Conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Role of Vocational Training in Rehabilitating Former Child Soldiers

Jonathan L. Carral

Introduction: A Human Rights Approach to Vocational Training

The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has been marked by conflict since its

independence in 1960. The country’s vast geographical expanse and wealth of natural resources

have been exploited over the years and have attracted warring parties from around the continent.

Violence, impunity, and horrific human rights abuses continue to take place, even today.

Children have been forced to confront these dangers first hand as enlisted members of the

various armed groups. Despite being illegal, thousands of children have been forced to confront

hostilities since the start of the Congo Wars in 2003. For those that make it out, life can be

unbearable due to the existence of extreme poverty and limited economic opportunities.

According to the International Labour Organization, “the economic dimension of child

recruitment is of critical importance to prevent children from joining armed forces and groups, to

ensure sustainable reintegration of children released and to contribute to peace and stability in

the communities” (International Labour Office, 2011 p 25).

The deprivation of personal development and livelihood opportunities makes life for

former child combatants even harder to maneuver and, in some cases, more problematic than the

actual experience of war (Psychology Beyond Borders, 2008). Vocational training is widely used

to address both educational and economic disparities and can be found in a variety of DDR

programs in conflict zones around the world (International Labour Office, 2011; Betancourt et

al., 2008; Annan, Brier & Aryemo, 2009; Boothby, Crawford & Halperin, 2006; Hill &

“It is easier to build strong children than to repair broken men.” - Frederick Douglas ________________________________________________________________________________

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Langholtz, 2003; Childhood, 2003). In fact, vocational training and income generating projects

are listed as one of the five main elements in the UN Integrated DDR Standards (International

Labour Office, 2011).

But more than an important program, vocational training that is in line with child labor

laws (minimum age, working conditions, etc.) is also a fundamental human right, starting with

how it can facilitate the acquisition of an adequate standard of living. This right is recognized in

the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and can be described as sufficient food and nutrition,

clothing, housing, and basic health care, implying the right to viable income-generating

opportunities in order to support such endeavors (Assembly, 1948). Article 27 of the Convention

on the Rights of the Child (CRC) also recognizes the right to an adequate standard of living with

specific consideration for the developmental processes of childhood (UNICEF, 1989).

The CRC also provides more specific support for the right to vocational training. Article

28 states that children have the right to education, “including general and vocational education”,

which states must make “available and accessible to every child” while taking measures to

minimize financial barriers. In Article 29, states further agree that educational opportunities shall

be directed to “the development of the child’s personality, talents and mental and physical

abilities to their fullest potential” making vocational training not an end in itself but rather a

means to unearth each child’s unique potential, especially those that have been hindered by the

effects of conflict. Article 39 is particularly relevant in that it discusses the recovery and

reintegration of children effected by armed conflict, obliging states to take all appropriate

measures to support a child’s reintegration (including economic reintegration) “in an

environment which fosters the health, self-respect and dignity of the child” (UNICEF, 1989).

The Paris Principles and Guidelines on Children associated with Armed Forces or Armed

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Groups, of which the DRC is a signatory member, states that “education, vocational and skills

training and/or opportunities to provide their own and their family’s livelihoods are essential

elements for reintegration” (UNICEF, 2007). States commit to provide these free resources on

both a part time and full time basis with consideration for the particular vulnerabilities and

hindrances faced by former combatants. There are also various UN documents affirming the

legal support of vocational training for ex-child combatants, including the UN Policy for Post‐

Conflict Employment Creation, Income Generation and Reintegration, which provides a UN

approach to employment and reintegration as well as a general framework to be used by

organizations on the ground (International Labour Office, 2011).

Each of these examples affirms the necessity of vocational training as a fundamental

human right. With that in mind, this paper will provide a cross-national analysis of child soldier

rehabilitation programs, including a more in depth examination of how vocational training

specifically contributes to the successful reintegration of child soldiers. Three positive effects

will be discussed: providing viable means for economic stability, easing the transition from

soldier to civilian, and stimulating a sense of positive self-identity. But first, here is a more in-

depth analysis of the DRC conflict and the practice of child soldiering.

