oriented to Spanish-speaking tourists. The introductions andanecdotes provided an historical context for the songs and dances, catego-rizing and labeling parts of the performance and assigning meanings tothem in the same way that the plaque in the corner of the park labeled thisspace as the site of performances of the "Orchestra Tipica Yucalpeten"begun in 1942. (See MacCannell 1976:110 for information on touristicmarkers and their functions, including the tendency of the marker toreplace the "sight" that it labels or represents.) As I later learned, thejaranais the regional dance of Yucatan, holding roughly the same position there asdoes thejarocho in Veracruz (Stigberg 1978:264f.), although the Yucatecanform is more highly subsidized.3A few nights later, the Teatro Jose Pe6n Contreras provided an evenmore elaborate cultural performance. This handsome theater, built in 1907(the height of the Porfirato), has been beautifully restored. There the BalletFolklorico de la Universidad Aut6noma de Yucatan (U.A.Y.) presented atwo-hour spectacle, "Yucatan y sus Raices" (literally, "Yucatan and ItsRoots," but by false etymology, also "Its Races"). Presented several timesduring the year under the sponsorship of the state Instituto de Cultura, thisshow lays out an historical framework within which viewers are invited toorganize their experiences. An extended description of this event will beuseful, I hope, in understanding other performances as well.The ballet was divided into seven parts, each representing a discrete periodor epocaof Yucatecan history. The curtain rose at nine o'clock revealing anelaborate tableau with two sumptuously costumed dancers in a "ritual pose"before a smoking censer; they were surrounded by about thirty other dancersin less elaborate dress. According to the program this was the "epoca Maya."'The setting was clearly "jungle" with tropical plants and trees framing thescene and a three-dimensional model of the main temple at Chichen Itza atthe back of the stage. Some of the costumes and poses may indeed be taken,as claimed, from the Codex Tro-Cortesiano, but most of the choreographystruck me as unnatural, show-business like, with angular movements and agreat deal of stomping about with legs spread to indicate an "exotic ritual."The men wore stretch tights or body suits with attached rattles while thewomen's costumes were very colorful, covered with sequins or glitter.


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Music in Mirida : 37The program listed four dances in this epoch, all part of a "new fire

ceremony." These were the dance of the princes, dance of vestales,dance ofthe warriors (involving much posing with decorated spears), and a con-cluding victory dance. I was not able to identify the music that revealed aromantic stylistic quality, with drums and flutes prominent. At one pointthe warriors blew on conch shells and just before the new fire was ignited, amale voice delivered an emotional recitation about the glories of the Mayacivilization. This first part lasted about fifteen minutes.Part two, "The Conquest," consisted of one brief scene entitled "flagel-lation and doctrine." It portrayed a single Spanish soldier in armor whip-ping a line of agonized male and female dancers who writhed across thestage in chains, while a Catholic priest looked on. The program mentioned300 years of slavery, but the dance represented this period in about fiveminutes with little imagination or expense.Part three, "Spanish Influence" (distinct from the conquest) was a seriesof five beautifully costumed dances with authentic music of the eighteenthand nineteenth centuries. It was intended to show the creation of a "terceracultura" (mestizo), neither Spanish nor Maya. First appeared ajota aragonesawith a solo singer and sixteen dancers wielding castanets. The setting wassuggested by a large backdrop showing a hacienda gate, though the junglewas still represented at the sides of the stage. Following a long and livelydance, the transition "De laJota a laJarana" was shown by a group of six-teen mestizo dancers who performed ajarana to their own singer. Then bothgroups danced together. (The termjarana may originally have been used indisapproval of the rough style of the peasants; among its meanings are"binge," "spree," "rumpus," and "riot.")Part four, "French Influence and the Porfiriato," was set in an elegantterrace with stone railings and potted plants, though the jungle still invadedthe sides and background. Men in tails and women in turn-of-the-centurygowns and hats danced a series of European ballroom steps with formalgrace and intentional stiffness. Soon a mestizo group entered and repeatedthe steps of waltz, shottish, and polka in a freer, more spontaneous mode.Couple dances alternated with group forms. The suggestion of mutual in-fluence was subtle and well portrayed. Some of the European dance steps(for example, "Lancers") were quite complex. The final dance was per-formed by the mestizo group alone, first in a circle, then in a chain. Therecorded accompaniment was varied, one selection sounded like the man-dolins of a tuna while others featured violins or brass.After the intermission, part five showed the influence of Cuban music anddance on Yucatan, especially in the carnaval.Six dances were presented, againintermingling couples with group. The genre called danzoncalled for complexcoordination of dance with music, one section showed the mestizos trying tolearn the dance, at first with difficulty, then with enthusiastic success.


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38: Philip K. BockThe sixth part showed the conjugacionf Maya, Spanish, French, andCuban dance styles in the Yucatan. The six dances includeda dance with apig's head, a basketdance, and a familiarjarana"Chinito Koy Koy"). Inthe finale, groupsof between eight and twelve dancersrepresentedeach ofthe majorstylesand periodswhile a narratorspokein sonoroustones about"our ancestors." The multiculturalmessage was contradicted, however,by a passage in the program that referred to the Yucatecan hypocrisy ofwelcoming foreignerswith humility while acting in a superior way towardthe Maya (mestizo?) sector of the population. Thus when the narratorin-tones "When will my people be free?," we must ask whose voice is speak-

