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  • 7/24/2019 Book reviews from issue 48:1 of Word

    1/94

    Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found athttp://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rwrd20

    Download by:[123.2.15.242] Date:14 November 2015, At: 02:29

    WORD

    ISSN: 0043-7956 (Print) 2373-5112 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rwrd20

    Reviews

    Istvn Btori, John D. Bengtson, Ruth M. Brend, Mike Cahill, Eduardo O.Faingold, Eduardo D. Faingold, Grazia Crocco Galas, Ray Harris-Northall,Masataka Ishikawa, Masataka Ishikawa, Mark Janse, Roger Lass, Alan R.Libert, Eugenio Ramn Lujn Martnez, Eugenio Ramn Lujn Martnez,Stephen J. Matthews, Stephen O. Murray, Nick Nicholas, Charles Peck,Edgar C. Polom, Edgar C. Polom, Heidi Quinn, Leonard Rolfe, W. WilfriedSchuhmacher, Jyh Wee Sew, Jyh Wee Sew, Yuri Tambovtsev, Masako Ueda &

    Paula West

    To cite this article:Istvn Btori, John D. Bengtson, Ruth M. Brend, Mike Cahill, Eduardo O.Faingold, Eduardo D. Faingold, Grazia Crocco Galas, Ray Harris-Northall, Masataka Ishikawa,Masataka Ishikawa, Mark Janse, Roger Lass, Alan R. Libert, Eugenio Ramn Lujn Martnez,

    Eugenio Ramn Lujn Martnez, Stephen J. Matthews, Stephen O. Murray, Nick Nicholas,Charles Peck, Edgar C. Polom, Edgar C. Polom, Heidi Quinn, Leonard Rolfe, W. Wilfried

    Schuhmacher, Jyh Wee Sew, Jyh Wee Sew, Yuri Tambovtsev, Masako Ueda & Paula West (1997)Reviews, WORD, 48:1, 69-161, DOI: 10.1080/00437956.1997.11432464

    To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00437956.1997.11432464

    Published online: 15 May 2015.

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    R VI WS

    DAVID G. LOCKWOOD, Morphological analysis and description A real-

    izational approach (with a Supplementary section: Solutions to problems and

    other exercises ). Textbook series in the Language Sciences. Tokyo, Taipei,

    Dallas: International Language Sciences Publishers, 1993. 340 43 pp.

    Reviewed by ISTVAN BATORI

    David Lockwood has written a course book for morphology,

    devised for American and Chinese students having no direct experience

    with agglutinating languages. In this context it is both sensitive and use-

    ful to treat the basic concepts o morphology, which typically remain

    unexplained, if the author

    o

    the course book addresses himself to a

    European audience.

    The book is divided into two parts:

    1.

    basic concepts o morpholo-

    gy (4 chapters) and 2. the presentation of the realizational approach 5

    chapters). The main body o the presentation is followed by a volumi-

    nous glossary o terms used, a selected but rather short bibliography,

    and an index

    o

    the key words. The book

    is

    accompanied by a supple-

    mentary booklet containing the solutions to the exercises. The chapters

    are designed uniformly as 1. explanations, 2. list o technical terms and

    3. exercises, which should be done by the students. The exercises are

    drawn from a wide variety o languages. All languages (including the

    English examples) are presented in phonetic transcription o their

    underlying deep representation (and not in the normal orthography).

    In the first part o the book Lockwood introduces the basic concept

    o morphology, concentrating on inflectional morphology and treating

    word formation only briefly (derivation or derivational morphology as

    key words do not occur). The introductory chapters explain the internal

    structure of the word, the morphological categories and processes very

    69

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    70

    WORD VOLUME 48, NUM ER I (APRIL, 1997)

    much in the style

    of

    traditional linguistics, i.e. trying to show the diver

    sity

    of

    actual language forms used

    in

    the inflectional patterns of natural

    languages, and their restrictions. Lockwood explains allomorphy, sup

    pletion, morphological class, stem, root, word form and so on, illustrat

    ing all these categories by examples from Czech,

    1

    Yiddish, Turkish,

    Hopi, etc. His point is, as in traditional linguistics in general, to explain

    the following phenomena: how the inflected words are organised, what

    is to be expected in the morphological inventory of natural languages

    (and not to present a formalism for the description

    of

    the morphological

    categories), apparently without raising theoretical claims.

    2

    This is mis

    leading, because Lockwood's informal introduction prepares the

    groundwork for his own realizational theory.

    Unfortunately Lockwood does not relate his realizational ap

    proach to any other competing linguistic theories; in particular there

    are no references to realizational morphology as it is conceived in the

    works

    of

    Stampe (1992) and Erjavec (no date). Lockwood's realiza

    tional approach to morphology can be contrasted to the generative

    approach. In the generative approach morphology was considered in the

    broad framework

    of

    a language understanding system. Such a system

    accesses full (complete) words, carrying a number

    of

    markers taken

    over from the dictionary:

    [Bri.ider; N,

    Gender: 1, Number: 2,

    (Chomsky 1965: 171). For the generative approach the markers are pro

    vided; the task of the model

    is to take care of the proper usage of the

    word forms. In the informal style of the introduction (chapters 1-4),

    Lockwood presents his realizational approach to morphology, which

    addresses itself to the problem

    of

    how word forms arise.

    3

    He explains

    p. 134): It is not a process

    of

    change or mutation replacing one struc

    ture with another. Rather, it is a constructive process which builds an

    additional representation

    of

    the words involved . Words

    as

    they occur

    in

    actual texts are not given in advance in the lexicon: they are construct

    ed (realized) out of stems and combinatory lexical rules. The realiza

    tional model of morphology constructs the word forms, which can be

    manipulated in a subsequent syntactic model.

    Lockwood's realizational model operates with four types

    of rule

    ( formulas ):

    1. Construction formulas, which are comparable to ordinary phrase

    structure rules without recursion,

    2. Class-membership formulas, which correspond to disjunctive

    lexical substitution rules,

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    REVIEWS

    71

    3.

    Morphemic realization formulas, which are filtering rules on the

    level of morphemes, and

    4.

    Morphophonemic realization formulas, which are filtering rules

    on the phonemic level p. 189).

    The realization formulas (both morphemic and morphophonemic) are

    ordered. They rely on the

    elsewhere condition

    o Paul Kiparsky, and

    allow a compact notation. A good, comprehensive listing o the realiza-

    tional variants is presented on p. 137. However, Lockwood fails to cor-

    relate his formulas to other formally described systems. He merely

    explains the use o his formulas and illustrates their applications: The

    descriptive power o the rules, their restrictions and other formal prop-

    erties are not discussed further.

    As

    already mentioned, Lockwood illustrates his realizational mor-

    phology abundantly by an impressive number o languages with rich

    inflection. However, the descriptive power of his realizational system is

    limited and does not offer an adequate description for a number of

    important morphological configurations (which present no problem to

    common phrase structure grammars for morphotactics; cf. Spencer

    1991, also listed by Lockwood in his bibliography, p. 328):

    1.

    Lockwood s construction formulas do not allow recursion. With-

    out such a device the internal structure o the words cannot be

    treated adequately: How can we describe suffix layers or interme-

    diate stems, which occur typically e.g. in participial forms (even

    in English), like

    surprisingly annoyingly

    which require a stratal

    structuring as in Figure 1, not Figure 2. These types o construc-

    tion are very common e.g. in Uralic languages.

    dv

    ' '7. 1 sr,,

    su lris-

    Jg

    y

    Figure 1

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    72 WORD VOLUME 48, NUMBER

    I

    (APRIL, 1997)

    Adv

    Sfx1 Sfx2

    I

    I

    surpris- mg

    ly

    Figure 2

    2 How can the system state the restriction that in the case

    o

    dis

    continuous morphemes, like

    Gr

    le-lu-ka-men le-lu-ka-te the

    proper affixes (the first and the third: reduplication and perfect)

    belong together? Or how is it to be dealt with that in modem Ger

    man, the participial suffix

    -tl-en

    must be selected with the prefix

    ge- e.g. in: ge-lem-t vor-ge-schalag-en, hin-iiber-ge-rett-e-t-e?

    3 Morphophonemic realization should cover all sorts o changes

    which accompany affixation (suffixation) both in the stems as

    well

    as

    in the affixes. The changes invariably concern adjacent

    segments (units). The formulaic description does not contain this

    restriction, e.g. how to paraphrase gradation for Finnish: ka-t-u

    street Nom Sg , ka-d-un street Gen Sg , lu-k-ee he reads , lu

    et you read , in which the closing of the syllable by a suffix

    affects the initial consonant

    o

    the preceding stem syllable?

    But the main problem with Lockwood's realizational model is its

    growing complexity. The descriptions in the closing chapters cannot be

    treated in an ad hoc manner; they would require testing facilities (cf.

    Sproat 1992) and they need a theoretical foundation, which Lockwood's

    book lacks. He does not make reference to generally known descriptive

    models belonging to mainstream linguistics, like Gazdar's GPSG,

    Koskenniemi's Two-level Morphology, or to Pullum and Sag's HPSG,

    which deal with morphology in a theoretically substantiated framework.