History of the Conflict

The First Congo War started in 1996 as an invasion led by Rwandan militant groups into

the now defunct state of Zaire. The Rwandan forces successfully overthrew the government and

installed Laurent Kabila as the new president. Over the coming years, relations between Rwanda

and the newly formed DRC began to erode, resulting in the Second Congo War of 1998. The

conflict devastated the population and involved military forces from Angola, Chad, Burundi,

Namibia, Zimbabwe, and Uganda. The conflict was later termed “Africa’s World War”

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(Democratic Republic of the Congo Profile, 2015). The UN’s peacekeeping mission has been in

the DRC since 1999 and is one of the largest missions in the world (Q&A, 2012).

Causalities persisted well beyond the official end of the war in 2003. In 2008, conflict in

the eastern part of the country sparked a renewed cooperation between Rwanda and the DRC,

resulting in the arrest of General Laurent Nkunda, a notorious Tutsi warlord. In 2012, a new

rebel group emerged by the name of March 23 Movement (M23), largely made up of former

Nkunda loyalists. Accusations have been made against the governments of Uganda and Rwanda

for supporting the group, but both parties deny any involvement. In 2013, the UN secured a

peace agreement ending the M23 rebellion and arresting the group’s founder, Bosco Ntaganda,

under allegations of war crimes. Despite this most recent success, the eastern region of the DRC

still remains volatile. Grave human rights violations including burning and looting of homes and

schools, mass sexual violence, family separation, and the forced recruitment of children into

armed groups continues (Williams, 2011).

Some of the most active groups fighting in the DRC include: Democratic Forces for the

Liberation of Rwanda, Mai-Mai Militias, National Congress for the Defense of the People,

Lord’s Resistance Army, Union of Congolese Patriots and many more (Coalition to Stop the Use

of Child Soldiers, 2003).

Children as Soldiers

Throughout the conflict, all parties involved have recruited children as soldiers.

According to the Paris Principles and Guidelines on Children Associated with Armed Forces or

Armed Groups, the definition of a child soldier is: “[A]ny person below 18 years of age who is,

or who has been, recruited or used by an armed force or armed group in any capacity” (UNICEF,

2007). As soldiers, children contribute to various aspects of the military. Some fight on the front

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lines while others act as messengers or conduct strenuous manual labor, such as digging

trenches, transporting munitions and supplies, or working in the kitchen. Still others are reduced

to sexual servants for military and rebel leaders (Hill & Langholtz, 2003; Williams, 2011).

According to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, the International

Labour Organization Minimum Age Convention 138, the International Labour Organization

Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention 182, the Convention on the Rights of the Child (Art.

32 & 38), and the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the

Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict, the recruitment of children as soldiers is not only an

abhorrent and inhumane practice but also illegal and in infringement of international law.

However, the 2008 Child Soldiers Global Report stated that 30,000 children were involved in the

DRC conflict at the end of the civil war in 2003 (Child Soldiers International, 2008) while

UNICEF estimates that 12,000 children were still involved with armed groups four years later

(UNICEF, 2015). More disheartening is the fact that no legal ramifications were enacted until

2006 when the International Criminal Court arrested Thomas Lubanga, the president of the

Union of Congolese Patriots militia, for war crimes against children. He was charged with

enlisting children under the age of 15 to participate directly in conflict hostilities (Human Rights

Watch, 2009; Williams, 2011). However, countless other rebel leaders and military commanders

have yet to be brought to justice.

Root Causes of the Conflict

Despite this gross infringement on human and child rights, the recruitment of child

soldiers is not a root issue in the larger scheme of the DRC conflict. Child soldiering,

unquenched rebellions, inequitable distribution of wealth, and lack of infrastructure and state

efficiency each represent distinct branches of the overall conflict tree. We can summarize these

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different issues as all deriving from the events of the Congo Wars, the aftermath of which is now

concentrated in the eastern part of the country. These wars are ultimately the key to

understanding the practice of child recruitment in the DRC today. Even then, however, the

Congo Wars stemmed from deeper root issues. As the analogy goes, you can’t get rid of the tree

without first addressing the roots.

While there are a myriad of plausible causes, three specific roots have been identified and

will be discussed in brief for this analysis: two representing historical milestones in the time

leading up to the wars and the third which characterizes most of the region and can predispose

any community to be susceptible to conflict. The first is regarding Joseph Mobutu, the first

recognized leader of the country post-independence.