ing these words and how sincerely.4The performance ust describedseems to be a regionalversion of the na-tional Ballet Folkloricowhich many people have seen in Mexico City or onits internationaltours. The Yucatan balletalso tourswidely. Its dancers arestudents at the U.A.Y. who receive scholarshipsin return for their par-ticipation. Many of these students, togetherwith graduatesof the program,participatedin a special serenatao celebrate the anniversaryof the univer-sity and the sixth anniversaryof its Ballet Folkloricoon February24. Heldin the university courtyard,it was an enjoyableevening of song and dance.After two short speeches and the usual recitation about the past glories ofYucatan, an excellent trio, Los Maganas, sang several ballads. The Or-questa Jaranera (with many of the same musicians seen at Santa Luciapark) played while more than ninety dancers performed. Later, the or-chestra accompanied Ignacio "Nacho" Torres, a prominent local figure,who sang several ballads including "Mi Merida." The evening concludedwith a big finale as all the dancers performed a bottle dance, the menbalancing trays with bottles on their heads. Tourists and local membersofthe audience seemed to enjoy this lively representationof regionaltraditionand could most likely fit its partsinto the historicalframeworkpresentedinthe longer performance.An allied performanceis apparentlystaged every Sunday afternoon aspart of the "Sunday in Merida" series. On February 12, I witnessed theBodaMestiza Mestizo Wedding), beginning at about 1 p.m. in frontof theMunicipal Palace(on the west side of the main plaza). A couple dressedinplain white were feigning marriage; they were accompanied by severalcouples in colorful dress (embroidered huipilesand plain rebozos).Theceremony was quite simple, a narratorexplained the various steps of this"traditional" rural ritual while recorded orchestral music was played.Although the intention may have been respectful,the effect was of quaint,happy peasants, engaging in ancient customs with no historical context.After the ceremony, a smallband(drumsand cornets)struckup a coupleofjaranas, including the popular "Porque te quiero." A man recited a briefpoem, "Merida en Domingo," in which he spoke of "our jaranas and


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Music in Merida: 39bambucos," reinforcing the association of these dance rhythms withregional identity, and more dancing followed. Sundays in Merida are in-deed colorfulwith the open market and serenadeat Santa Lucia as well asmusic at the zoo, in other parks, and on the main plaza, but it is all spon-sored by the city government and has a packagedquality about it.5Many of these events involving city, state, and university sponsorshipare coordinated by Ing. Miguel Perez Concha from the office of CulturalDiffusion, which handles scheduling and publicity for local and visitingperformers. Sr. Perez, a violinist, is also founder and conductor of theChamber Orchestra that, for the past six years, has performed at theuniversity. I was invited to an orchestrarehearsal he same night and gladlyparticipated,playing the keyboard part of a Handel Concerto Grosso and"Summer" fromVivaldi's "Four Seasons" on the piano, with Sr. Perez assoloist. This rehearsal and a concert of the same group was the only live"classical" music heard during my three months in Merida.

ThePopularScene

Perhaps because my stay did not correspondto the main tourist season, Iencounteredfew street musicians (ambulatores)nd only one occasionwhena young man boardeda public bus with his guitar to sing a popularballadand pass the hat.By far, the predominant style of live music heard in the city in 1989 iswhat Stigberg called tropical.Caribbean and South American influences(especially from Cuba and Colombia) are very strong, and a variety ofLatin popularmusic genres (especiallycumbias nd boleros)an be heard is-suing fromlargerestaurantsand dancehalls, starting early in the afternoonand continuing through the following morning. Perhapstwo hundred ban-das or conjuntos,with names such as "Marca Registrada," "Censurado,"and "Sangre Latina," operatein the vicinity of Merida. A typical groupiscomposed of five to nine performers, some of whom sing. The music ishighly amplifiedand, besides tropicalstandardsand recenthits, always in-cludes some Mexican and U.S. popular standards(such as, "New York,New York") and a few "rock" numbers.6Smaller grupos duos, trios, and quartets) are also common, playing asimilar mixture of tropicaland pop. These groupsare generallyless highlyamplifiedand appearin intimate settings. Includedhere are the traditionaltrios bohemioshat perform a limited, regional repertoire, usually withacoustic guitars and percussion. Such groups may also alternate with thelarger bands in certain settings.These musicians were found in a number of downtown and dispersedestablishmentsknown as centrosur'sticos. hese establishments which seem


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40 : Philip K. Bockactually to cater to a local crowd) open at noon and provide six or morehours of live music and entertainment with free appetizers for drinkingpatrons and with food service from a regional menu. They range fromsmall, neighborhood places such as "La Choza" (The Hut) with its thatchedroof and family atmosphere to the gigantic "Tulipanes" with its doublestage and variety show (dancers and comedians), entertaining a businesscrowd during the long afternoon dinner break.

Contrasting with these daytime settings are the centrosnocturnos(night-clubs) such as "La X'tabay" (which is located above and shares somefacilities with a centro turfstico, "El Tucho").7 These clubs open after nineo'clock and present alternating bands, at least one of which also playsbackground music for a show. An entry fee is charged and some snacks areserved with drinks, but meals are not available. Groups of men often pur-chase bottles of liquor while couples tend to consume beer or cocktails. Theclub I sampled proved to be well worth the expense (15,000 peso covercharge = U.S. $7) and merits a detailed description.I arrived at La X'tabay about eleven o'clock. The name refers to afemale spirit that lures men to their death in the jungle. She was portrayedon the walls of the club in fluorescent paintings, displaying vaguely Mayanfeatures and long black hair and standing beneath a sacred ceibatree. Fromvarious sources I gather that she is a mixture of the siren figure and theweeping woman (llorona). The GrupoJosewas playing dance music when weentered. It is a very good five-piece band featuring a lead guitarist whosings, a drummer, an electric bass, and two women who sing (one playedthe keyboard, the other tambourine). The sound was well integrated andthe repertoire mainly tropical plus some American rock tunes sung inSpanish (for example, "Gloria"). Each dance tune was continuous with thenext.