    Nevertheless the didactic chapters

    o

    the book may prove to be useful in

    explaining and illustrating basic morphological notions to linguistics

    students.

    Institut fiir Computerlinguistik

    Universitiit Koblenz-Landau

    Rheinau

    3 4

    D-56075 Koblenz

    Germany

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    REVIEWS

    73

    ENDNOTES

    1

    Czech

    is

    spoken

    in

    the Czech Republic; Czechoslovakia does not exist any more,

    as is

    said

    mistakenly on

    p.

    43.

    2

    Lockwood borrows uncritically from traditional linguistics. On

    p.

    71

    for example

    he

    states:

    Inflection involves a set o distinctions signaled by the morph forms o a language . Inflection

    does not necessarily signal distinctions; inflection involves just

    as

    much well formedness.

    3

    The same opposition applies also to Stampe's Model.

    REFERENCES

    Chomsky, Noam. 1965.

    Aspects of he theory ofsyntax.

    Cambridge, MA: MIT.

    Erjavec, Tomaz. No date. Formalising realizational morphology in typed feature structures.

    Unpublished manuscript, Ljubljana, Slovenia: J6zef Stefan Institute.

    Spencer, Andrew. 1991. Morphological theory. Oxford: Blackwell.

    Sproat, Richard. 1992. Morphology nd computation. Cambridge, MA: MIT.

    Stampe, Gregory

    P.

    1992. Position class and morphological theory. Yearbook of morphology

    /992. Eds. G Booji and

    J.

    van Marie. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Pp. 129-80.

    HELMA VAN DEN BERG, A grammar of Hunzib with exts and Lexicon).

    L/NCOM Studies

    in

    Caucasian Linguistics 01.)

    Miinchen, Newcastle: LIN

    COM EUROPA, 1995. 366 pp.

    Reviewed by

    JoHN

    D ENGTSON

    The author is a Dutch scholar who wrote this book as a doctoral the

    sis at Leiden University in January 1995, so this a book o great fresh

    ness. The field work it is based on was just completed in 1993, on the

    last o three periods beginning in 1990, mostly at Stal'skoe in lowland

    Daghestan, Russia.

    There are only about 2,000 Hunzib speakers, Sunni Muslims whose

    homeland lies in the Caucasus highlands, tucked between Georgia on

    the south and west, and other Daghestanian neighbors including the

    Avars on the east and north. The Hunzib villages

    aul,

    Hunzib

    aX

    prop

    er, N axada, Garbutli, and Gunzib, lie some 50 or 60 kilometers east o

    the border o Chechnia (Chechnya), but in the mountains traveling dis

    tances are

    o course much longer. The Hunzib and other Tsezic peoples

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    74

    WORD,

    VOLUME 48, NUMBER I (APRIL, 1997)

    share a sorrowful history o deportation and forced migration with the

    Chechen and Ingush, some

    o

    which is told by van den Berg (pp. 10-13;

    see also Nichols [ 1995]). It will remind North American readers o their

    own woeful past (e.g., the Cherokee Trail o Tears). Fortunately, the

    social conditions o the Hunzib and other Tsezic peoples are more sta

    ble these days. Many now live in lowland cities like Stal'skoe, sur

    rounded by Kumyk (Turkic) speakers, and only about 700 Hunzib

    remain in the mountain villages (p. 8).

    Hunzib (often Gunzib in Russian transcription) is not a written lan

    guage: Russian and Avar (another Daghestanian language) function as

    written languages in western Daghestan, and loan words from both

    o

    these languages (as well as others, e.g. Georgian, Turkish, Arabic)

    abound in Hunzib. Hunzib speakers also understand Bezhta, the Tsezic

    language closest to Hunzib (p.

    9).

    Hunzib is classified as a member o the Tsezic (=Dido) branch o

    the Avar-Andi-Tsez = Avar-Andi-Dido) branch o the Northeast

    Caucasian

    =

    Nakho-Daghestanian) language family (see Ruhlen

    [1987:74], Schulze-Fiirhoff [1992:190-92] for various subgrouping

    proposals). A (North) Caucasian family, uniting Northeast Caucasian

    with Northwest Caucasian

    =

    Abkhazo-Adygan) is widely accepted

    (Ruhlen 1987:73; 1994; Catford 1991; Bengtson 1994), but apparently

    not by van den Berg (p. 3). (Henceforth, Caucasian will be used here

    in the meaning North Caucasian, which I believe is genetically distinct

    from Kartvelian.)

    The Hunzib language itself does not deviate far from the Daghes

    tanian norm. The consonantal system is fairly simple, as Caucasian lan

    guages go. The only consonants outside o the core consonantal fea

    tures found in all Caucasian [including Kartvelian] languages (Catford

    1991: 241) are the laterals

    X

    X ,

    A

    the glottals

    ?

    and

    h

    and the loan

    phonemes

    x

    voiceless velar fricative),\' (voiced pharyngeal fricative),

    and n(voiceless pharyngeal fricative). The latter three are apparently due

    to Avar influence, but also assist in assimilating Arabic (Islamic) loan

    words complete with pharyngeals, e.g. \ amal 'behavior' and nurmat

    'respect'. However, n is commonly found in the rendition o laughter as

    nenene (e.g., p. 196).

    Vowels, on the other hand, are rather more plenteous in Hunzib

    than in most Caucasian languages. The eight vowels i, i

    u

    e a , o a

    a)

    can all also occur with long or nasalized variants, though nasaliza

    tion is apparently a recessive feature associated with older speakers (p.

    21). Hunzib lacks the pharyngealized vowels heard in Tsez and

    Khwarshi (Bokarev 1959).

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    The Hunzib noun morphology is quite intricate. As in 27 other Cau

    casian languages (Catford 1991 :250), nouns are classified into classes

    (genders), but here the system

    of

    five classes is even more complex than

    that

    of

    its progenitor, Proto-Northeast Caucasian, which had only four

    classes (Diakonoff and Starostin 1986:10; Schulze-Fiirhoff 1992).

    Agreement with co-referant verbs and adjectives is marked by prefixes,

    or for class 1 the absence of a prefix

    0

    . Thus gudo b-iq .1a-r the hen

    grew up (class 4) but q a ra

    r-iq .la-r

    the child grew up (class 5,

    p.

    79). Other features

    of

    the Hunzib noun include

    13

    plural markers (pp.

    17, 39-41), four syntactic cases and seven local cases (pp. 41-9).

    A feature

    of

    the Hunzib personal pronoun system, shared with

    some other Daghestanian languages, is that the second person singular

    pronoun ( thou ) is suppletive, with a nominative/ergative form

    ma

    but

    the stem

    di-- di-

    -

    du-

    in other cases (p. 60).

    The Hunzib verb is also complex. The verb stem may be preceded

    by a class prefix (as in the examples cited above) and/or followed by a

    variety

    of simple and complex suffixes denoting tense, aspect, or num

    ber. There is ablaut in some verbs, but it denotes the class

    of

    the Sub

    ject/Patient of the sentence rather than tense or aspect, e.g.:

    iyu-l kid

    gil

    er

    mother put the girl down (class 2) but iyu-l

    q a

    ra

    gul-ur mother

    put the child down (class 5, p. 80). (As also in some Indo-European lan

    guages, child belongs to the inanimate or neuter class.)

    Hunzib syntax is

    of

    the SOY AN type, like many (but not all)

    Nakh-Daghestanian languages. This type also seems to be areal, found

    also in nearby Kumyk and Azerbaijani (Turkic), Zan (Kartvelian), and

    Armenian (Indo-European) (Ruhlen 1975). Also prevalent in the Cau

    casus region is the ergative construction, e.g. in Hunzib: oi-di-1 kid

    he he-r the boy hit the girl but

    oie

    ut -ur the boy slept (p. 122). In the

    first sentence

    oie

    boy has the oblique marker -di- and the ergative

    marker-/, while the patient

    kid

    girl is in the nominative case. In the

    second sentence the verb is intransitive, and oie boy is in the unmarked

    nominative case. Hunzib also has particles denoting certainty xa, with

    uvular fricative) and probability za, p. 133).

    Van den Berg provides much more than a grammar

    of

    Hunzib. The

    introduction gives a brief geography and recent history of

    the language

    and people, with maps and statistical tables. The comprehensive gram

    mar proper is followed by 25 texts, for each

    of

    which the author pro

    vides a morphological analysis and a free translation. The Hunzib lexi

    con

    of

    some 2,000 words includes all the words in the grammar and

    texts, and also additional lexical material from the author s fieldwork.

    Each word is glossed with morphological information, its meaning,

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    76

    WORD, VOLUME 48, NUMBER I (APRIL, 1997)

    characteristic endings, and foreign counterparts in the case

    o

    a loan

    word, e.g.:

    birindzi n5 'rice'; -yo; no PL; cf. Geo. brindzi,

    Tu.

    pirin

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    77

    LEONARD NEWEL, Batad lfugao dictionary: With ethnographic notes. (Spe

    cial Monograph Issue, 33.) Manila: Linguistic Society

    of

    the Philippines, 1993.

    xviii 744 pp.