Like many African nations, the DRC was founded on shaky ground in the wake of

colonial imperialism. After five years without a formal government, Joseph Mobutu was able to

unify the county, squelch internal rebellions, and create the basic structure of a viable and

legitimate state system (Q&A, 2012). However, the continuation of his power soon took

precedence over the continued success of the nation and for 32 years he retained his position as

president. Mobutu sought to maintain his hold over the country’s wealth rather than strengthen

state infrastructure, institutionalize economic markets, promote education reforms, and enforce

state borders, including the particularly porous border with Rwanda. His lack of leadership

contributed to many of the conflicts that followed and stalled the momentum of the newly

liberated country (Williams, 2011).

Regarding the education system, Mobutu witnessed a dramatic budget decline in the

Ministry of Primary, Secondary and Professional Education over the course of his

administration. From 1982 to 1987, the education budget was reduced from $781 million to $97

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million (De Herdt & Titeca, 2011). The decline continued after Mobutu was replaced, reaching

an all time low of $24 million in 2002 before gradually rising again. The provision of state-

sponsored vocational training was undoubtedly affected by the decline, wholly placing the

responsibility on non-state actors to make up for the government’s shortcomings (De Herdt &

Titeca, 2011). Had a more robust approach to education been streamlined during the early years

of Mobutu’s administration, the situation may have been very different thirty years later when he

was forcibly removed from power. Again, if Mobuto had not made so many poor choices, the

Congo Wars and current conflict could have been dramatically different.

The second root cause of the Congo Wars is the Rwandan genocide. While representing

another issue entirely, the aftermath of the Rwandan conflict ultimately initiated the wars that

would disassemble the DRC (Q&A, 2012). Upon the overthrow of the genocidal government in

Rwanda, Hutu militant groups escaped into the DRC and began attacking ethnic-Tutsi residence.

The national military in the DRC joined the Hutu rebels sparking retaliation by the newly formed

Tutsi government in Rwanda. Tutsi rebel groups eventually took the fight all the way to the

capital of Kinshasa, overthrowing President Mobutu and inserting Laurent Kabila in his place.

As the history goes, things only continued to get worse as time went on.

The third root is the prevalence of extreme poverty, which has characterized the region

for most of the modern era. Eighty percent of the population lives on less than $1 a day, 54%

have no access to basic health services, 71% suffer food insecurity and 57% have no access to

safe water (Williams, 2011). Poverty is compounded by the existence of severe inequality and

concentration of power making life for the everyday citizen almost unbearable. The poor have

limited agency to affect change, while the rich have little incentive to initiate change. So long as

the average citizen is constrained to a life of extreme poverty and inequality, history confirms

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that little can be done short of an armed rebellion. Rebel groups and warlords are, at their core, a

radicalized, desperate, and distorted expression of a basic societal need: to live a life worth

living, even if it’s at the expense of innocent bystanders.

Understanding the Past to Transform the Future

In consideration of this last root cause, the prevalence of poverty and inequality can

account for both the macro problem of conflict in the DRC and the related issue of child

soldiering (Childhood, 2003). In the majority of cases, children are abducted against their will.

However, gross levels of poverty and a lack of access to education and employment compound

the problem. In fact, it is often the lack of economic opportunities available to destitute children,

which has made them vulnerable and easily manipulated into becoming parties to armed

conflicts in the first place (Cohn, 2004; Williams, 2011). As a result, a significant number of

children join voluntarily after being promised money, education, jobs and other benefits by local

recruiters (Childhood, 2003). According to a study conducted by the International Labour Office,

poverty is one of the main reasons for children in central Africa to join the military: 34% of those

surveyed justified their involvement for material reasons, while 45% said they had been

separated from their parents and were in a situation of economic distress. The study also revealed

a strong relationship between child soldiers with families and households in which there was less

job security (Childhood, 2003).

Had a more equitable system been in place, in which citizens could have equal access to

economic undertakings as well as the means to make use of these opportunities, the region would

not be as predisposed to resort to conflict and children would not be as easily compelled to enlist

in the military (Childhood, 2003). The provision of vocational training can ensure that those

children demobilized from the military are afforded viable economic alternatives to re-enlistment

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(United Nations, 2006). Without such opportunities, former child soldiers face “a vicious cycle

of poverty and social exclusion, potentially exposing them to other forms of exploitation,

criminality, violence and re‐recruitment” (International Labour Office, 2011, p. 7).

