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Increasing Women’s Political Participation in Liberia Challenges and Potential Lessons from India, Rwanda and South Africa

by

Samuel ColeDirector of Civic and Voter Education, National Elections Commission of LiberiaMaxwell School of Syracuse University

IFES Fellowshipsin Democracy Studies

Hubert Humphrey Fellowship, 2011


Hubert Humphrey Democracy Studies Fellowship Paper

International Foundation for Electoral Systems


Samuel Cole Director of Civic and Voter Education

National Elections Commission of Liberia

Hubert Humphrey Fellow

Maxwell School of Syracuse University

July 2011

Any opinions, findings, conclusions or recommendations expressed in this publication are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the International Foundation for Electoral Systems.

Increasing Women’s Political Participation in Liberia

Samuel Cole

© 2011 by IFES. All rights reserved.

International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES)

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ISBN: 1-931459-68-1

About IFES

The International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) is a global leader on assistance and democracy promotion.

IFES promotes democratic stability by providing technical assistance and applying field-based research to the electoral cycle in countries around the world to enhance citizen participation and strengthen civil societies, governance and transparency.

Every IFES project is staffed by national and international personnel while partnering with local election management bodies and civil society organizations. This homegrown approach ensures that the expertise offered by IFES fits the needs of the country or client and the benefit of assistance outlasts the life of the project. Our work is nonpartisan and includes projects that:

Help citizens participate in their democracies

Increase politicians' accountability to the electorate

Strengthen government institutions

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IFES is registered in the United States as a 501(c)3 organization.

Table of Contents

Executive Summary ......................................................................................................................... 1

Introduction .................................................................................................................................... 3

Background ..................................................................................................................................... 4

Global Context of Women’s Political Participation ........................................................................ 6

Country Specific Analysis .............................................................................................................. 10

India .................................................................................................................................. 10

Rwanda ............................................................................................................................. 12

South Africa ....................................................................................................................... 14

Summary of Findings..................................................................................................................... 17

Lessons for Libera ......................................................................................................................... 19

Conclusion ..................................................................................................................................... 21

References .................................................................................................................................... 22


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Executive Summary

The need for increased, equitable female political participation in Liberia is a genuine concern

to those dedicated to gender mainstreaming governance and decision-making. Liberia, like

many democracies, faces the challenge of identifying and implementing strategies for leveling

the numbers of women and men in national governance and decision-making capacities.

Entrenched traditional norms, cultural practices, limited education of women and institutional

frameworks have hindered gender equality in Liberian politics. Attempts by the global

community to mitigate these inequities have been widely ineffective. Local efforts in Liberia,

including civic education, have not led to gender equality in national governance. Liberia ranks

90th in the world in female representation in parliament, with only 13.5 percent of women

making up the National Legislature of Liberia (Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2011). The question

that this paper addresses is what strategies are there, based on international best practices, to

improve women’s political participation in Liberia?

In order to answer this question, the political mechanisms of India, Rwanda and South Africa

are highlighted, with emphasis on how women could achieve political power through the

democratic process. The case studies of these three countries are preceded by an analysis of

the international context of gender mainstreaming in national leadership. In this context it

becomes clear that the selection of these three countries is strategic. India is the largest

democracy in the world, yet it has not made significant progress in gender equality in

democratic governance. In contrast, Rwanda and South Africa are currently the leading

democracies in Africa in terms of women’s political empowerment. Both countries, like Liberia,

recently emerged from political crises.

In the end, a number of lessons can be taken away from the analysis. First, entrenched

traditional norms have led to acculturated practices and institutional frameworks that leave

women disadvantaged. Second, in order to achieve political gender equality, concrete practical

measures (like those adopted by Rwanda and South Africa) must be adopted by Liberia. Quota

2011 Humphrey Democracy Studies Fellowship Paper

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laws and the proportional representation (PR) electoral system stand out as items that could be

effective. Given current Liberian laws, using these mechanisms will require constitutional

amendments, which need considerable time to take effect. In the short run, there is need for

concerted efforts, through civic education and advocacy, to enable all political actors and

institutions to use gender mainstreaming to create a future where men and women are equally

represented in Liberia.