    Reviewed by

    RuTH

    M BREND

    This is indeed a remarkable dictionary. Its subheading is much too

    modest-much

    more than ethnographical notes are included. In fact,

    one might well ask what else there

    is

    to know about lfugao language and

    culture that is not included here. It

    is

    designed for an English speaker

    seeking to know more about Batad Ifugao.

    The Batad Ifugao Dictionary (hereafter BID) begins with a gram

    matical sketch

    of

    over 90 pages. Far from being a mere

    sketch

    it pre

    sents a brief phonological account, a section on symbolization and

    orthography, morphophonemics, word classes, roles

    of

    clause and sen

    tence constituents, phrases, affixes, and various types

    of

    sentences. A

    most useful index to the

    sketch is

    included and that, together with the

    Table

    of

    Contents, should allow a reader to find the information sought.

    Following the dictionary entries there are 35 Appendices which are

    primarily lists

    of

    lexical items grouped by activities or lexical

    fields

    e.g., Appendix

    3:

    Parts of a traditional house and yard; Appendix

    5:

    Cal

    endar

    of

    rice agriculture; Appendix

    3

    Kinds

    of

    chicken; Appendix

    22:

    Pond-field payments. (The latter presents a good deal

    of

    information

    concerning such payments.) Other intriguing appendices cover Fines,

    Omens, Calls and cries

    of

    animals and birds, and Wash verbs.

    The BID entries themselves usually contain

    much

    more informa

    tion than one finds in a dictionary (all descriptions are in English). For

    example the first entry

    is

    which signals that a substantitive has an

    undergoer relationship . Besides an example

    of

    how it combines with

    another prefix and with a suffix, references to three sections of the gram

    mar are given. The entry for

    higib a

    small housing cluster' gives a large

    amount

    of

    information as to how housing clusters function in the

    Batasociety, and includes a list

    of

    hamlet and subdivisions of the central

    hamlet

    of

    Batad. The entry for

    taboh a

    lead percussion instrument'

    besides a variety

    of

    senses, gives a chart

    of

    the synchronized rhythm

    of

    percussion instruments for one measure

    of

    music (to me, much like a

    description

    of

    the beats played by different instruments in a Javanese

    Gamalan).

    Roots containing prefixes are included as

    separate entries, with

    only instructions to see the corresponding root. For example, for

    pama-

    hangel

    the reader

    is

    instructed to see

    bahangel

    and under that entry one

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    78

    WORD VOLUME 48, NUMBER 1 (APRIL, 1997)

    will find listed an explanation of the prefixed form also. (In addition,

    separately, there is a very long entry for the prefix paN-, which also con

    tains cross references to two sections of the grammar.)

    The BID concludes with an English-Ifugao Index. Generally the

    entries contain only an English word or phrase followed by one or more

    Batad Ifugao words. A beginning note states that the intended use of this

    section of BID is "to aid the user to find Ifugao words" in the main part

    of the dictionary.

    In short, this is a monumental work obviously the work of a life

    time by one who is intimately acquainted with the Batad Ifugao lan

    guage and culture. Anyone involved in the preparation of a dictionary

    for whatever use would be well advised to note the BID's innovative

    presentation and the useful information which is included. I found the

    explanations to be especially clear and helpful, and I am envious

    of

    per

    sons seeking to learn Batad Ifugao.

    I would think that a similar dictionary for English, designed to be

    consulted by those trying to learn English (at various stages) would be

    invaluable. Obviously one of the first decisions for a prospective com

    piler would be which culture and dialect to

    describe American?

    British? both? or other(s)? All foreign language learners would benefit

    greatly by having such a dictionary available if only one had been

    when I was struggling with a variety of languages But, to my knowl

    edge, none of those currently available come even close. Younger schol

    ars please take note

    [No address is given in the volume for the publisher, but I have

    learned that it is available (at a cost of U.S. $42.95) from the Summer

    Institute of Linguistics Bookstore, 7500 W Camp Widom Road, Dallas,

    TX 75236-5626, U.S.A.; fax 972-709-2433; e.mail:academic.books

    @sil.org]

    3363 Burbank

    Dr

    Ann Arbor

    M 48105

    OMAR KA,

    Wolofphonology and morphology

    Lanham, MD: University Press

    of

    America, 1994. 160 pp.

    Reviewed by

    MIKE

    CAHILL

    Wolof belongs to the West Atlantic branch of Niger-Congo, and is

    one of the relatively few sub-Saharan languages which is not tonal. In

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    79

    spite

    of

    the title, Ka does not pretend to give a complete picture

    of

    either

    Wolof phonology or morphology. Within the chosen topics, however, it

    is a good reference for Wolof. In this work, Ka includes chapters on

    Vowel Harmony, Complex Segments and the Syllable, Syllable-Sensi

    tive Rules, and Reduplication Processes.

    The Introduction includes a review

    of

    previous literature on Wolof,

    which is fairly extensive compared with many other West African lan

    guages. Ka then describes his theoretical framework, which is basic

    autosegmental phonology, utilizing syllabic, CV and melodic (featural)

    tier levels. Particularly crucial to Ka is the notion

    of

    syllable

    as

    a distinct

    unit.

    Though this work was published in 1994, there appears to be no ref

    erence to theoretical advances after Ka s 1988 dissertation; the theoret

    ical viewpoint is of the middle to late 1980 s. For example, he accepts

    all three

    of

    Goldsmith s (1976) well-formedness conditions and con

    vention associations. Also, though one would expect a reference to to

    1986 in a work stressing syllables, it is not mentioned; neither is

    Clements 1985 with reference to feature geometry.

    Chapter One (pp. 7-62 deals with vowel harmony in Wolof. Ka

    motivates an eight-vowel system, with ATR (advanced tongue root)

    contrast. The high vowels have no [-ATR] counterparts, the mid vowels

    do, and the low vowel /a/ has a schwa as its [+ATR] counterpart. Length

    is contrastive, except there is no long schwa in native words. Vowels in

    a root, generally speaking, agree in [ATR] value. Suffixes are

    of two

    types, those whoseATR values agree with the root and those whose ATR

    value never varies. (Present-day Wolof has no productive prefixes.)

    When an additional suffix follows a non-alternating suffix, the second

    suffix agrees in ATR with that suffix. [ATR] is thus specified once for

    each root and spread to all vowels, including the alternating suffixes,

    which have no independent

    ATR

    value. Non-alternating suffixes have

    their own values of

    ATR.

    However, the behavior of the high vowels [i, u] adds interest to this

    otherwise well-behaved pattern. Word-initially, [i,

    u]

    act as any other

    [+ATR] vowel and agree in ATR with the other vowels in the word.

    However, word-medially, they are transparent and can occur in an oth

    erwise [ ATR] word, e.g. [ktlifa] leader . Ka treats these with two dif

    ferent mechanisms. Initial high vowels are lexically specified with

    [+ATR], which then spreads by a harmony rule. Non-initial high vow

    els are assigned a default [+ATR], crucially ordered after the harmony

    rule, and then other vowels get [ ATR] by default.

    The long vowel /aa/ is non-alternating, as is the suffix /-kat/, and

    both are considered to have a lexical value

    of

    [-ATR].

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    Ka describes nominal and verbal morphology in terms o X-bar

    theory, and shows that there is a mismatch between prosodic phrasing

    and syntactic structure, illustrated by the span o vowel harmony.

    Especially in this chapter, the reader must mentally adjust to the

    fact that Ka gives data in the Wolof orthography rather than standard

    IPA symbols. Thus, orthographic

    b

    is phonetic [e], is [e], is

    [o], etc.; the orthographic accent marks have nothing to do with either

    accent or tone.

    In Chapter Two (pp. 63-86), Ka examines complex consonants and

    their relationship to the syllable. Wolof complex consonants consist o

    geminates and pre-nasalized obstruents. Word-initially, only simple

    consonants and voiced pre-nasalized consonants occur. Ka lists a pre

    nasalized and a geminate uvular stop, but not a simple one, though the

    simple one does occur in some data.

    Geminate consonants alternate morphologically with simple ones,

    but the alternations are not always the expected ones. For example,

    [b]

    - [bb] in [ub ], [ubbi] to close, to open , but continuants alternate with

    geminate stops as in [f] - [pp] in [sof], [soppi] to join, to disjoin and

    [ ] [kk] in [dee], [dekki] to die, to resuscitate . Ka analyzes the lat

    ter as having underlying stops which spirantize when not geminate

    (except for [k], which deletes).

    Ka then gives examples o syllable types in Wolof. There are no

    vowel or consonant sequences except geminate consonants, and vowels

    and prenasalized consonants. Prenasalized consonants are represented

    as two melodies linked to one C-unit on the CV tier; geminates are one

    melody linked to two C or V units.

    Chapter Three (pp. 87-118) delves into syllable-sensitive rules o

    Wolof, including gemination and degemination, vowel coalescence,

    vowel and glide insertion, and prenasalization.