According to an analysis of child soldier rehabilitation programs in Africa, village elders

in Sierra Leone, Uganda, and Angola all agreed that youth with limited economic opportunities

who view violence as normal are at risk of initiating and perpetuating cycles of violence that

effect the entire community. The article notes that, “such cycles were seen in the postwar

societies of both South Africa and Angola, where political violence was followed by criminal

violence” (Hill & Langholtz, 2003, p. 281). Thus, understanding the root issue of poverty and

inequality and how it relates to the Congo Wars is key to grasping the true value of skills

training, especially in how it can prevent future conflicts. But before the specific benefits of

vocational training can be fully assessed, attention must be given to the vulnerabilities faced by

child soldiers upon demobilization.

Vulnerabilities Post-extraction

Undoubtedly, children who have been disturbingly close to the DRC conflicts face

special challenges in their efforts to create meaningful lives. Upon extraction, former child

soldiers face various challenges of physical, emotional, social, educational, and economic nature

(International Labour Office, 2011). According to a study on the post-traumatic stress reactions

in Palestinian children who experienced war traumas, “the psychological trauma of war on

children is severe, including psychotic disorders, post-traumatic stress, hyper- anxiety and

depression, flashbacks and nightmares, drug and alcohol abuse and homicidal and suicidal

tendencies (Thabet & Vostanis, 1999). A study on children released from the Lord’s Resistance

Army in Northern Uganda further describes the extent of such challenges:

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[C]hildren returned home in poor physical condition, sometimes with wounds,

injuries, general sickness and sexually transmitted diseases…Most children

reported psychosocial and/or behavioral problems ... The reception by the community

and the peers was often problematic and sometimes even hostile, in particular for

girls…It happened that children returned to their community to find their parents dead

and were left to take care of themselves and their siblings (International Labour Office,

2011, p. 4).

Children in the DRC that have been removed from combat situations thus generally return to a

life wherein they are resilience impaired.

The quality of resilience is most commonly defined as “normal development under

difficult circumstances” (Fonagy, et al, 1994). Krovetz has identified four components attributed

to resilience: social competence, problem-solving skills, autonomy and a sense of purpose

(Krovetz, 1999). Many ex-child combatants from the DRC and around the world lack resilience.

They feel disheartened and their self-belief assures them there is no solution to the problems

associated with their new environment. Their disposition is often one of helplessness and they

are pessimistic about their own abilities to produce positive outcomes (Mann, 2012).

According to one study of demobilized Congolese children that had also become

displaced from their communities, feelings of loss, deprivation and hardship were so intense that

they were felt by many children to be just as or even greater than the feelings associated with the

life of brutality that had been experienced by them as child soldiers (Mann, 2012). In such a

scenario, as feelings of negativity begin to prevail, a return to the field of combat may present

itself as more attractive and desirable than life outside the combat zone.

This strong willingness to be re-recruited is a result of being unable to transition back to

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the “normal” conditions of daily life. In some cases, former child combatants in the DRC would

rather return to the military than face the inequalities that are present in an under-developed

African society. For these children the structure, purpose and community associated with war

and conflict is more attractive than an aimless and hopeless existence with little chance for

development of their capabilities as unique individuals (Mann, 2012; Hill & Langholtz, 2003;

International Labour Office, 2011).

In recognition of these vulnerabilities, vocational training is significant for the following

reasons: it provides a viable means for economic stability, it eases the transition phase from

soldier to civilian, and it can help to stimulate a sense of positive self-identity. Collectively, these

positive effects also represent a practical avenue through which ex-child combatants can develop

the social competencies, problem-solving skills, autonomy and a sense of purpose associated

with resiliency (Boyden & Mann, 2005; Betancourt et al., 2008; Brooker & Woodhead, 2008, p.

4; Vindevogel, Broekaert & Derluyn, 2013; Tsang, Hui & Law, 2003). What follows is a more

detailed assessment of these benefits and how they support the importance of vocational training

in the rehabilitation process of former child soldiers in the DRC.

Vocational Training: Providing Viable Means for Economic Stability

The provision of viable means for economic stability is the first and most important

benefit of vocational training. As was discussed earlier, the lack of such opportunities played a

major role in convincing children to volunteer in the first place. Post-extraction, the acquisition

of such opportunities is essential lest ex-combatants find it necessary to reenlist.