The main attraction was the "Grupo Cubaney Show" from Cuba. Thiswas an excellent band, led by a man who played flute and saxophone; therewere also two trumpets, a trombone, electric bass, keyboard, drums, percus-sion, and three conga drums (but no guitars). Four showgirls who paradedin skimpy costumes (each had a brief solo spot), a pair of ballroom dancers,a marvelous woman singer (Emilia Morales), and several male singerscompleted the group. The men sang solos and in various combinations(duets and backup). Especially notable was Luis Noa, a powerful tenor whosang in English and Spanish. The first show lasted about forty-five minutesand was very professional and entertaining. La X'tabay seats perhaps twohundred persons on tiny chairs at low tables and the atmosphere wasfriendly and controlled. GrupoJoseplayed between shows; I left after the sec-ond one though the dance floor was packed and the Cubaney band wasplaying "Juana la Cubana."There are a dozen or more nightclubs in Merida, some in hotels catering


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Music in Merida : 41to a family crowd, others featuring strip shows for single men. They seemto complement the other kinds of establishments where music can be heardearlier in the day or where people come primarily to dance (see below). Asfar as I could tell, the hours from 4 A.M. until noon are the onlytimes whenlive music is not available in great quantity.

Unions, Dance Halls, and CanavalTwo musicians' unions existed in Merida during early 1989. I interviewedofficials of both, introducing myself as a musico from the United States whowas interested in comparing the working conditions in Merida with those Iknew. Observations at the main union, Sindicato Unico de Filarm6nicos deYucatan (S.U.F.Y.), revealed dozens of active bands with arranged jobs athotels, centros,and dance halls under union auspices. The general secretarytold me that the union has standing contracts with all the major venues inMerida and that the Union receives six percent of the payroll, half of whichgoes to the national musicians' union (affiliated with the C.T.M., a tradeunion congress). One of the musicians said that the union is not much helpin finding work, but it is useful in contract disputes (much like theAmerican locals). The union secretary, Sr. Miguel Martinez Ancona, hashis own band, Censurado,and it seems likely that a network of related andfriendly musicians receive a large share of the market, but this is onlyspeculation. The most active groups are the tropical bands already men-tioned. The union does not attempt to control the traditional duos or triossince, as Sr. Martinez said, "it would not be worth the trouble."The S.U.F.Y. office is located downtown in an old building with a large,partly-covered courtyard that also serves as a dance hall. Events in themany dance halls (salas defiestas) around the city are held on holidays andSaturday nights (10 P.M. to 3 A.M.) or on Sunday evenings (from 6 P.M. to 11P.M.). The dances are announced on posters and many dance halls sponsorparticular brands of beer. I attended one such event at the union hall on aSunday evening. Three young bands alternated, each performing two45-minute sets. They were typical tropical bands with electronic guitars,multiple stacked keyboards, percussion players, and a few horns. All werehighly amplified and, on this occasion, there was a geometric increase in thenumber of pairs of speakers (two, four, and eight, respectively) used by thegroups; "Los Tremendos Adventureros," "Sangre Latina," and the bestof the three, "America Tropical."One bandleader bragged of investing thirty million pesos (U.S. $13,000 )in the amplification system for his group. The invidious display of loud-speakers may offer visual assurance of a band's prosperity and popularity,but the sound is invariably distorted and painfully loud. The working class


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42 : Philip K. Bockcrowd included groups of boys and girls (some of the latter clearly chape-roned) who seemed to enjoy the music. The invitation to dance is usuallynon-verbal and the couple dances in silence except for older marriedcouples. Beer was available, but few people were drinkingand the three orfour policeman present had little to do that night.The second union is headedby Sr. Alvaro L6pez Gasca, who had been abusinessagent at S.U.F.Y. for many years. He claimed to representdozensof musical groups, the best of which were listed in a newspaperadvertise-ment. His office wasin a smallwalkup ust off the mainplazaandhe indicateda dance hall across he streetwherehis groupsperformed, he "Salade FiestasMontejo." Sr. L6pez also spokeof his affiliationwith Sr. Rivas, owner of anumber of radio stations GrupoRivas),whichalso providedopportunitiesorhis musicians.I judgedthatsome of his claimswereexaggerated-one knowl-edgeablemusiciansaidhe had never heardof this second union-but the or-ganizationdoes exist and is anothersign of the activemusicallife of the city.Many of the musical groups that I heard or learned about throughtheunionsand newspapersparticipatedn the February1989paradescelebratingCarnaval.lthoughdisparagedas "muy pobre" by peoplefromelsewhere, heMerida paradesprovidedan opportunityto witness many groups as theyrolledby on some of the floats thoughmost used recordedmusic)orperformedon the fixed platformsspreadalong Paseo Montejo. The floats(carroslego-ricos)elebrated he carnivalqueenand her "uglyking"(reyfeo), eighborhoodqueens, civicorganizations,businesses,centrosturisticos,and brandsof ciga-rettesor beer. People in holidaydress and in costume crowdedthe sidewalksalongtheparaderoutewhileshops,stands,andambulatory endorsdida goodbusiness in food, balloons, and curios. The paradestook placeon three suc-cessivedays, plusone nightforregionalcostumesonly;othercelebrations ookplace in dance halls, private clubs, and neighborhoodparks.

The ubiquitoussong "Baile comoJuana la cubana" inspiredyoung andold, male and female, to dress like a stereotypicalCuban woman or at leastto wear a red bandanna with white polkadots. One informant called it "thesong of the year," and said that the previous year anothersong, "Toda lavida," had been equally popular. Every musical grouphad to be preparedforrequestsand I heardthe song two or three times eachnight when a bandwas playing at the dance hall behind my apartment.I do not know whetherit attained national popularity,but it could hardlybe avoided in Merida orother parts of Yucatan that I visited.