    Ka assumes (but does not demonstrate) that medial geminates as in

    [teggi] to remove are split between two syllables. He considers but

    rejects the idea of a floating C being responsible for gemination, saying

    instead that there is a morphologically-restricted gemination rule which

    must precede a second round

    o

    syllabification. Similarly, there is a mor

    phologically-restricted degemination rule. A glide [w] or [y] is inserted

    between vowels o separate morphemes to preserve syllable structure,

    except that when there is a polysyllabic, V-final stem and a short V-ini

    tial suffix, there is vowel coalescence.

    Two types

    o

    vowel epenthesis occur. When a stem ends in a gem

    inate consonant and a suffix begins with a consonant, schwa is inserted.

    When a stem ends in a cluster o non-identical consonants (not allowed

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    8

    on the surface), a copy o the preceding stem vowel is inserted, analyzed

    as

    spreading the relevant vowel features.

    Prenasalized consonants can be either underlying or derived.

    Derived ones come from prefixation o a nasal segment to a verbal stem

    to nominalize ([baax] 'to be good', [mbaax] 'goodness') or to a nomi

    nal stem to make into a diminutive or general ([doom] 'child', [ndoom]

    'small child'). The interesting cases come when the derived words begin

    with a stop ([fo] 'to play', [po] 'play', [addu] 'to speak', [kaddu]

    'speech'). There is the same alternation o fricatives and stops found in

    gemination. Ka, after again considering whether prenasalized conso

    nants should be represented with NC or C on the CV tier, concludes,

    somewhat reluctantly, that it is simpler for them to be a single C slot.

    Chapter Four, the final one (pp. 119-38), analyzes Wolof redupli

    cation. Reduplication in Wolof serves various derivational functions. In

    each case, the reduplicant and stem are identical, and from the data

    given, there is no way to tell which o the two is original stem and which

    is the reduplicant. Suffixes occur on some forms, e.g. [bey-bey-aat] 'to

    cultivate repeatedly'. The reduplicated forms are usually identical with

    the input stems, with two exceptions. The initial consonant may alter

    nate, in the pattern with stops and fricatives that is becoming familiar:

    [fas] 'to fasten', [pas-pas] 'node'. Also, the final consonant may degem

    inate: [degg] 'to hear, understand', [deg-deg] 'news, understanding'.

    Ideophones are always reduplicated forms.

    Ka postulates a morphemic tier in which syllables are subsumed

    under morphemes - In reduplication, the entire morpheme - (and its

    constituent syllables, CV units, and melodic units) is copied as a word

    formation process. He symbolizes the reduplicant as being prefixed, but

    as noted, this is an arbitrary choice. Ka takes a standard Lexical Phonol

    ogy approach. Since the reduplicant and stem are identical, there are

    some phonological rules that precede the morphological reduplication

    process. Since some reduplicated forms have suffixes which show alter

    nations, some phonological processes could also occur after reduplica

    tion. He uses up to five cycles to derive actual words from an underly

    ing stem.

    A Bibliography and Subject Index are also included.

    One minor irritation is that in each chapter, some sets o data are

    left unnumbered.

    As mentioned, the theoretical stance

    o

    this work is several years

    behind its publication date. Many o the rules mix SPE-like formalisms

    with autosegmental ones, as in the vowel epenthesis rule, which com

    bines a word-boundary symbol#, deletion

    o

    an association line to a syl-

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    82 WORD VOLUME 48, NUMBER 1 (APRIL, 1997)

    lable, insertion of a V into a space

    _

    and spreading of aF of a vowel

    to the inserted V place A more thorough feature geometric approach

    would help on consistency of representation and rules. The main

    strength of the book lies elsewhere, in the data itself and in the patterns

    elucidated.

    Some current phonological writings are woefully short on actual

    data, forcing the reader either to take the writer's assertions on faith, or

    go

    back to other sources. In contrast, the abundant data in this work

    make it an easy task to check Ka's assertions and if desired, to formu

    late alternative theoretical explanations.

    The Ohio State University

    Linguistics Dept.

    220 Oxley Hall

    1712 Neil Ave.

    Columbus

    Ohio 43210

    REFERENCES

    Clements, G.N. 1985. "The geometry

    of

    phonological features". Phonology 2:223-50.

    Goldsmith, John. 1976. "Autosegmenta1 Phonology." Ph.D. dissertation, MIT.

    Ito, Junko. 1986. "Syllable Theory in Prosodic Phonology." Ph.D. dissertation, MIT.

    MARfA ANGELES ALVAREZ MARTINEZ, a

    Gramatica Espanola en

    America. Tenerife, Spain: Universidad de la Laguna, 1994. 53 pp.

    Reviewed

    by

    EDU RDO D. F INGOLD

    This book is a short but informative and erudite annotated bibliog

    raphy of recent books and articles dealing with Latin American Spanish

    morphology and syntax. The book covers some

    250 descriptive as well

    as

    theoretical papers and books which the author consulted in person at

    the Harvard University library (see, especially, Hernandez Alonso

    1992); it includes also conference papers (e.g. ALFAL, Asociaci6n

    Chilena de Profesores de Lengua y Literatura, international linguistics

    conferences

    in

    Puerto Rico, etc.) and works produced at language

    research centers in Latin America and the US (e.g. Instituto de Filologfa

    y Letras Hispanicas

    Dr

    Amado Alonso in Buenos Aires, Instituto de

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    8

    Filologia de la Universidad de Chile, Instituto Caro y Cuervo in Bogota,

    Instituto de Filologia Andres Bello in Caracas, Centro de Lingtiistica

    Hispanica in Mexico, The University

    o

    Southern California in Los

    Angeles).

    The bibliography covers a wide range o grammatical phenomena

    such

    as

    verbs, nouns, adjectives, adverbs, prepositions, personal pro

    nouns, and coordinate as well as subordinate clauses. The author notes

    most rightly that a modern linguistic approach to the study of Latin

    American Spanish calls for the construction o a systematic i.e. non

    compartmentalized) grammar

    o

    the latter, along the lines shown in sys

    tematic studies of Spanish phonology Canfield 1981, Resnick 1975).

    According to Alvarez Martinez, the book

    is

    intended as a step in that

    direction.

    Alvarez Martinez draws on earlier attempts to provide a systemat

    ic account of Latin American Spanish morphology and syntax Montes

    Giraldo 1987, Moreno de Alba 1988); she provides a comprehensive list

    of grammatiCal phenomena which according to this author are worthy

    to have a place in a systematic grammar

    o

    Latin American Spanish,

    including: i)

    voseo

    and other related pronominal and verb forms e.g.

    cantds, cantdis, cantai, tu tenes, vos tienes, usted tienes,

    etc.), ii) idio

    syncratic pronominal syntax e.g.

    a yo, para yo)

    and pronominal neu

    tralization e.g.

    uno-una, le-les),

    iii) variation in the use

    o

    gender e.g.

    ellla calor, el/la azucar, etc.), iv) idiosyncratic uses

    o

    number e.g.

    papas-papaes-papases, un cafe, tres cafe,

    etc.), v) diminutives, com

    paratives, and superlatives, vi) noun derivation with a variety

    o

    affix

    es, metaphor, and other word-coining means, vii) idiosyncratic uses

    o

    the imperfect e.g.

    Queria rogarle unfavorcito),

    future, impersonal con

    structions e.g

    hubo/hubieronfiestas, se vende n) naranjas),

    and verb

    periphrasis, viii) prepositional constructions, including

    queismo

    and

    dequeismo,

    idiosyncratic usage

    o

    prepositions e.g.

    caer en a) cama,

    con base en a),

    etc.), and ix) subordinate and coordinate clauses, word

    order, and topicalization e.g. Quiere es vino).

    This short book should be

    o

    great interest to all students and schol

    ars o Spanish, since it provides a most valuable key for future research

    in Latin American Spanish morphology and syntax; it is also, no doubt,

    a small but firm step toward the construction

    o

    a systematic grammar

    of Latin American Spanish.

    Department o Languages

    The University

    o

    Tulsa

    Tulsa, Oklahoma 74104-3189

    Dow

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    84 WORD VOLUME 48, NUMBER 1 (APRIL, 997)

    REFERENCES

    Canfield, D. Lincoln. 1981.

    Spanish pronunciation

    n

    the Americas.

    Chicago: University of Chica

    go Press.

    Hernandez Alonso, C., ed. 1992.

    Historia

    y

    Presente del Espafiol de America.

    Junta de Castilla y

    Le6n:Pabecal.

    Montes Giraldo, J. J. 1987.

    Dialectol6gia General e Hispanoamericana.

    Bogota: lnstituto Caro y

    Cuervo.

    Moreno de Alba, J. G. 1988.

    El Espafiol en America.

    Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Econ6mica.

    Resnick, M. C. 1975.

    Phonological variants and dialect identification in Latin American Spanish.

    The Hague: Mouton.

    RAJEND MESTHRIE,

    English in language shift. The history structure

    nd

    sociolinguistics ofSouth African Indian English. Cambridge: Cambridge

    Uni-

    versity

    Press 1992. xix 252 pp.