While it is best for ex-combatants to receive both traditional schooling and vocational

training, consideration must by given to the fact that this is not always possible. Due to the

extreme prevalence of poverty in the DRC, many former child soldiers, especially those with

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dependents, need to acquire a livelihood more than attend traditional schooling (International

Labour Office, 2011). It can truly be a matter of life or death. Vocational training can provide

access to such economic security (Betancourt et al., 2008) as well as providing skills useful

within a civilian economy (Hill & Langholtz, 2003). According to a report on the economic

integration of children formerly associated with conflict, vocational training can provide access

to “decent work”, which they receive “a fair income, security in the workplace and social

protection for families”, as well as, “better prospects for personal development and social

integration” (International Labour Office, 2011, p. 13). In so doing, ex-combatants are

disincentivized from reenlisting.

A study on the daily life and reintegration of young soldiers in Uganda identified the lack

of economic opportunities as the dominant problem faced by demobilized child soldiers (Annan,

Brier & Aryemo, 2009). Many of the participants in the study cited the missed years of education

as the reason for their difficulty. Interestingly, access to such opportunities was seen as more

problematic than reconciliation with family. The study also discussed how access to economic

activities could ease reintegration by providing a distraction from negative or intrusive

memories. Beyond the prospect of monetary compensation, vocational training and resulting

employment can help ex-combatants cope with the effects of their adverse experiences.

Vocational Training: Easing Transition Into Society

In another study regarding the exploration of identity in reintegration and reconciliation,

researchers analyzed how former child soldiers in the Lord’s Resistance Army related with other

members of the community post-conflict given their multiple and sometimes conflicting roles

within society: “Returnees described how they occupied multiple social positions in the

community, as alternatively son or daughter, survivor, and rebel” (Stavrou & Veale, 2010, p.

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286). In fact, “a core challenge facing returnees and their families and communities is in

renegotiating identity with respect to each other at the point of return and reintegration” (Stavrou

& Veale, 2010, p. 286-287). Vocational training addresses this by allowing ex-combatants to see

themselves as someone other than soldiers or victims. Vocational training programs, “foster an

active means of overcoming the lost time due to war...[by]… allow[ing] them to develop an

identity and a sense of self worth separate from that of a soldier” (Betancourt et al., 2008, p 5).

In a lot of cases, ex-combatants are rejected by their societies. Unfortunately, such

concerns are sometimes merited. Without opportunities such as vocational training, demobilized

children can resort to conflict tendencies once reintegrated into society: “...child soldiers present

a significant challenge as they have been socialized into a system of violence and deprived of

education, job training, and normal family life... [I]f there is not a clear role for demobilized

child soldiers, they may continue to use violence to meet their needs” (Stavrou & Veale, 2010, p.

274). The provision of vocational training thus allows ex-combatants to feel purposeful while

engaging with the larger community through legitimate long-term economic pursuits. In post-

conflict environments, communal value of the individual is attributed to what each person

contributes or, conversely, takes away (Boyden & Mann, 2005). When ex-combatants develop

relevant and useful vocational skills, they become an asset rather than a detriment to society,

easing their transition process.

Another way in which vocational training can ease the transition phase is through

apprenticeship. According to a study on the reintegration of child soldiers in Mozambique,

“...boys that took part in apprenticeships reported that these opportunities gave them important

role models and sets of skills to make money, helping them to ease the transition to civilian life

and leave behind destructive behavior patterns” (Boothby, Crawford & Halperin, 2006, p. 99).

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Working alongside a mentor during the apprenticeship process can make a significant difference;

in fact studies have found that the existence of one stable caretaker in a child’s life can

significantly improve the healing process (Hill & Langholtz, 2003). This is particularly

noteworthy given that 80 to 90% of all ongoing vocational training in urban and semi‐urban

settings in Africa are facilitated through apprentice-like frameworks, making it the dominant

method of skills acquisition for former child soldiers (International Labour Office, 2011).

Vocational Training: Stimulating Positive Identity Development

As was already discussed, the vulnerabilities faced by demobilized child combatants can

be devastating. In addition to being resilience impaired, children are left with a negative self-

identity and are forced to reconcile the effects of their involvement with the other developmental

processes of adolescence. Feeling marginalized by society along with the extensive emotional

trauma of their experiences, “will shape [their] growing identity, their sense of who they are,

where they belong, and how far they feel valued and respected (Brooker & Woodhead, 2008, p.