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Introduction

The question of limited women’s political participation is a governance and empowerment

issue, which is not unique to Liberia. There is a global gender equity problem that has been the

subject of international discourse across many democracies, old and new. Some countries, like

Rwanda and South Africa, have used laws and political innovation to make tremendous gains in

empowering women politically. Conversely, there are countries that have made little progress

due to culture, tradition and/or institutional frameworks. Liberia, a fledgling and fragile

democracy, is one that has not done well in increasing women’s political participation in the

democratic process. For democracy to take root, the issue of women’s equitable participation

needs to be addressed pragmatically. As Madeline Albright, former Secretary of State of the

United States once said, “If democracy is going to put down strong and healthy roots, it must

profit from all the full and equitable participation of women in national and local leadership

positions and in a full range of advocacy roles” (National Democratic Institute, 2010).

One of the reasons the National Elections Commission of Liberia (NEC) has not been able to

adequately address gender inequality is because there is no legal instrument that sets a quota

for the number of seats that must be allocated to women in parliament, although suggested by

civic leaders. Additionally, the legal framework for elections, as enshrined in the Constitution of

Liberia and the New Elections Law of 1986, is based on the plurality/majority system. This is not

an ideal for facilitating increased electability amongst women in parliament or as heads of

government (International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2006).

The focus of this paper is to identify strategies that could be used to increase the number of

women in public office in Liberia. In so doing, sspecific emphasis will be placed on the

democratic setup of India, Rwanda and South Africa with the objective of identifying what

those countries have done to increase the political participation of women and how these items

could be applicable to Liberia.


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Background

The 14-year Liberian Civil War ended in 2003 after a comprehensive peace agreement was

signed by the warring parties and political stakeholders. That agreement set up a transitional

government that was charged, inter alia, with the responsibility of organizing free, fair and

transparent elections in two years. The National Elections Commission was reconstituted and

general elections were concluded in November 2005. Those elections produced the first-ever

elected female president of an African country, President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf. Research has

shown, however, that the election of a female head of state does not necessarily translate into

strong representation of women in the national legislature (Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2010).

While voter registration records for the 2005 Liberian Elections show that the number of

registrants was split equally between male and female and that voter turnout was higher

among women, the results of the election were highly disproportionate (National Elections

Commission of Liberia, 2005). Of 30 senators, only five are women, constituting 16.7 percent.

In the lower house, eight women out of a total of 64 representatives were elected, making up

12.5 percent. Altogether, a total of 13 women are in the Liberian National Legislature of 94

legislators. This is just 13.8 percent – which is 16.5 percentage points short of the United

Nations target for women parliamentary seats – and 5.6 points lower than the 2010 global

average of women parliamentarians (Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2010).

This dismal showing for women came on the heels of numerous pleas from women’s groups

and civil society organizations for political parties to allocate at least 30 percent of contested

seats for female candidates. There were 30 registered political parties in Liberia in 2005, and

22 parties and coalitions contested the elections at the level of the presidency (National

Elections Commission of Liberia, 2005). Few, if any, of those parties and coalitions heeded the

petitions of advocates for gender equality. The situation was compounded by the fact that

there is no law in Liberia to ensure women’s equitable political participation. There are no

electoral quotas for women, and the electoral system – according to article 83(b) of the


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Constitution of Liberia – is majoritarian. This legal framework is not favorable to the

representation of minorities or women. According to the Inter-Parliamentary Union, quotas

remain the single most important means by which the number of women in politics can be

increased (Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2010). Additionally, a 2005 United Nations’ report on

women and elections affirms International IDEA’s assertion that the proportional

representation electoral system is better for the representation of women and minorities than

the majority, “first-past-the-post” system (United Nations Department of Puiblic Information,

2005).

Liberia is again at a crossroads for female political participation. General elections are

scheduled for October 2011. These will be followed by local elections in 2013. Situations that

existed in 2005 that might have been responsible for the poor showing of women remain a

major obstacle. For example, women are still largely confined to household responsibilities

(Chhibber, 2011). The scars of the civil war on women persist, with many women living in

extreme poverty. There are also serious cultural and traditional stereotypes against women in

terms of political leadership and democratic empowerment. The general electoral laws remain

unchanged and political parties have taken no concrete steps to politically empower women.

Additionally, Liberia does not have a civic education commission and the school system has not

taken steps to reintroduce civics as a core subject in elementary and junior high schools, as was

the case in post-war Liberia. What strategies are there, drawing from international best

practices, which can be used by the people of Liberia to ensure that women obtain the United

Nations’ target – 30 percent of seats?