    Reviewed by

    EDUARDO

    D.

    FAINGOLD

    This book studies the emergence

    of

    South African Indian English

    (SAlE) among indentured workers brought in the 1850s to the planta

    tions of the Natal area and their descendants in South Africa. SAlE is a

    new variety of English spoken by some three-quarters of a million peo

    ple-a "language shift English" similar to the Englishes of other eth

    nic (e.g. Amerindian, Hispanic, etc. English in the U.S.; Irish, Scottish,

    Welsh, etc. English in Great Britain) and immigrant communities (e.g.

    Yiddish English in New York; Pakistani English in Great Britain) in the

    anglophone countries. But as the author of the book argues convincing

    ly

    SAlE is not your garden-variety of immigrant or ethnic language.

    This language can profitably be studied with the tools employed in pid

    gin and creole studies, since it evolved from several substrate languages

    in contact with English in a multilingual situation in which English was

    not the majority language. In this interesting and well researched book

    the author explores both the sociohistorical and linguistic results

    of

    language shift in an immigrant situation, as well as parallels between

    first and second language acquisition, pidginization, and creolization,

    including universals of second language acquisition and transfer from

    substrate languages. The book discusses also parallels between SAlE

    and other varieties of Indian English (e.g., "Butler English"), other

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    85

    dialects

    of

    South African English, and English worldwide. The focus is

    on syntactic development (the relative clause and word order) but it also

    discusses some non-syntactic variation among different social classes in

    the South African Indian community.

    The book contains seven chapters, followed by three appendices,

    notes, sources and references, and a subject index, as follows:

    Chapter

    1

    Historical background: the shaping

    of

    a new English

    (Pp. 1-33) presents the focus (i.e. it reveals the means by which SAlE

    became established in the Indian community) and the main aim of the

    study (i.e. it examines diachronic patterns

    of

    variation and processes of

    language acquisition), defines SAlE

    as

    a variety

    of

    New English (see

    above), and sketches linguistic and sociohistorical patterns of develop

    ment in the Indian community in South Africa from the time

    of

    immi

    gration and indenture in the 1850s until the post-indenture period in this

    century.

    Chapter

    2

    Variation in SAlE: a first glimpse (Pp. 34-70) presents

    the methodology of data collection (i.e. a sample of 150 speakers of

    SAlE from various parts

    of

    Natal interviewed with state-of-the-art so

    ciolinguistic techniques) and defines SAlE

    as

    a polylectal complex (i.e.

    in terms

    of

    a range of overlapping varieties or

    lects-basilect

    mesolect,

    and

    acrolect-such

    as those found in creoles).

    Chapter 3, Syntactic variation: the relative clause (Pp. 71-100)

    and Chapter 4, Word-order principles (Pp. 101-127) examine so

    ciolinguistic patterns and theoretical principles of syntactic variation in

    detail, while Chapter 5, Non-syntactic variation (Pp. 128-151) offers

    a short phonetic, morphological, and lexical description

    of

    SAlE as well

    as

    a brief comparison between SAlE and other varieties of English in

    South Africa and elsewhere.

    Chapter

    6

    Perspectives from second-language acquisition (Pp.

    152-182)

    is

    concerned with syntactic (and some morphological) trans

    fer from ancestral languages as well

    as

    with second language universals

    (e.g. copula deletion, the use

    of

    on y and too

    as

    focus markers, relative

    clauses, and the use of articles before adjectives), Chomsky's Universal

    Grammar (UG) (e.g. negation, pro-drop, word order), and general

    strategies of production in second language acquisition (e.g. economy

    of production and reduction of ambiguity). Most interestingly, the

    author concludes that the substrate is not very influential in the emer

    gence

    of

    SAlE, but its syntactic development shows a strong parallel to

    universals

    of

    first and second language acquisition. He shows also that

    second language acquisition in a language shift setting cannot profitably

    be studied with the tools employed by UG, since [I]n SAlE (and the

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    86

    WORD, VOLUME 48, NUMBER I (APRIL, 1997)

    New Englishes generally) the parameters do not stay set [my empha

    sis] (p. 174). In contrast, general principles of second language acqui

    sition such as economy of production (e.g. regularization, selective pro

    duction

    of

    redundant markers) and reduction

    of

    ambiguity (e.g.

    transparency, maximising salience) are quite useful for explaining

    developmental patterns in New Englishes.

    Chapter 7, Perspectives from pidgin and creole studies (Pp.

    183-221) shows convincingly that there exist strong parallels between

    the development

    of SAlE and that of creole languages. For example,

    SAlE's basilect has a strong resemblance to creoloid systems in South

    Africa (e.g. Afrikaans) and elsewhere (e.g. Singapore English, Reunion

    French); similarly, the developmental processes attested in SAlE's

    polylectal complex are parallel to decreolization processes found in

    other post-creole settings.

    Appendices A B and C give, respectively, a comparison between

    the SAlE sample in this book and census data for Natal Indians (con

    sidering such variables as education, ancestral language, age, rural

    urban domicile, and gender), the types of relative clauses used by speak

    ers (standard, non-standard, and zero relative clauses), and rank orders

    for the use of relative clauses, topics, and morphology in the pre

    basilect, the basilect, the mesolect, and the acrolect.

    This book is written in a scholarly but lively style. The typescript

    was produced with the high degree of editorial care usually found in

    such major publishers as Cambridge University Press: I have found only

    one typo on p. 32.

    This book is

    of

    great relevance to the study

    of

    language develop

    ment in a wide sense (language acquisition, language death, pidginiza

    tion, creolization, koineization, etc.), and it makes a substantial contri

    bution to our understanding

    of

    sociohistorical, psycholinguistic, and

    linguistic processes of language shift involved in the emergence of new

    languages and dialects, as well as the loss

    of

    ancestral languages, in

    South Africa, in other parts of the English-speaking world, and in nat

    ural settings in general.

    t

    can be recommended also to linguists inter

    ested in such varied fields as quantitative variation of the Labovian kind

    and Chomsky's generative linguistics,

    as

    well as second language stud

    ies, since in this book all these areas are approached in a non-partisan

    and mostly jargon-free

    fashion one

    which is sadly lacking in much

    of

    linguistics nowadays. Also, this book is

    of

    relevance to educators in

    South Africa and elsewhere, since SAlE is clearly not bad English,

    but a social dialect of South African English in its own right. Educators

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    87

    in the U.S. and Britain cannot fail

    to

    see the parallel with the use

    o

    Black English in the schools there.

    Dept. o Languages

    The University o Tulsa

    Tulsa, Oklahorrw 74104-3189

    KANG-HO LIE,

    Verbale Aspektualitiit im Koreanischen und m Deutschen.

    Tiibingen: Niemeyer, 1991. 244 pp.

    Reviewed by

    GR ZI CRocco

    G LE S

    Lie s book is an illustration o the category o aspect in Korean and

    German, particularly focussed on some verbal periphrases (e.g. Ger

    zum Ausdruck kommen to express oneself , zum Vorschein kommen to

    come to light , zum Vorschein bringen to bring to light ). Such

    periphrases are characterized by verbs Funktionsverben

    or

    verba

    adiecta)

    which in other contexts show full verb behaviour and whose

    semantic value is typically related to the notion o movement and spa

    tial collocation (e.g. Germ. kommen to come , bringen to bring sein

    to be ;

    Kor ota

    to come ,

    kata

    to go ,

    issta

    to be ). The theoretical

    framework o Lie s study is given by Eugenio Coseriu s structural-func

    tional linguistics, with special regard to Coseriu s treatment o the

    Romance verbal system (Coseriu 1976). Despite the strong dependence

    on the analysis put forward by the Romanian scholar, Lie s work is not

    devoid

    o

    any novelty and is interesting

    as

    well. In

    my

    opinion the book

    is remarkable for three main reasons. First, it offers a description of the

    Korean tense-aspect system, which differs from the very few previous

    attempts. Second, in dealing with the problem o aspectual verbal

    periphrases, it points out striking analogies between two typologically

    different languages. Third, its approach is not merely contrastive, but

    rather functional and onomasiological; the two languages, German and

    Korean, are analyzed independently, although from a unitary semantic

    oriented perspective.

    As far

    as the objections are concerned, one cannot help but noting

    that in Lie s discussion o the topic some major viewpoints in the liter-

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    ature are neglected. The author does not take sufficiently into account

    the general debate on tense and aspect. There is very little mention of

    Comrie (1976, 1985) and Dahl (1985) and, on the whole, the references

    cited do not include many important contributions from recent years.

    The author s arguments are supported by a limited range

    o

    works that

    essentially represent only one angle

    o

    the research. Furthermore, the

    theme o verbal periphrases and the auxiliaries which are involved in

    them has recently been dealt with by the theory

    o

    grammaticalization.