4). Therefore, having a positive view of oneself in spite of past atrocities is an important part of

the healing process. Positive identity refers to the following five conditions, as defined by Tsang,

Hui and Law in their article Positive Identity as a Positive Youth Development Construct:

1) “Security, the feeling of strong assuredness;

2) Selfhood, the feeling of self-worth and accurate identity;

3) Affiliation, the feeling of belonging and social acceptance;

4) Mission, the feeling of purpose; and

5) Competence, the feeling of self-empowerment and efficacy” (2012, p. 5).

Each of these conditions, and thus the development of a positive self-identity, can be addressed

through the use of vocational training.

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For example, a report on the reintegration and education of child soldiers in Sierra Leone

determined that children attending skills training programs developed a sense of ‘security’ as a

result of their involvement (Betancourt et al., 2008). The same study also noted that such

programs “encourage goal setting and hope for the future” (Betancourt et al., 2008, p. 5), which

addresses both ‘mission’ and ‘competence’. Hope for the future not only gives a feeling of

purpose but can also produce feelings of self-empowerment and efficacy. Other studies reveal

that vocational training provides for a sense of social acceptance or ‘affiliation’, as was already

discussed, which directly correlates with ‘selfhood’, or feelings of self-worth and accurate

identity. Through the development of viable job skills that contributed to the success of the

community, ex-child combatants are accepted into society as fellow citizens, rather than soldiers,

victims, or perpetrators. (Boyden & Mann, 2005; Vindevogel, Broekaert & Derluyn, 2013; Hill

& Langholtz, 2003).

Developing a positive identity is fundamental to realizing every child's rights. This is

because a child’s earliest years provide the foundation for their physical and mental health as

well as their emotional, cultural and personal character. When these developmental processes are

constrained by severe trauma, as is the case for children involved in armed conflict, the long-

term effects can be quite severe, ultimately affecting their future as adults. Nevertheless, the

characteristics of security, selfhood, affiliation, mission, and competence can be developed

through the use of vocational training, thus aiding ex-child combatant in developing a positive

identity despite their adverse experiences.

Conclusion

Despite facing incredible adversity, children extracted from conflict can indeed achieve a

sense of normalcy. Rehabilitation programs around the world are actively engaged with these

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marginalized and vulnerable members of society, affording them essential opportunities to break

from their past experiences and look, instead, to promising futures. However, special

consideration must be given to their economic reintegration. This is due to the fact that many

children lack essential income-earning opportunities, which may have compelled them to join the

military in the first place.

Vocational training is significant in this regard in that it not only provides viable means

for economic stability, but also eases the transition back into society and promotes the

development of a positive self-identity. Collectively, these conditions aid former combatants in

their pursuit of an adequate standard of living for both themselves and their families.

Vocational training is also a matter of human rights. As was discussed in the introduction,

the provision of vocational training, especially for those affected by conflict, is a state

responsibly. The government of the DRC should be compelled to provide and/or facilitate skills

training initiatives not only because of the reasons listed above but by virtue of it being a right

that the children of the DRC are entitled do.

Beyond the children themselves, the use of vocational training to empower the most

destitute of civilians also actively contributes to the peace building process in post-conflict

societies. Through the development of economically viable skill sets, vocational training can

transform those most likely to initiate and perpetuate cycles of violence into productive and

contributing members of the community. We can see this in the lives of countless former child

soldiers. Vocational training and the resulting income-earning opportunities can increase their

social value, allowing them to take an active role in the rebuilding process.

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!

Vocational!

Training!

Human!Right:!

UDHR!

CRC,!art.!27,!28,!29!

39!

Paris!Principles!

Eases!the!

transition!from!

soldier!to!

civilian!

Provides!viable!

means!for!

economic!stability!

Stimulating!a!

sense!of!positive!

selfHidentity!

ReHrecruitment!

Criminal!activity!

Economic!and!

physical!

insecurity!

Further!

exploitation!

“Poverty!trap”!

Labels!such!as!

soldier,!perpetrator!

or!victim!

Rejection!by!the!

community!

Use!of!violence!to!

meet!one’s!needs!

Lacking!positive!

role!models!

Psychological!

trauma!and!

distress!

Substance!abuse!

Shielding!Child!Combatants!in!the!

DRC!from!PostHExtraction!

Vulnerabilities!!

  18  

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