In the absence of the appropriate legal framework, the NEC has again been working with

political parties to address women’s political participation. Consequently, a majority of political

parties in Liberia resolved to take a number of steps to increase female political participation.

Among other initiatives, parties agreed to set aside 30 percent quotas for female

representation within their internal structures and candidate lists for the 2011 elections. Parties


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also agreed to support specific training programs for women in leadership and campaign

management. Additionally, they agreed to pay candidate registration fees for female

candidates and aid in fundraising. These were the same conceptual agreements that were

reached in 2005 that did not have the necessary binding effects. When it came to the practical

implementation, many of the parties defaulted and women lost out.

Global Context of Women’s Political Participation

According to United Nations Deputy Secretary General Asha Rose Migiro, “when women are

empowered, all of society benefit” (National Democratic Institute, 2010). With this in mind, the

empowerment of women has drawn global attention. There are international instruments that

have addressed women’s equal political participation, like Article 21 of the Universal

Declaration of Human Rights (United Nations, 1948), which expresses that everyone has the

right to take part in their country’s government. Also, Article 7 of the Convention on the

Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women, under the United Nations Resolution

34/180, declares that there should be no form of discrimination against women in terms of

equal political participation. This article calls on all state parties to take all measures necessary

to protect women against inequity. Additionally, the United Nations Security Council

Resolution 1325 calls on all actors involved in negotiating peace agreements or writing

constitutions to ensure that women’s equitable participation is fully addressed. There are

other methods to ensuring political equality in the International Covenant on Civil and Political

Rights (Article 2 and 7), the third Millennium Development Goal and the Beijing Declaration and

Platform for Action (1995); however, none of these have helped women succeed in attaining

the target of 30 percent of seats in parliament.

A report by the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) indicates that the global average of female

parliamentarians in 2010 was 19.1 percent (Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2010). In 2000, the

average was 13.1 percent. The IPU report further indicates that the election of female heads of

state in some countries has not translated into increased parliamentary representation. An


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example of this situation is the Philippines. While they have had two female presidents in the

last 25 years, only 22 percent of the lower house is made up of women and the upper house is

home to only 13 percent.

Another issue raised in the IPU 2010 report is that the legal framework can have an impact on

the outcome of elections. Accordingly, electoral quotas and proportional representation within

a legal framework have proven to be the most effective in increasing the electability of women.

Simply increasing the number of female candidates while using a “first-past-the-post” electoral

system does not increase the odds that women will obtain 30 percent of seats in parliament.

For instance, during the 2010 mid-term election in the United States, the Democratic Party

fielded more than 70 percent of women candidates, but lost seats. This indicates that more

women on the ballot does not necessarily translate into more women being elected, especially

when they are not fielded by popular parties at a particular point in time (Inter-Parliamentary

Union, 2010).

Meanwhile, a United Nations report on promoting women’s participation in elections has

outlined key elements of electoral processes affecting women’s participation in elections. A

legal framework is one key element that could facilitate or deny gender equity in political

governance. The legal framework for elections, in addition to the national constitution, includes

the electoral system which is the means by which votes are calculated into seats. Categorized

into 12 different units, electoral systems can be grouped into three broad families: a

plurality/majority, proportional representation and mixed systems (International Institute for

Democracy and electoral Assistance, 2006). Research has shown that of the three families of

electoral systems, the proportional representation (list PR) is most appropriate in terms of

gender equity and governance. The United Nation’s report shows that 14 of the 20 top nations

in which women rare significantly represented in parliament use quotas and the list PR system.

The quotas, or a reserved seat system, have been effective in Rwanda, South Africa and several

Arab countries in enhancing women’s participation. However, legal frameworks for many other


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countries, including Liberia, have no PR system or gender quotas. The general mentality is that

countries that include seat quotas for gender equality do so to compensate for other barriers

that prevent women from getting their fair share of political seats. However, other countries

believe this allocation of seats to women, without going through the regular electoral process is

discriminatory and undemocratic (Dahlerup, 2002).

The second element that could facilitate or deny gender equity in political governance is

general political participation. Advocacy, activism, training and the internal democracy of

political parties have been identified as items central to increasing women’s political

participation. Parties can encourage democracy within themselves, promote political quotas

and opt for a list PR system that makes it easier for women to be elected.