    This theory has drawn particular attention to the categories

    o

    tense and

    aspect, their mutual relations, their expression by means o auxiliaries

    and verbal periphrases with quasi-auxiliaries. On the contrary, Lie

    examines the question of aspectual periphrases in German and Korean

    without revealing knowledge of an important and vital part of linguistic

    research. t seems rather evident that the author s purpose is simply to

    employ the armamentarium of Coseriu s functional semantics to

    explore a linguistic domain that is partially still to be investigated (par

    ticularly Korean). In this sense his analysis

    is

    restrictively oriented and

    lacks the contribution

    o

    a number

    o

    diverse perspectives.

    Lie claims that the goal

    o

    his study

    is

    to present two different real

    izations (i.e. belonging to two different languages) of the grammatical

    category

    o

    aspect. The following statement is typical

    o

    Lie s struc

    turalist-semantic approach: whenever there

    is

    a systematic correlation

    between semantic values and individual forms, we can consequently

    recognize a semantic phenomenon

    o

    a given language and assign to

    that language proper grammatical categories. In other words, grammat

    ical categories are expressed by morphemes and morphemes represent

    grammatical categories. According to Coseriu s definition, Lie regards

    a periphrasis as a concrete, compositional linguistic sign that has a sin

    gle, unitary meaning, e.g. a compositional signifiant corresponding to a

    simple

    signifie.

    The meaning

    o

    the periphrasis is certainly related to the

    meaning

    o

    its parts, but it is not merely the sum

    o

    them. In particular,

    a verbal periphrasis is one that altogether functions as a verb. Unlike the

    single verb though, it is divisible into a lexical and a grammatical

    domain. For instance, in the German periphrasis

    in Anrechnung kom-

    men

    to be reckoned , the grammatical part is represented by the verb

    kommen

    whereas the lexical

    is

    expressed by the noun

    Anrechnung.

    The

    verb constitutes the non-lexical component

    o

    the verbal periphrasis, but

    it

    assigns the categorical status

    o

    verb to the whole periphrasis. One

    could observe that the kind o verbal periphrases addressed by Lie dif

    fer radically from those he calls grammatical periphrases (e.g

    r ist

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    REVIEWS

    9

    gekommen

    'he has come', er

    hat gegeben

    'he has given'). He seeks to

    define the difference on semantic grounds. However, he fails to recog

    nize the categorial status of the verb. In cases such as

    er ist gekommen

    'he has come' the verb

    sein

    'to be' behaves as an auxiliary, that is to say

    an item typically denoting distinctions of tense, aspect and/or modality.

    Auxiliaries are neither clearly lexical nor clearly grammatical units, but

    they also occur as main verbs (e.g. er

    ist ein Lehrer

    'he is a teacher').

    They may not be the semantic main predicate

    of

    the clause and do not

    have a meaning of their own, but rather they are synsemantic or syncat

    egorematic to the lexeme to which they apply, i.e. the main verb. These

    are, among others, some

    of

    the properties showed by auxiliaries. On the

    contrary, in cases such as

    in Anrechnung kommen

    'to be reckoned' or

    n

    Bearbeitung sein

    'to be in processing' the verbs

    kommen

    and

    sein

    are

    not auxiliaries because they occur as main verbs. Thus, despite the use

    of

    the term verbal periphrasis by the author for both

    instances er ist

    gekommen

    and

    in Bearbeitung

    sein the function of the verb

    sein

    'to

    be'

    is

    quite different; in the first case

    sein

    behaves like an auxiliary, in

    the second case it is rather a main verb. Lie focusses on the German

    verbs

    kommen

    'to come,'

    bringen

    'to bring,'

    sein

    'to be,' and

    haben

    'to

    have' arguing that these verbs are instrumentally used in the verbal

    periphrases, whereas in other contexts they appear

    as

    full lexemes. I

    agree with the author about the fact that the above mentioned verbs

    reveal a peculiar semantics when combined in periphrases such as those

    he interprets as aspectual verbal periphrases, but I would not call them

    nichtlexematische Hilfsverben

    non-lexical auxiliaries , because they

    do not show the properties

    of

    the auxiliaries.

    In conclusion, the study is rich in implications and is very impor

    tant

    as

    a comparative research on the interrelations of tense and aspect,

    on the one hand, and the aspectual verbal periphrases of two different

    linguistic systems, on the other hand.

    Dipartimento di Linguistica

    Universitii degli Studi di Pavia

    Corso strada Nuova 65

    1-27100 Pavia

    Italy

    REFERENCES

    Comrie, B. 1976.

    Aspect.

    Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

    Comrie B. 1985.

    Tense.

    Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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    90

    WORD, VOLUME 48, NUMBER I (APRIL, 1997)

    Coseriu,

    E.

    1976.

    Das romanische Verba/system. Til

    bingen: Gunter

    Narr.

    Dahl,

    b.

    1985.

    Tense

    nd

    aspect systems.

    Oxford: Basil Blackwell.

    HANS-JOSEF NIEDEREHE,

    Bibliografia cronol6gica de la lingiiistica, la

    gramatica y la lexicografia del espafiol desde los comienzos hasta el afio 1600

    BJCRES). Studies in the History

    of

    the Language Sciences, 76.

    Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 1995. 457 pp.

    Reviewed by RAY HARRIS NORTHALL

    Scholars of the history of linguistics in Spain have undoubtedly

    received, with the publication of this volume, a fundamental contribu

    tion to their field. Niederehe brings together in this bibliography almost

    one thousand entries covering printed books and manuscripts known to

    have been produced before the year 1600 concerning Spanish linguis

    tics in the broadest sense, including, for example, grammars for speak

    ers of other languages, works containing glosses on pronunciation, and

    lexicographical volumes. The only criterion for inclusion in the bibli

    ography,

    N

    points out in his introduction, is the presence of the Span

    ish language, either

    as

    the object of study, or

    as

    the language of descrip

    tion.

    Each of the entries in the bibliography is made up of several parts,

    all consistently and clearly distinguished in such a way as to enable the

    reader to consult an entry rapidly and with ease. The first field gives the

    date

    of

    the edition and the author,

    if

    known. This

    is

    followed by the sec

    ond field, in which

    N

    reproduces all of the information on the title page,

    including, as well as text, any other information such as signs, printers

    marks, portraits, and so on, given in angled brackets. The transcription

    procedures followed in the reproduction

    of the title page are discussed

    briefly

    in

    the introduction. The next field contains the place of publica

    tion (or where the copy was produced, in the case of manuscripts), and

    the name of the printer.

    All this information on the edition itself is expanded by another

    three fields: comment, library, and bibliography, respectively. The com

    ment field contains a variety of types of information considered relevant

    by the compiler: number of pages or folios, signature marks, descrip

    tions quoted from other bibliographical sources, and so forth. Known

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    92

    WORD VOLUME 48, NUMBER 1 (APRlL, 1997)

    graphical errors, a feat

    of

    some considerable merit in a publication such

    as this. In all, it is a valuable and finely produced contribution to a field

    which, outside

    of

    N.'s own dedication, has only recently begun to

    receive the attention

    of

    specialists.

    Department o Spanish and Portuguese

    University

    o

    Wisconsin-Madison

    Madison WI 53706

    WILLIAM A. FOLEY, ed.

    The role

    o

    theory

    n

    language description.

    Berlin:

    Mouton de Gruyter, 1993.

    viii

    467 pp

    Reviewed by

    MASATAKA ISHIKAWA

    The present volume grew out

    of

    a conference with the same title

    as

    that of the book, which was organized by the editor and held in Ocho

    Rios, Jamaica, in November 1987. The volume consists of 5 papers

    preceded by an Introduction by the editor, and followed by a Language

    Index and a Subject Index. According to the editor, the conference dealt

    with the following four distinct, yet interconnecting , issues; (i) the

    gap between linguists and anthropologists with respect to their theoret

    ical and descriptive concerns; (ii) the nature of the linguists' object of

    study ; (iii) how to reconcile formal approaches with pragmatic

    approaches focusing on language-based social interactions; (iv) the lin

    guistic data base (pp.

    1-2 .

    Broadly speaking, the contributions can be

    divided into two groups; the structural-formalist approach and the non

    autonomous functionalist approach. The former attempts to account for

    linguistic phenomena in terms of a grammatical (coding) system. The

    latter tries to describe them within an inference-based framework (based

    on both grammatical and discourse factors). Within the latter, there are

    two subgroups, one which considers pragmatics as a principal ingredi

    ent of language (description) and the other which emphasizes the inte

    gration

    of

    formal and functional approaches. Given the space allowed

    for the present review, I will comment on individual papers mostly in

    regard to the general theme

    of

    the book, namely the (relation between)

    theory and representation/description in linguistic studies.

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    REVIEWS

    93

    Mark

    C.