MassMediaandCassettesDaily newspapers(Novedadesnd El DiariodeYucatan)arryadvertisementsfor the commercial events described above and for special concerts and


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Music in Merida : 43visiting shows. Local cultural events, whether university or governmentsponsored or privately produced, are most likely to be covered as newsstories and listed in publications directed at tourists. These periodicals,together with radio announcements and suggestions from acquaintances,were my main sourcesof informationabout the Merida musical scene. It isquite possiblethat, during the three months I was there, I missed a numberof events that also failed to come up in interviews or to be mentioned in thenewspaperfiles that I consulted.Systematic sampling of radio stations and television programs revealedthat the range of music availablethrough these media was not very great.At least ninety percentof the musical offeringswere tropical, Mexican andU.S. popularballads, or "rock," with the ten AM stations programmingvaried proportionsof these styles. One powerful FM station calling itself"Estereo Maya" specialized in easy listening instrumentalsand interna-tional popularsongs. Two others, "El Romantico" and "Radio Amistad,"specialized n Latin Americanpopular song, while the fourthintermittentlybroadcastedthe audio portion of a television transmission, including thesoundtracksof motion pictures often in English. Classical music was en-counteredonly on the fourth FM station during a weekly "cultural" pro-gram, "La hora de BellasArtes."Popular magazines such as Ritmo offered some insight into nationalpreferencesin styles and performersas well as providing currentslang forcommunicating about these matters (for example, the use of padreorpadrisimoo indicateapprovalof a particularperformeror song). It was alsoclear from listening to the radio that careful imitation was flatteringto the"original" and profitable for the imitators. Local bands often tried toreplicate the instrumentation, phrasing, and vocal quality of exitos(hits).The largerbands do this with considerablesuccess, though attemptsto im-itate U.S. songs areoften foiledby singerswith an inadequateknowledgeofEnglish or by overenthusiasticpercussionists.I had only occasionalaccessto a televisionset but recognizedmost of thecurrentgenres such as daytimesoap operas, game shows, news, prime-timemovies, and nationalvarietyshows(for example, "Siempreen Domingo"),which feature international singers, dancers, and entertainers. The mostuseful programwas a "showcase" for local bands (presentedby the musi-cians' union) on which a number of different groups were able to displaytheir appearanceand sound while the phone number of the leaderor agentwas flashed on the screen. The groups scheduled on February 18 rangedfrom seven to ten musicianseach and included the followingbands(all play-ing tropical numbers): "Los Pika Pika," "Los Mendez," "Los Angeles deRitmo," "Los Prismos," "Los Kizahuas" (singing "Pueblito querido"),"Grupo Gitano," "Los Excentricos," "Los Magos de Ritmo," and "LosDuran" (the two latter groups were from small towns near Merida). A


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44: Philip K. Bocksimilar program, "Tropical Caliente," aired on another channel, perhapspromoted by the second union, though I was not able to verify this. Onboth programs, the groups were distinguished more by their costumes andstacks of keyboards or speakers than by their musical styles, though someincorporated more obvious "rock" elements than others and differed in in-strumentation such as the use of saxophones or several trumpets.I had not lived in Mexico for an extended period since 1969 and wasstruck by the great impact the "cassette revolution" has had upon themusical life of the people. Inexpensive players and recorders are every-where, from personal players with earphones to huge "boom boxes" andcar stereos. Most record stores no longer stock original copies but displaycovers of the latest LP albums in their windows and, for a fee, producecassette copies to order. (The compact disc was just penetrating Merida in1989.) Songs, both old and new, pass from hand to hand on cassettes dubbedfrom other recordings, from the radio, or from live performances. Govern-ment-sponsored attempts to preserve traditional styles or to record olderperformers have increased tremendously due to the availability of this inex-pensive technology. Low quality "pirated" tapes of popular albums or liveperformances sold for 3,000 pesos (= U.S. $1.10) in mercado hops or onstreetcorner stands. Better quality dubbings cost up to 10,000 pesos at therecord stores.

As far as I could learn, the cassette revolution has few political implica-tions in Yucatan. Other than promoting civic pride and a sense of regionaldistinctiveness by incorporating a few Maya words and references to pea-sant customs or to the past glories of "Chichen and Uxmal," the locally cir-culated songs seem devoid of messages, with perhaps the exception of theNew Trova, as discussed below. One cassette, "Merida es Yucatan," arather slick, tourist-oriented package produced in Mexico City, mixes nar-ration about the charm and history of Merida with regional songs praisingYucatan as the romantic "land of love." The picture on the cassette boxshows a calesa (horse-drawn carriage) with a male driver and two femalepassengers, all in mestizo dress, posed in front of the arches of the city hall.Like the visual message of the Ballet Folklorico, this recorded "culturalperformance" is a self-conscious attempt to construct a regional identityand should be considered a continuation of the work of earlier painters,muralists, and writers.

La Trova YucatecaMost of the songs on the "Merida es Yucatan" recording are drawn fromthe traditional repertoire of the romantic troubadour (trovador)and referredto locally as la trova such as "Rayito del sol," "Ella," and "Pajaro azul").


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Music in Mrida : 45It is this style even more than thejarana that symbolizes a Yucatecan identi-ty for most Meridanos. Expatriate musicians working in Guadalajara,Acapulco, and Mexico City often perform these songs for a nostalgic (or atleast sentimental) audience. The usual arrangement is for three males tosing in close harmony and play as many guitars, or two guitars and percus-sion. La trovasongs may also be sung solo, in duos, or in larger groupingswith drums or percussion added (especially claves, maracas,or the cabasa, alarge gourd rattle with shells attached to its outer surface). Women also per-form songs of la trovaand there have been some famous female groups, butmost of the songs are written from a male point of view.This tradition came to my attention in a newspaper article, which men-tioned a meeting of "Los amigos de la Trova Yucateca" at a downtownhotel. The ostensible purpose of the meeting was to honor an elderly musi-cian and teacher, Sr. Vicente Uvalle, who was born in Yucatan but whohas taught for many years at the Teachers College in Mexico City. MaestroUvalle had recently been presented with the Guty Cardenas Medal (thefamous popular musician who was also an expatriate) by the city govern-ment, and this homenajewas one of many such ceremonies that take placeregularly in Merida. The master of ceremonies, Sr. Roberto MacSwineySantiago, read a biographical sketch and invited others in the audience toamplify it. Some cassettes of the honoree's songs were played, and thenwith the guitarist (and "curandero de guitarras") Manuel Sanchez,Maestro Uvalde performed two others. He has written over 3,000 songsand composed numerous semi-classical works, including a recorded suitecalled "Bambuco."