Voter registration plays a role in gender equality, be it state-initiated or self-initiated. The key is

access to the process for women. Playing the role of household manager in many societies,

women are frequently disadvantaged when voter registration centers are located too far apart

or when information about the registration process is not adequately disseminated.

Voter education, which includes information on voting rights, the political system, candidates

and issues in the election, as well as where and how to vote, has been identified as a big factor

in gender equity in governance. Voter education programs should highlight the rights of

women to be elected and to vote without interference from husbands or anybody else. This

preserves the secrecy of the ballot and guarantees independent judgment.

Solid election administration also furthers the independence, transparency and impartiality of

the electoral process. The equitable representation of women to the election management

body is considered cardinal in the pursuit of women’s participation in general. In the pursuit of

increased electoral transparency by the election management body, there have been calls for

gender-disaggregated data. This research would be produced on the composition of election


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management bodies and voter registration and polling data for future reference and planning.

Such data could allow elections planners and women’s right advocates to determine the

number of women that took part in running the elections, as well as those that registered and

those who actually voted.

Finally, election observation is also listed as an area that should always involve an equal

number of women and men. The Office of Democratic Institutions and Human Rights of the

Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe believes that for an election observation

report to be deemed credible, the observation team should ascertain whether or not women

have an equal opportunity to take part in the process. If opportunities are equal, are women

taking adequate advantage? Are there any regional, minority or ethnic groups among which

women’s participation is relatively low? Could any change be made to laws and practices that

could increase female representation? These are the questions that should frame any

adjudication process after an election and shape future efforts.

International efforts to enhance women’s political participation are not limited to state actors

and agencies of the United Nations. There are other technical, pro-democracy institutions that

have been active around the globe supporting the struggle for women’s suffrage and gender

equity in democratic governance. An example of such an institution is the International

Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES). Since 1987, IFES has facilitated democratic processes

and encouraged women’s political participation in more than 100 countries including Ecuador,

Guinea, Qatar, Sierra Leone, Tajikistan and Liberia through political and technical

empowerment. IFES has pushed women to participate in elections not only as electorates, but

also as candidates, and eventually elected officials (International Foundation for Electoral

Systems, 2011). Another institution that has played a key role in political participation amongst

women globally is the National Democratic Institute (NDI). Since 1983, the NDI has been in the

vanguard of promoting democracy by building the capacity of civil society and parliamentarians,

in general, and female parliamentarians, in particular (National Democratic Institute, 2010).


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Amidst the efforts to increase women’s political participation, the attainment of gender equity

in the governance of states across the globe remains distant. For instance, the National

Women’s Council of Ireland recent study concluded that, “without proactive measures to

promote women’s political participation, it would take 370 years for women to reach 50

percent of seats in the country’s national parliament” (50-50 Manifesto: 1, 2011). Until gender

mainstreaming is integrated into democracy, genuine democratization will not be reached.

Country-Specific Analysis: India, Rwanda and South Africa

India

The Indian Constitution limits the number of seats in the lower house of parliament to 550,

with 545 seats filled at present. Statistics from the 2009 elections show that Indian women

won 59 of the 545 seats in the lower house of parliament, or 10.8 percent. In the upper house

of parliament, women are 10.3 percent, which is 25 of the 242 seats (Inter-Parliamentary

Union, 2011).

Women’s political participation in India, the world’s largest democracy, is among the least

impressive. India ranks 94, alongside Benin and Jordan, among the world’s democracies when

it comes to female political participation. After more than 63 years of independence and

conducting over 14 general elections, one would expect the representation of women to be

higher. In March 2010 the Women Reservation Bill was approved by India’s upper house of

parliament after first being tabled in 1996. The bill calls for one-third of seats in the national

and state legislative assemblies to be reserved for female candidates (Inter-Parliamentary

Union, 2010). The bill has yet to be approved by the lower house and at least 15 of India’s 28

states before it becomes law (The Guardian, 2010).


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Accordingly, research has shown that India falls behind its neighbors in terms of women in

parliament. For instance, with India’s overall representation of women put at just above 10

percent, it is short of Bangladesh’s 15 percent and Pakistan’s 30 percent (The Guardian, 2010).