    Baker ( Noun incorporation and the nature

    o

    linguistic

    representation , pp. 13-44) deals with the question

    o

    whether the

    (native speaker's) linguistic representation is abstract or concrete. Based

    on the analysis o Noun Incorporation phenomena in native languages

    o

    the Americas, B argues that important cross-linguistic generaliza

    tions about these polysynthetic languages and the typologically differ

    ent languages

    o

    Europe can be captured only

    i

    one assumes that a

    speaker's knowledge of language is represented at the relevant level of

    abstraction, at which the geometrical relations o arguments are similar

    in both types

    o

    languages. Joan Bresnan ( Interaction between gram

    mar and discourse in Chichewa (Bantu) , pp. 45-60), like Baker,

    is

    con

    cerned with capturing general properties o human language. In her

    framework (LPG), because of the independence

    o

    lexical structures,

    configurational structures, and functional structures in the grammar, dif

    ferent (grammatical) functions are not necessarily represented by dif

    ferent configurational representations (unlike Baker's GB approach). B

    concludes that only by combining formal and functional analyses one

    can capture [d]eeper insight into the nature of language

    p.

    58).

    Dealing with the Burmese verb phrase structure in its semiotic and

    semantic aspects,

    A L

    Becker ( The elusive figures

    o

    Burmese gram

    mar: An essay , pp. 61-85) concerns himself with the issue oflocal (vs.

    universal) explanations in language description. His view is that the

    importance o linguistic theory in language descriptions is to highlight

    dissimilarities between languages, which may lead one to a relativis

    tic, non-universalist attitude toward languages (p. 81). Andrew Pawley

    ( A language which defies description by ordinary means , pp.

    87-129), studying Kalam, a language o the New Guinea Highlands,

    stresses the importance

    o

    the description

    o

    idiomatic competence. P

    suggests that one should pay more attention to aspects

    o

    untidy and

    fuzzy areas o language that both grammarians and speakers have to

    cope with (such as lexicon)

    p.

    126).

    In The conceptual basis

    o

    grammatical relations (pp. 131-174),

    William

    A

    Foley argues that grammatical primitives

    o

    language struc

    ture are relational categories that are universally definable in semantic

    terms (e.g., actor and undergoer) and that notions such

    as

    subject and

    object cannot be universal categories that all languages necessarily pos

    sess. He claims that a more conceptually-based approach to grammati

    cal relations (according to the logic

    o

    a particular culture involved),

    as

    opposed to configurational definitions, can describe human language

    more accurately. In a condensed article ( The expanse

    o

    grammar in

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    WORD VOLUME 48, NUMBER I (APRIL, 1997)

    the 'waste'

    of

    frames , pp. 175-191), Michael Silverstein points out the

    lack

    of

    theoretical ideas which concern themselves with the under

    standing

    of

    the relationship between formal properties

    of

    linguistic cat

    egories and textual cohesion. S argues against discern[ing] levels of

    abstractness isomorphic to the significant segmentations and calling

    these the objects

    of

    grammatical description (and theory) (p. 189).

    John

    J

    Gumperz's paper ( Culture and conversational inference ,

    pp. 193-214) analyzes how linguistic knowledge and socio-cultural

    knowledge are used (by both speakers and listeners) to assess what is

    intended (p. 194) in the act

    of

    transmitting information. According to

    G, since dialogue coherence depends crucially on socially constructed

    shared background knowledge, linguistic descriptions should account

    for variability of form and interpretive processes (p. 207), rather

    than absolute truth value of verbal songs in isolation. M. C

    O Connor

    ( Disjoint reference and pragmatic inference: Anaphora and switch ref

    erence in Northern Porno , pp. 215-242) considers that an inference

    based approach to interpretation in terms of the discourse parameter of

    point

    of

    view (e.g., logophoricity) is superior to (morpho)syntactical

    ly-based accounts since it can give a unified account of both within

    clause and across-clause uses

    of

    [anaphors and pronouns] (p. 221).

    Nicholas Evans's interpenetrationist view ( Code, inference,

    placedness and

    ellipsis , pp. 243-280) argues against a strict comple

    mentarist position, i.e., demarcation between the (modular) coding

    system (grammar) and the (non-modular) inferential system (pragmat

    ics). E underlines the integration

    of

    socio and ethno-linguistics into for

    mallinguistic theory and characterizes it as a challenge for the field in

    the next century. Viewing language as a pragmatically driven coding

    system, Doris L. Payne ( Meaning and pragmatics of order in selected

    South American Indian languages , pp. 281-314) proposes that dis

    course pragmatic factors must be built into grammatical models as

    fundamental principles of word order (rather than merely appended to

    them) (p. 281).

    Christian Lehmann ( Theoretical implications of grammatical

    ization phenomena , pp.

    315-

    340), who considers language a (crea

    tive, goal-oriented) human activity with two basic dimensions (cogni

    tive/epistemic and communicative/social), discusses what concepts and

    assumptions any linguistic theory will have to include. From a diachron

    ic point

    of

    view, L argues that linguistic theory should be based on the

    view that grammatical levels and grammatical categories (seen as the

    product of grammaticalization) are points on a continuum. L further

    suggest that the gradient nature of general grammaticalization process-

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    REVIEWS 95

    es have important implications for both the theory

    o

    language and the

    theory

    o

    grammar

    =

    a model

    o

    linguistic description). Adopting a

    socio-historical and ethno-political view of language, Geoffrey Ben

    jamin ( Grammar and polity: The cultural and political background to

    Standard Malay , pp. 341-392) maintains that linguistic descriptions

    are incomplete unless one goes beyond syntactic structures and takes

    into consideration factors such

    as cultural contexts.

    Examining starred vs. unstarred judgments in standard and local or

    colloquial varieties, Anthony Diller ( Diglossic grammaticality in

    Thai , pp. 393-420) warns o the danger of basing the construction o

    grammatical theory on the grammaticality judgments

    o

    decontextual

    ized sentences isolated from social and cultural settings. The paper by

    Mohamed H. Abdulaziz ( Language use and language development:

    Review

    o

    sociolinguistic theory , pp. 421-435) looks at the issue

    o

    language planning and language development in society (such as lan

    guage variation/shift) in the context

    o

    societal modernization and cul

    tural change in Africa and urges (especially) sociolinguists to develop

    integrated (and more comprehensive) theories o language use and lan

    guage development. Jane H. Hill's article ( Formalism, functionalism

    and the discourse

    o

    evolution , pp. 437-455) addresses the issue

    o

    lan

    guage evolution from the formal and functional perspectives, and sug

    gests that the study

    o

    language evolution should take into consideration

    the difference between the 'general architecture'

    o

    human language

    and the specific ways in which this is elaborated and implemented in

    local ways

    o

    speaking p. 453).

    Each contribution takes a quite different view on what constitutes

    language description and linguistic theory. Although it is certainly ben

    eficial to be exposed to diverse viewpoints on grammar , language ,

    linguistic theory , and description

    o

    language , it would have been

    more useful

    i

    the articles had been organized around a common point

    o

    reference with respect to conceptions

    o

    (language) description and

    (linguistic) theory (for example, concentrating on one

    o

    the four issues

    addressed in the book). (As Silverstein puts it, we need to have first a

    coherent denotatum

    o

    the term linguistic theory p. 178). In the

    absence

    o

    some common point

    o

    departure, it would also have been

    more instrumental i the book had included comments by the partici

    pants on each others' ideas. To be fair, individual papers make valid

    points in the respective areas

    o

    research, and point to directions for fur

    ther research with interesting and thought-provoking suggestions.

    These observations, and the fact that some articles are rather incon

    clusive, should not discourage linguists interested in this general topic

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    96 WORD,

    VOLUME 48, NUMBER I (APRIL, 1997)

    from reading this volume. The field certainly needs,

    as

    Diller points out,

    broader perspectives for grammatical theorizing.

    Department

    of

    Foreign Languages

    Hiroshima University

    Kagamiyama 1-7-1

    Higashi-Hiroshima, 724

    Japan

    MICHAEL

    L.

    MAZZOLA, ed. Issues nd theory in Romance linguistics:

    Selected papers from the linguistic symposium on Romance languages XXIII.

    Washington D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 1994. xiii 546 pp.

    Reviewed by

    M S T K ISHIKAWA

    The Twenty-third Annual Linguistic Symposium on Romance Lan

    guages was held at Northern Illinois University in DeKalb, on April

    1-4, 1993. The volume is divided into two parts: Phonology and Syn

    tax. As in many of the previous LSRL proceedings, syntactic studies

    predominate in the present volume. Although Spanish and French are,

    as

    usual, the two most studied languages, it is pleasant t see that many

    of the articles are comparative in scope, dealing with two or more

    Romance (and in some cases non-Romance) languages or dialects.

    Part I (Phonology) contains seven papers. Barbara E. Bullock

    argues that all underlying segments are licensed by the syllable (with

    out making any distinction between heavy and light syllables) in

    the prosodic structure

    of

    French. Luigi Burzio and Elvira DiFabio sug

    gest that [m]orphomes maintain fixed accentual properties

    p.

    22) in

    stress preservations in word formation (e.g., English propaganda

    propagandist and morpheme suppressions (e.g., Italian finisco/jinia

    mo .

    Steven R. Hoskins takes up secondary stress in French, while

    Haike Jacobs analyzes epenthesis in Gallo-Romance and Old French,

    arguing against the existence

    of

    segmentally empty, but prosodically

    relevant constituents. Next, John

    M.