After about an hour of such tribute, a very youthful trio, "Los Angeles,"performed several songs. The trio was acclaimed as demonstrating the con-tinuity of the tradition, and mention was made of a concursoof Yucatecansong held for the second year in the secondary schools and a concert plannedfor February 5th. The Amigos de la Trova meet monthly for businessand pleasure, but I also learned that there are daily gatherings (peias) atnoon in another hotel where lovers of la trova can listen, perform, or learnsongs that may exist only in the memory of older troubadours (Bock1990).I began to attend these gatherings regularly, to meet a number of musi-cians and aficionados,and to gain a sense of the style and its context of per-formance. Although their numbers have diminished greatly, active triosstill work in Yucatecan hotels and a few groups still wait around themain plaza in hope of gaining employment at a fiesta, much like themariachis n Guadalajara. Indeed, just north of the Merida city hall stands aspecial telephone booth marked "Trovadores." People can call on this phoneto order a serenade (usually four songs) or an evening of entertainment.The older trios specialize in la trova,but all have some Mexican standards as


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46: Philip K. Bockpart of their repertoire (such as "Solamente una vez" or "Amor, amor,amor," the latter written by a Yucatecan composer).

I soon realized that I would need a teacher if I were to learn more aboutthis tradition, and I was fortunate that Sr. Carlos Pereyra, who had startedthe pena two years earlier agreed to instruct me. He was at first hesitantbecause I do not play the guitar, but after some discussion we came to anunderstanding. Don Carlos was born in Yucatan in the late 1920s and hadmade his living as a musician in Merida and Mexico City until his recentretirement. As a young man he was one of the original members of DanielAyala's OrquestaTipica Yucalpeten nd organized the Trio Merida. Duringthe mid 1940s he moved to Mexico City where he performed with the trioLos Caminantes or over 40 years, many of them at the Hotel Maria Cristina.Don Carlos had an extensive knowledge of la trova and he was oftensought out at the peia when a lyric or melody needed clarification (thoughyears of singing the baritone line in close harmony made him occasionallyuncertain of the melody line). I was told by one regular of the pena that I"couldn't have chosen a better teacher," and in the six weeks that weworked together I learned a dozen songs (including one of his own composi-tions, a bambucowritten for a competition).8One of the songs that every musical organization in Yucatan must play,whether traditional trio, tropical band, or large orchestra, is "Laperegrina. " As with other trovasongs, its author and composer are as wellknown as its "origin legend." This song retells the tragic story of FelipeCarillo Puerto, the first socialist governor of Yucatan, elected in 1922. Thischarismatic and progressive leader (though married with a family in hisnative town of Motul) fell in love with the American journalist Mrs. AlmaReed, who seems to have returned his affections. When she left Mexico, hecommissioned Luis Rosada Vega (lyrics) and Ricardo Palmerin (music) tocompose a song expressing his love and loss.In many ways the song is typical of the Yucatecan romantic ballad, both inthe textual imagery and its general form (AA'BC), with an harmonic basealternating between minor and major. The title literally means "ThePilgrim" but the imagery emphasizes the connotation of a "migratorybird" passing through the Yucatan. The rhythm is a bolero-like danza. Myfree translation follows:

Peregrina, with your clear, divine eyes,And cheeks tinted with fire;Little lady, whose lips are crimsonAnd whose hair is radiant as the sun:You left your native places,The spruces and the virginal snows,To come and shelter beneath my palm treesUnder the sky of my tropicalland.


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Music in Merida : 47The little songbirdsof my meadowsTrill their songs when they see you,And the perfumed flowersCaress your brow and kiss your lips.When you depart from my palm trees and my country,Peregrina, you of the enchanting visage,Don't forget, don't forget my land;Don't forget, don't forget my love.

Soon after the song was written, Carillo Puerto was captured by the forcesof General Adolfo de la Huerta and together with his brother and severalaides summarily executed. This ended the "socialist threat" to theYucatecan elite, but added great sentiment to the song.The FM station, Radio Amistad, features various trios that play selec-tions from la trova and more recent compositions) on its program, "Guitarrasen la tarde." The advertisers seem to believe that the program reachesan audience. At the same time the performers have a chance to promotetheir recordings and appearances (if any), although much of the warmth oflive performances is lost in the chatter.I had several opportunities to observe performances of trovain differentsettings. One was at the downtown Teatro Daniel Ayala where the Amigosstaged a free public concert (again honoring Maestro Uvalde) on February5. Roberto MacSwinney hosted this impressive and varied evening thatwas interesting both for the music and the metamusic,which commented onitself and on the occasion. The stage was set with a rural hut and hammock.Recording equipment from a national radio station was also present. Mostof the performers were limited to two numbers, as follows:*Los Tres Corazones sang "La peregrina" and Sr. Pereyra's bambuco,

"Todo me habla de amor."*Arturo Vega sang his own compositions "Adi6s amor" and "CosasPreciosas."*M6nica Morena sang an original song she had written for the second an-niversary of the Amigos and another song about Merida.*Los Angeles, the young trio previously mentioned, sang "Flor" and"Merida, Hermosa Ciudad," after which the master of ceremonies com-mented (rather hopefully): "La trova Yucateca no esta muriendo; ilatrova Yucateca esta viviendo!"

*The Conjunto Magisterial, a quartet from Chetumal (including a doctorand a professor) sang five brief numbers, always announcing the name oflyricist and composer; one of the songs, "Sefior Turista," was an invita-tion to visit Chetumal.*A male duo performed "A mi Novia" and "Oreja."*Prof. Jorge Segura recited parts of "La Profecia" and sang "Solo yo."