This percentage is also lower than Liberia’s 13.8 percent. One reason for this poor showing in

political participation for Indian women is that they are continually confined to household roles

(Chhibber, 2011). A recent survey conducted in the state of Northern India suggests that many

women in India are not politically active because of their household roles, even with the 33

percent quota active at the local level. Another reason is that the electoral system, which is the

“first-past-the-post” system (Indian Elections), does not favor women or minority political

participation.

Unless the Women Representation Bill is passed and put into action, India, like Liberia, does not

have any legally binding instrument to facilitate increased female representation in government

at the national level. The benefit of increased participation of women in politics in India, if the

bill is passed, can already be seen at the three-tier panchayat level (village council, council of

cluster villages and the district council level) where the 33 percent female quota is maintained.

Local level politics in India are not party politics, thus, the 33 percent reservation bill did not

face the same amount of red tape and politicking as it did on the national level, where

incumbent legislators who are charged with the responsibility of passing the bill fear losing

seats to women. The 33 percent local law has resulted in the election of close to one million

women at the village level (Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2010). This means that women’s

political participation has originated at a grassroots level, a situation that could revolutionize

the Indian political landscape in the long-run. Meanwhile Indian scholar Medha Nanavadekar

believes that in order to break the gridlock over the Women Reservation Bill the number of

seats in the lower house of the Indian Parliament should be doubled, whereby each

constituency will have one seat reserved for a woman and the other for a man. (Nanivadekar,

2011). In her recent research titled, Making Gender quotas Work: A Case for Doubling the Seat

in the Indian Parliament, Nanivadkar asserts that doubling the number of parliamentary seats


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and dividing them equally among men and women will create a win-win situation (2011).

However, until a framework is put in place for gender equality in Indian politics, there will be

limited female influence in decision-making at the national level.

Rwanda

Rwanda emerged from one of the most destructive conflicts in modern history with a strong

commitment to gender mainstreaming and increasing women’s political participation.

Currently, Rwanda ranks first in the world in female representation in parliament with an

astounding 56.3 percent (Sirleaf, 2010) in the lower house and 34.6 percent in the upper house.

This achievement could not have been possible without the support and demonstrated political

commitment of the Government of Rwanda at the highest level of leadership (Mutamba, 2005).

The Rwandese Government turned political commitment into concrete, practical action, which

has transformed the political landscape for women in that country. With the active involvement

of women and civic groups, the appropriate political and institutional mechanisms have been

put in place to sustain the representation of women in the political process.

A case study by Elizabeth Powley has provided insight into what built this landmark political

achievement by Rwandan women (Powley, 2005). Her research reveals that from the time

Rwandan women were fully enfranchised and allowed to participate in elections in 1961 (the

year of independence from Belgium) up to 1994 (the year of genocide by Hutu extremists

against Tutsis minorities), Rwandan women never had more than 18 percent representation in

parliament. The Rwandan civil war began in the early 1990s, building to the 1994 genocide.

This lasted for about 100 days, resulting in the death of an estimated 800,000 Rwandese, about

one-tenth of the population. Research has shown that at the end of the genocide in 1994,

women constituted about 70 percent of the population, and they pushed for the adoption of

ambitious policies to help women politically and economically (McCrummen, 2008).


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Female representation in parliament during the post-genocide interim period from 1994 to

2003 was done by appointment and reached up to 25.7 percent. The constitution that was

eventually adopted in 2003 contained an enabling framework that empowered women to gain

48.8 percent of seats in the lower house of parliament in 2003 the post-genocide democratic

elections (Powley, 2005). This was the beginning of this impressive achievement. Rwanda has a

26-member Senate whose members are elected for a period of eight years and an 80-member

Chamber of Deputies with a five-year term. A 30 percent quota was set aside for women

candidacy and women-only elections. Additionally, women were allowed to freely participate

in the general elections for the remaining seats. The constitution granted Rwandan women “at

least 30 percent of all posts in all decision-making organs.” This resulted in women holding

over a third of all cabinet positions, including the powerful posts of foreign minister, education

minister, police commissioner general and Supreme Court head (McCrummen, 2008). In

addition to this enabling legal framework, there are other factors that increased women’s

political participation in Rwanda.