    Lipski proposes that the spread

    of

    [+vocalic] (postvocalic) or [+continuant] (postconsonantal) is involved

    in the fricative articulation

    of

    voiced obstruents in Spanish. In the penul

    timate paper of the phonology part, Pilar Prieto considers that vowel

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    97

    lengthening in northern Italian dialects is conditioned by interactions of

    optimization

    of

    segmental and prosodic structures. In the final paper,

    Irene Vogel examines three types

    of phonological interface (phonology

    morphology; phonology-syntax; phonology-semantics) in Italian in

    terms ofmapping algorithms between the structures of two components

    involved.

    Part II (Syntax) includes 23 papers. Nancy Mae Antrim proposes an

    incorporation analysis of adverbial agreement in Italian (e.g., Maria

    parlava sveltalsvelto

    Maria was speaking fast (130)). Deborah Artea

    ga hypothesizes that the verb agrees either with the postverbal NP or

    with impersonal

    l

    in Old French impersonal constructions. Although

    technical details of the analysis are left open, specific proposals made in

    this article should be taken seriously in future study. In the third paper

    (by Julie Auger), Picard clitics are analyzed as inflectional morphemes

    with the second person clitics having two morphological subcategoriza

    tion frames (allowing their dual positioning with respect to the verb),

    while the first and third person clitics have only one. Valentina Bianchi

    and Maria Cristina Figueiredo Silva argue that the contrasts between

    Italian and Brazilian Portuguese with respect to (i) the possibility of

    having referential null objects and referential null subjects and (ii) the

    clitic placement can be accounted for by postulating different sets of

    independent functional heads (Person/Number/Gender) for the two lan

    guages. Next, Reineke Bok-Bennema and Brigitte Kampers-Manhe

    claim that clitic climbing in Spanish and Italian and quantifier/manner

    adverb climbing in French are in fact manifestations

    of

    one and the

    same process (T-Incorporation). This paper is a good example of solid

    scholarship illustrating how one hypothesis (with a couple of secondary

    assumptions) can account for various phenomena in different languages

    in a straightforward manner.

    J

    Clancy Clements advances a unified account of Topicalization

    and Left Dislocation in Spanish by proposing that (indefinite) object

    drop involve null partitive pronouns. Richard Danford and Kutz Arrieta

    Stemen s paper deals with double complementizer constructions in

    Spanish (e.g., Me pregunt6 mi madre que) quien llam6

    My

    mother

    asked me (*that) who called (p. 259)) and postulates that [Spec, IP] is

    the landing site for wh-elements (i.e., [Spec, IP] is an A -position).

    Maarten de Wind proposes that the subject clitic (in AgrS) assigns Case

    to the lexical subject in [Spec, AgrSP] under agreement in French com

    plex inversion sentences. According to Natalia Dfaz-Insense, extraction

    of nominals out of DP is possible if resulting chains do not violate

    strong crossover. D-I s proposal seems to have interesting consequences

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    9 WORD, VOLUME 48, NUMBER I (APRIL, 1997)

    for movement/extraction phenomena in clauses (e.g., relativization), as

    well.

    The contribution by Pilar Garcia-Mayo and Paula Kempchinsky

    compares Spanish and English parasitic gap constructions. They claim

    that differences (e.g., clause-boundedness and tensed-vs.-non-tensed

    asymmetry) follow from the possibility in Spanish of having pro in

    object position with a null operator generated in [Spec,

    CP], contrary to

    English, which, without recourse to pro, adjoins a null operator (gener

    ated in the gap (

    =

    A-) position) to

    CP

    Luis Lopez attributes different

    possibilities in Spanish and English with respect to VP-Ellipsis to dif

    ferent movement possibilities in the two languages. Nicole Maier con

    siders the placement

    of

    the embedded subject and complement (clitics)

    in Portuguese causative constructions with interesting comparisons of

    French and Portuguese in terms of Case-assignment patterns.

    In a technical, but carefully written paper, Enrique Mallen argues

    that the contrast in the licensing of empty elements in [Spec, TP]

    between German and Spanish in multiple wh-questions can be account

    ed for by assuming that Tense governs [Spec, TP] at LF in Spanish,

    while Comp antecedent-governs [Spec, TP] in German. Johan Rooryck

    characterizes the apparent optional nature

    of

    clitic climbing

    as

    the

    optionality in the way Relativized Minimality can be satisfied. Mario

    Saltarelli provides a morphosyntactic analysis of voice in Latin and

    Romance in which the voice (morpheme) is analyzed as

    the head con

    stituent of

    IP

    Uthaiwan Wong-opasi hypothesizes that Romance Verb

    complement compounds are derived by deleting the (underlying) agent

    head (N) from the proposed endocentric structure in accordance with

    syntactic principles.

    Three papers are concerned with impersonal (se) constructions.

    Julia Herschensohn (French psych

    se

    and Amaya Mendikoetxea (Span

    ish ARB SE) both examine the constructions in terms of Case-absorp

    tion by se, while Robert

    E

    Vann attempts to unify middle se, inherent

    se, and no fault se in Spanish. Also included in the volume are papers

    py Sarah Cummins and Yves Roberge (a morphological analysis of

    Romance clitics at the proposed Lexicon-syntax Interface level); Clau

    dia Parodi (on morphological (in the minimalist sense) differences

    between Spanish and English DPs); Liliana Sanchez (on emphatic and

    adverbial readings associated with the DP modified by mismo 'self' in

    Spanish); and Karen Zagona (a ditransitive analysis

    of

    the temporal

    argument structure ofth Spanish compound perfect tense).

    The present volume, as the previous LSRL volumes, contains a

    number of excellent papers dealing with both familiar and new problems

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    REVIEWS 99

    with thought-provoking proposals. Especially, comparative approaches

    taken by many papers in this volume should stimulate further research

    on a wide variety

    of

    topics covered here. Also, as most

    of

    the previous

    proceedings coming out of this annual conference in North America, the

    majority of the contributions are written in the generative framework. In

    this sense, some papers may not so easily be accessible to non-followers.

    There are some missing references and typological infelicities, but this

    seems to be unavoidable in proceedings of this size. One final comment.

    Although broad geographical areas are covered in synchronic studies,

    diachronic comparative) investigations are under-represented. Person

    ally, I would have liked and certainly hope in future volumes) to see

    more diachronic contributions. Speaking of the valanced representation,

    the same applies to contributions in the areas of phonology and mor

    phology. All in all, I predict that many Romance linguists especially

    synchronic syntacticians) will find this volume a valuable source of

    information.

    Department o Foreign Languages

    Hiroshima University

    Kagamiyama 1-7-1

    Higashi-Hiroshima 724

    Japan

    JOEL

    A.

    NEVIS, BRIAN D. JOSEPH, DIETER WANNER and ARNOLD

    M

    ZWICKY, eds. Clitics: A comprehensive bibliography 1892-1991. Amster

    dam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 1994. xxxvii 274

    pp.

    Reviewed by M RK

    JANSE

    1

    Introduction The last twenty-five years have witnessed a veritable

    explosion of research on eli tics and related phenomena. This is not sur

    prising in view

    of

    the fundamental problems clitics pose for any theory

    concerned with the organisation

    of

    grammar, particularly with the inter

    action of discourse, syntax, morphology and phonology. Clitics typical

    ly share properties of words on the one hand and affixes on the other.

    Their exact location on the word-to-affix cline, however, varies from

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    one clitic to another: some are more word-like, others more affix-like.

    Again, this is not at all surprising, since historically, clitics generally

    develop from words into affixes. As a consequence, it is not at all clear

    that all the items which have been called clitics are similar in kind, nor

    is it clear at what level(s) of

    grammatical description they should be

    treated.

    The linguist interested in clitics and related phenomena now has at

    his/her disposal a precious bibliography covering exactly one hundred

    years of research and comprising over 1,500 titles. The bibliography has

    been compiled by Joel A. Nevis, Brian D. Joseph, Dieter Wanner, and

    Arnold M. Zwicky, each

    ofwhom

    has published extensively

    on clitics-

    Nevis on Finno-Lappic languages, Joseph on Modern Greek, and Wan

    ner on Romance languages. Zwicky is of course best known for his pio

    neering work in proposing a first typology of clitics, and in establishing

    diagnostic tests for distinguishing clitics from both words and affixes.

    The compilers have taken 1892 as the starting-point for their bibli

    ography, the year in which Jacob Wackernagel's famous article on what

    has come to

    be

    known as Wackernagel's Law was published. Wack

    ernagel observed that in the ancient Indo-European languages (particu

    larly in Ancient Greek) (en)clitics were frequently placed in second

    position after the first stressed word or constituent of the clause. Wack

    ernagel's Law is one of the few generally accepted statements about

    Indo-European word order. n addition, the phenomenon of second

    position enclisis has now been reported in numerous non-Indo-Euro

    pean languages as well (the present bibliography contains up to 250

    titles referring to Wackernagel's Law). Given the importance

    ofWack-

    ernagel's 1892 article, it was only logical to take 1991 as the cut-off

    point, thus commemorating its centennial.

    The bibliography is laid out as follows. After the preface and

    acknowledgements, Joseph presents a sh