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48 : Philip K. BockCertificates of appreciation were presented to Maestro Uvalde and others;after announcements, an intermission was taken. Records of trova were onsale in the theater lobby. Following the break, Don Pastor Cervera per-formed one of his own songs with great style; he was then joined for twoduets by a woman who is also a composer.One of the most interesting aspects about the Amigos is their self-conscious attempt to maintain and promote a regional style in the face ofmany challenges. MacSwinney is an able publicist, though I suspect thatthe "Museo de la Canci6n Yucateca" of which he writes exists mainly in hisown mind. The regular meetings, the concerts (including one planned forthe "Day of the Troubadour"), and the newspaper articles serve to keepthe public aware of trova,while the daily peia provides an opportunity forthe younger singers to learn the style and build their repertoire.One commercial space specializes in trovaand on any given night two orthree competent trios can be heard there. El Trovador Bohemio, a smallclub located opposite Santa Lucia Park. The night I attended (a Tuesday),about half of the twenty tables were filled, mostly with local couples. Thetrio Los Clarinerosperformed a set including the trova standards "PajaroAzul," "Granito de Sal," "Pasion" (G. Cardenas), "Mi Ultima Canci6n"(P. Cervera), and, of course, "Peregrina." Los Meridanos performed"Ella," "Pagina Blanca," "Para Olvidarte," and a favorite of mine,"Beso Asesino," a claveby Pepe Dominguez. In the latter and other classicsof la trovathe poet and composer work together to produce songs that usefamiliar elements in unusual and striking ways. As I wrote earlier, the in-tended setting for these songs is a nocturnal serenade to the beloved or asolitary complaint in memory of a past love:

Certainimagesarecommon:the eyes, lips, and hair of the beloved;the moon;the scent of flowers n the gentlebreeze;the window wherethe singeroffershissong and leaves his heart. The beloved is comparedin delicacyand puritytoflowersor to snow, and the birdssing wherevershe goes. But it is the imagina-tive use of these conventionsthat is most highly valued." (Bock 1990:14)One last example will illustrate the concept of metamusic while showingthe typical urban ambivalence (patronizing admiration) toward the peasan-try. "La Fiesta del Pueblo" is ajarana by Manuel Burgos that tells of avillage fiesta in which the rockets have announced the beginning of the va-queria(a type of cowboy dance):

Now the dance hall is full,The orchestra starts to play;All the mestizos re happyComing to dance with their mestizas.How joyously beat the drums!How lovely are the dances of my Yucatan!


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Music in Merida : 49The New TrovaBecause of my fondness for the singers and songs of the traditional trova t isnot easy for me to describe the next musical movement objectively. I do notwant to adopt the "moldy-fig mentality" (Keil 1966:34) of some of theAmigos, for if it is to survive as a vital musical force, the trovamust surelyadapt to changing tastes and opportunities. The question is, how muchchange or "fusion" with other styles is possible before a tradition loses itsintegrity?Let us begin with an article that appeared in El Diario de YucatdnonMarch 1, 1989. Above the heading, "La musica yucateca no agoniza, cam-bia de estilo" (Yucatecan music isn't dying but changing its style), ap-peared a photo of fifteen young people (nine men, six women) with theirmentor, the Mexican pop star, Sergio Esquivel. A boldface blurb beneaththe headline translates as:

It must advance with the times, affirms the singer and composer, Sergio Es-quivel. 'If Guty Cardenas were alive he would surely write differentlyfromhis formersong.' To succeed in the media today one must go to the D.F. anddo what impressesthe producers.The interview (with two more photos) takes up over half of a vertical pageand continues along the same lines: the old trova has had its day; it is timefor Yucatecan youth, what he calls "the fifth generation," to create its ownmusic.Since his return to Merida in 1984, Esquivel has taught a workshop on

songwriting and performance, helping the students to form groups andmake recordings. His goal is to create a high quality, contemporary musicthat will keep its roots in Yucatecan tradition but that will be relevant to thepresent and yet have a chance of national success. At the same time hewarns against commercialization and mere imitation of popular styles.

Recently, Esquivel opened a downtown nightclub, "La Pefia de laTrova," to showcase his proteges and their music. He denies that they are"opposed" to the traditional music but insists that the new generation hasits own style. Even allowing for the somewhat garbled newspaper report,there is clearly some ambivalence here. The use of the terms "trova" and"quinta generaci6n" indicates a desire for continuity, but Esquivel stressesthe differences between the styles. Of course, the "old" trova also movedfrom highly personal serenades and "bombas" (spontaneous compliments,also known as "coplas") to highly commercial forms in hotels, broadcasts,and recordings; but the "fifth generation" seems to want both artistic in-tegrity and commercial success-a familiar paradox.

Esquivel's Sunday evening television program, "Tiempo de Trova,"


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50: Philip K. Bockprobably reaches many more people than the afternoon radio show,"Guitarras en la Tarde," but the new style is still taking form. Accordingto the Diario interview, "We do not have a definite line. The workshop issearching [en buzsqueda]nd we do not want to limit ourselves. What we dowant is that all who listen to the music identify Yucatan in it."I spent a long evening at the new club, located between the site of the dai-ly pena and El Trovador Bohemio. The music was very good: varied andwell-presented, mixing male and female voices and guitars with electricbass, keyboard, and percussion. I heard several groups and soloists,notably "Quatro de la Quinta" and Felipe de la Cruz. A Mexican friendindicated that the themes were more current than those of the old romanticballads and that she preferred their "realistic" approach to relationships.To my ear, however, they are similar to Mexican pop styles and I could notspecifically "identify Yucatan" in any of it. Of the twelve songs on myrecording of "New Trova," six are love songs (though some use ratherunusual imagery); three deal with personal issues (solitude, death,identity); one is a piece of metamusic ("Sangre criolla que se abraza alritmo"); one is an homage to the late poet, Guadalupe Trigo; and one (byFelipe de la Cruz) is sung by a man to his lover's young son, assuring theboy that: "I want to be your friend, not a substitute father."At the end of the evening, Esquivel (who had been sitting in the au-dience) was prevailed upon to sing a few songs, including his national hit,"Un Tipo Como Yo" (A Guy Like Me). He is a strong performer and hasclearly helped the members of his workshop to achieve a high level of pro-fessionalism, though it remains to be seen whether their work will attracteven a regional following. The recording mentioned above, "QuintaGeneraci6n: Nueva Trova Yucateca" (1987), contains twelve songs bymembers of the workshop. It was issued by the Instituto de Cultura deYucatan as part of a series together with several volumes of the OrquestaTipica Yucalpeten and solo performances by Pastor Cervera. Esquivel hasarranged some appearances on national variety shows for his students andat least one recording by a name singer, but I doubt that they will be able toachieve significant careers while staying in Merida and deliberatelyavoiding commercial "pressures."It is hardly surprising that the old troubadours are not pleased with thesedevelopments. At a meeting of the daily pena on March 3, talk centered atfirst on the broadcast that three of the men (Carlos Pereyra, GregorioBrito, and S6lomon Rabanales) had made on Guitarras n la Tardeearlier inthe week. Later, attention turned to the Esquivel interview. Those presentwere very negative. Especially outspoken was Arturo Vega who said it wasall nonsense: Esquivel "knows nothing of real trova," and, anyway, "hehad only one hit song." Vega then sang two of his own ballads quitebeautifully, after which a young woman came over and requested a tradi-