Women in civic activism and political movements continue to play key roles in the fight for

women’s rights. According to a case study, immediately following the genocide, Rwandans

succeeded in developing a three-tier means of tackling the issue of women empowerment and

gender mainstreaming. At the executive level, the government created the Ministry of Gender

and Women in Development. At the level of the national legislature, the Forum for Women

Parliamentarians was established to spearhead advocacy for women and help pass legislation

with women in mind. In civil society, a powerful women’s advocacy civic umbrella group, Pro-

femmes, was set up to oversee the conglomeration of over 40 women’s advocacy and civic

organizations (Powley, 2005). These groups advise the government on key social and political

issues that affect women in particular and Rwandans in general.

Meanwhile, the case study Strategies for Increasing Women Political Participation has advanced

a number of lessons learned from the Rwandan experience (Mutamba, 2005):


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1. In order to turn political will into reality, concrete practical action must be taken that

produces results

2. Building partnership between government and civil society is essential for equitable

political participation

3. To adequately address the question of women’s equitable participation and gender

mainstreaming, the involvement of women at the grassroots level cannot be overlooked

4. The cultural aspect of a given society must be put into the appropriate context and

addressed when the issue of political participation of women is considered in such

society.

5. In order for women to be effective leaders and advocates for gender mainstreaming,

they must be trained, fully capacitated and continuously supported

6. Women and women’s advocacy groups should use multi-faceted strategies and

approaches in addressing the issue of equitable political participation

The case of Rwandan women’s success should serve as an eye-opener for other democracies in

Africa, including Liberia. The successes in Rwanda certainly illustrate the possibilities of

modifying the electoral system and legal framework as a means to generate increased female

participation in decision-making. The Rwandan experience has proven to be a referenced

landmark, not only for Africa, but for all democracies.

South Africa

Since the end of the apartheid system and the first democratic elections in 1994, women have

continued to make gains in South African politics and governance. Prior to the 1994 elections,

female representation in parliament was 2.7 percent. During the 1994 post-apartheid elections

in which Nelson Mandela was elected president, women won 27 percent of parliamentary

seats. This was followed by earning 30 percent of representation in the 1999 elections. By

2004, representation increased to 32 percent (Potter, 2009). In the 2009 elections, South

African women had a very strong showing by winning 178 of the 400 legislative seats in the


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lower house of parliament, which translates into 44.5 percent. In the upper house of

parliament, women won 16 of the 54 seats, which is equivalent to 29.6 percent. This growth

has placed South Africa as the fourth ranked country in women’s participation in parliament

(Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2011). There has also been a steady increase in women’s political

participation at the local level. The 1995 local elections resulted in women capturing 19

percent women of local offices. This percentage increased to 29.6 after the 2000 local elections

and climbed to 40 percent in 2006 (Potter, 2009). The question, then, is how to create this

strong, gradual growth and what Liberia can learn from South Africa’s experience.

The basis for this level of gender equity in South Africa’s political governance is rooted in the

country’s history and enshrined in the 1996 Constitution of South Africa. In Article 1, the

constitution spells out universal suffrage, equality and non-sexism among the fundamental

values upon which the country was founded (Republic of South Africa, 1996). Even though the

constitution does not explicitly provide quotas to increase women’s political participation, steps

have been taken both by the legislature and political parties to institutionalize women’s

equitable political participation.

The struggle against racism in South Africa that was referred to as “Apartheid” lasted from 1949

to 1990. Women during that period, like many other groups in society, organized and joined

the fight against racial discrimination. For example, in 1956, 20,000 women marched to oppose

inferior Bantu education. As such, 9 March, 1956 is commemorated every year in recognition of

the contribution women made to the fight against apartheid (Meintjes). Therefore, when the

provisions of the post-apartheid constitution were being negotiated between 1992 and 1994,

the issue of women’s political rights and other interests was high on the agenda. With the

formation of a Women’s National Coalition (WNC), more than two million women campaigned

for more than two years to have their rights better articulated in the constitution. The WNC

produced a document, the Charter for Women’s Effective Equality, which served as the

blueprint for gender policy and for women’s hope and aspiration for political equity (Meintjes).