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Music in Merida: 51tionalballad. The group sang it and she returnedto give thanks, sayingthis(informal) group was far superior in her opinion to the successful popgroup, "Timberiche." Thus, there is some evidence for the continuingpopularity of "old" trova and its message that affirms the possibility ofromantic love.

ConclusionsI shall conclude by comparing my observations with those made byStigberg on Veracruz nearly twenty years previously. The variation inhistory, size, and location of these cities, as well as the passageof time, havedoubtless produced some differences between their musical cultures;yet Ifelt that Merida in 1989 was experiencing many of the same changes thattook place in Veracruza generationearlier. His descriptionof the radiosta-tions could be repeatedalmost exactly for Merida. At the same time, com-pared to Veracruz, Merida seems to be off the main route for travellingcompanies of large musical organizations or theatricalproduction. Thus,except for national television programs, Meridanos rarelyhave the chanceto see big name Latin American or U.S. performers.Stigbergdiscusses at length the position ofjarochomusic and musicians inthe largermusical life of Veracruz. This music was performedin 1971-72by a dwindling group of ambulantes in a few settings. It was regarded bymuch of the population as a "music of the past" (1978:271), that is, rural,monotonous, and irrelevant to urban life. Although symbolic of regionalidentity-natives of Veracruz often refer to themselves as jarochos-themusic seemed unable to recruita new generationand creativityin the stylewas diminishing. I chose to focus on the trovaYucateca,ut a closeranalogytojarochowould be thejaranatradition. Without government subsidy, thisstyle might also be nearly defunct; however, due to support for ensemblesthat play serenatas and incorporation of the music and dance into theU.A.Y. Ballet Folklorico, the jarana remains vital.In Veracruz, as in Merida, the dominant style was tropical. Musicianswere recruitedfrom diverse class backgroundsand, accordingto Stigberg,most were literate and had had some formaltraining. The troubadoursarealso from various classes, rural and urban, but most are liricos,unable toread music. In Veracruz, tropical orchestrasof about ten musicians per-formedin dance halls (especiallytwo largehalls near the beach)and in cen-tros nocturnos. The conjuntos he observed were somewhat larger thanthose I saw in Merida and, except for an occasionalorgan, the formerwereentirely acoustic (1978:294, no. 17). His study neither mentions any stylesimilar to the Yucatecantrova, old or new, nor does it describeany groupssimilar to the Amigos.


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52 : Philip K. BockStigberg's category of "pop" music includes Spanish language balladsand English language rock, both entering the Veracruz soundscape

through AM radio and television. In Merida I heard mainly Spanishlanguage original rock and "covers" of Euroamericangroups, as well as"Mecano," a very popular rock group from Spain. As noted above, thetropicalbands all had some "pop" numbers in their repertoiresand a fewshowed rock influence in guitar and drum playing, but there was nothingapproachinga true fusion of styles and there were few tracesof a rock sub-culture (compare Stigberg 1978:287). When the Michael Jackson film,"Moonwalker" was shown in Merida it attractedonly a small teenage au-dience.Stigberg analyzes his material using notions of rural/urban contact andof change mediated by radio, television, and recordings. These conceptsare also valid for Merida, but should be supplementedby a recognitionofregional, national, and cosmopolitanidentities that accompanyeach style.The major forms discussed may be ranged as follows from parochial touniversal:

PAROCHIALjarana Itrova/newtrova | tropical | pop/rockUNIVERSALI use the terms "parochial" and "universal" with reference to McKimMarriot's processesf interaction between "little" and "great" traditionsinIndia as adaptedby Redfield(1956:54-55) formore generalpurposes.Thatwhich is parochialin one generationmay be "taken up" by the greattradi-tion and given more universalmeanings, while elements of the great tradi-tion may undergo parochializationby being integrated into local cultures,their origins forgottenand meanings changed. Towards the middle of thiscontinuum we have an area wheresyncretism may be consciouslypracticedand variousfusions of stylesregularlyoccur. I furthersuggest a continuumof emotional tones (from left to right) that might be labeled nostalgic/romantic/ironic. The absence of explicit politicalmusic in either Veracruzor Merida may be significant, as comparedwith the nueva ancion r nuevatrova ound elsewhere; however, it could also be due to the researchers'oversight in both cases.To the extent that audiences for these musical styles differ along age orclass lines we have evidence for changes in values, though not necessarilyfor value conflicts. The only clear exception is the oppositionof old to newtrova in Merida, with the formerapparentlymaintaining its position whilethe latter seeks both to claim continuity and to attract a new audience.Nothing like this was reportedfor Veracruz, and it was most likely absentin the Merida of twenty years past.The pictureof Merida that emerges from a consideration of its contem-porarymusical stylesand performances s of a community thatexpects(andreceives) a virtuallycontinuous flow of musical events for listening, danc-


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Music in Meida : 53ing, and watching (in the form of government-sponsored spectacles, in-cluding Carnaval).There is a large pool of musical talent in Yucatan, but itwould be difficult to predict what styles will most attract young musicians.Although many job opportunities are open to those who perform tropicalstyles, technological change has greatly increased the capital investmentnecessary to organize such a band and competition is very strong. Someyoung people are still attracted to trova, perhaps because a good voice, aguayabera (shirt), a guitar, and a pair of claves are all that is required. Toothers, the "new trova" promises a fusion of styles with some chance ofcommercial success but, as yet, with little political content (cf. Benmayor1981:13 on "nueva trova" in Cuba).It can, of course, be argued whether the mass media are makers or mir-rors of popular taste-probably both-and Meridanos have a fairly largerange of music broadcast every day. They may identify most strongly withthe persistent cumbiabeat of the many tropical recordings and live perfor-mances on the air; but they still have the option of listening to ballads innostalgic trova or romantic "pop" styles, or of hearing Euroamerican rockwith its messages of love, sex, and aggression. To understand how in-dividuals and groups use these forms to discover, construct, or express theirown feelings and identities is the next challenge that faces students of urbanmusic.

Notes

1. Many people helped with this study, none more than my wife, Barbara.Thanks are also due Don Carlos Pereyra Contreras, Ing. Miguel PerezConcha of the U.A.Y., Ing. Elsy Yolanda Lara Barrera, Director of theCentral Library, Lic. Carlos E. Boj6rquez Urzaiz, Director of theFaculty of Anthropological Sciences, U.A.Y., Sr. Miguel Martinez An-cona, Secretary General of S.U.F.Y., and Srta. Mercedes Noriega.Srta. Adriana Ramirez de Arellano assisted with the transcription andanalysis of the new trova songs.2. The notion that the state should encourage (and discourage) certainforms of music goes back as far as Plato's Republic. The European na-tionalist folklore movements further illustrate the state's tendency to co-opt regional styles for its own purposes, while ethnic pride movementsfrequently react against such attempted hegemony. In Guatemala, thestate has recently undertaken a major project to document the music ofthe Kekchi Maya and other indigenous peoples-the same peoples whoare threatened by its genocidal policies! (Albuquerque ournal, 14 July


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54 : Philip K. Bock1991, GI). In Yucatan, the situation seems more benign; however,remembering the persistence of "talking cross" rituals among ruralMayans for a centuryafter the War of the Castes, one wonderswhethersome of these activities might not backfiresomeday.3. The jarana of Yucatan and the jarochoof Veracruz are apparentlyequivalent(socially, if not musically)to thejaraben the state of Tabasco.All three may be derived from thejota, at least rhythmically:they are intriple meter with an alternationbetween 3/4 and 6/8 sections. And allthree names, like the assumed origin of rumba from rumbo, arry con-notations of a binge or spree, or of dancing with abandon.4. It is difficult for an outsider to judge the balance of hypocrisy andsincerityin particularcases, but a patronizingtone is presentin even theworks of professional indigenistas. he nativist romanticism of authorssuch as Antonio Mediz Bolio (1987) often ends by making its subjectsappear childlikeand pathetic.5. The Banda Continental, a S.U.F.Y.-affiliated tropical orchestra wasplaying this day at Santa Lucia; it was composed of four trumpets, fivesaxophones, a drum set, congas, a rasp, electric bass, and keyboard.Selections included the mambo, "Patricia" and several membersof thegroup sang.6. I was told that some younger groups are mainly rockeros,ut never en-countered them in public settings. Also, some older marimberosnd atleast one mariachi roup perform in and around Merida; I heard themonly at city-sponsoredfiestas in the parks.7. There are also a number of "discos" where the patronscome to drink,meet, and dance. The luxurious Holiday Inn featuresa discothequeforteenagers, as well as a lounge with a duo or trio.8. The most comprehensiveinformation about Yucatecansong is in a raretwo-volumeworkby the late Miguel Civiera Taboada (1916-1987), Sen-sibilidadYucatecanla CancionRomantica,ublished by the State of Mexicoin 1978. Civiera was a historian and archivistwho wrote more than adozen books. The 1978 book is a useful compilationof songs, programs,and reminiscencesaboutthe greatYucatecancomposersand singers. Hewas also responsiblefor adapting Mediz Bolio's Landof thePheasant ndDeerfor the "Light and Sound" show at Uxmal.

ReferencesBenmayor, Rina1981 "La 'Nueva Trova': New Cuban Song." LatinAmericanMusic Review2(1): 11-44.


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Music in Mrida : 55Bock, Philip1980 "Tepoztlan Reconsidered."JournalofLatinAmerican ore6(1): 129-150.1986 TheFormalContentf Ethnography.ublication No. 20.Dallas: InternationalMuseum of Cultures.1988 "The Importanceof Erving Goffman to PsychologicalAnthropology." Ethos16(1): 3-20.1990 "Troubadours of the Yucatan." Quantum:13-15.Civiera Taboada, Miguel1978 SensibilidadYucatecan la CancionRormantica.omo I and II.

Toluca, Estado de Mexico: FONAPAS.Devereux, George1980 BasicProblemsf Ethnopsychiatry.hicago: University ofChicago Press.Finnegan, Ruth1989 TheHiddenMusicians.Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress.Keil, Charles1966 UrbanBlues.Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Mediz Bolio, Antonio1987 La TierradelFaisany del Venado.1922] Merida: EditorialDante.Nettl, Bruno, ed.1978 Eight UrbanMusical Cultures.Urbana: University of IllinoisPress.Redfield, Robert1941 TheFolkCulture f Yucatan.Chicago: University of ChicagoPress.

1956 PeasantSociety ndCulture.Chicago: University of ChicagoPress.Stigberg, James K.1978 "Jarocho,Tropical,and 'Pop': Aspects of Musical Life inVeracruz, 1971-72." In B. Nettl, ed., EightUrbanMusicalCultures.Urbana: University of Illinois Press, pp. 260-295.Vander, Judith1988 Songprints.Urbana and Chicago: University of IllinoisPress.

bock_music in merida

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