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Meanwhile, the African National Congress (ANC), which is currently the largest party in South

Africa, has been at the forefront of increasing women’s political participation by pursuing a

voluntary quota system in the party structure in fulfillment of the general quest for gender

mainstreaming and, in compliance with the Southern African Development Community (SADC)

Protocol on Gender and Development. The protocol calls for 1:1 ratio of women to men in

political representation in all areas of decision-making in member countries by 2015 (Gender

Links, 2009). South Africa is a signatory to the SADC Protocol on Gender and Development and

the ANC has been in the vanguard of implementing provisions of that protocol. As such, the

party has been taking consistent steps to reach the women’s 50 percent target. This is one

reason for the level of achievement in women’s political participation in South Africa. Internal

party democracy, especially in the ANC, has contributed immensely to women’s causes, using a

list proportional representation electoral system to enhance women’s participation.

In addition to internal political party democracy, which includes a firm practical commitment to

gender equity, the election management body of South Africa has proven over the years to run

exemplary elections. This has improved the standing of women in that they have equal and

unhindered opportunity to canvass for votes and make their case to the electorate. For

example, women comprise 55 percent of registered voters (Gender Links, 2009), which dispels

the notion that women are not interested in politics. When the political field is level, women

tend to have greater incentive to partipate in the process.

South Africa has gone a long way in terms of female political particitation. Political orientation

dating back to the apartheid era laid the foundation for women’s active involvement in the

promulgation of laws and policies that today mean rewarding political capital for South African

women, though there is much more to achieve. Meanwhile, there are a number of lessons

learned here that could benefit Liberia. First, the issue of women’s increased participation

should be addressed in a more pragmatic way by political parties and the national legislature.


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Second, the issue of the legal framework for election, which includes the appropriate electoral

system, can not be overemphasized. Third, if women are to achieve gender equality in political

leadership and decision-making, their efforts in advocacy and activism should be consolidated.

Fourth, the composition and performance of the election management body can impact female

participation. Finally, the government must have the political will to take concrete practical

steps to achieve gender equality.

Summary of Findings

There are a number of fundamental issues that have been highlighted in the fight for women’s

equitable political participation, both in the general context and in the case studies. Some of

the barriers are the result of social, cultural and economic realities that have been entrenched

in various communities for a long period of time. Others are institutional mechanisms that limit

and disadvantage women in their quest for equitable political participation. Some of these

problems, such as statututory legal provisions, internal party democracy and capacity building

for women can be addressed in the short-run. Others that have to do with cultural values and

constitutional amendments require more time to evolve. Interestingly, there have been a

myraid of attempts, internationally and domestically, to address these long-term issues. These

efforts have not yet achieved the desired results because there have not been pragmatic

actions on the part of policymakers.

For example, reasearch has demonstrated that quotas and list PR electoral systems have

proven to be the most effective means through which women’s political participation can be

increased. Yet, many countries have ignored including these inclusive mechanisms within their

legal frameworks. Also, in many democracies around the world, political parties offer lip-

service when addressing internal party democracy and equality, especially in terms of women’s

role in party leadership and political candidacies. Additionally, election management bodies

around the world are continually dominated by men who view politics as a man’s game. This

situation, in most cases, does not create the level playing field for women’s participation.


18

Finally, socio-economic and cultural factors have continued to play against women due to

hardening of these factors over an extended period of time. Hence, men have taken advantage

of these deficiencies and have so far been reluctant to seriously fight for gender mainstreaming

in political leadership. Further, women activists and advocates have not been able to join

together. Frequently women would rather vote to elect men than elect one of their own. So,

men continue to divide and rule women.

The specific cases of the three countries highlighted in this paper point to a few important

items. On the one hand, the case of India is no different from Liberia. Ranked 94 in the world

in women’s political participation, the world’s largest democracy remains far behind many

nations in taking steps for gender equity in politics. The Women Reservation Bill which has

lingered in the corridors of parliament for over 15 years has only been passed by the upper

house. It has to be passed by the lower house and approved by at least 15 of India’s 28 states

before it becomes law. At the local level in India, the effect of women’s reservation laws has

been largely positive, with more women being elected to public offices than at the national

level. Without gender quotas and the appropriate legal framework, including proportional

represention electoral systems, it is likely to take quite some time for India to reach the United

Nations target of 30 percent women political participation, not to mention a 1:1 ratio.

On the other hand, the situations in Rwanda and South Africa are worth modeling. Both

countries share a background of bitter political struggle, though at different scales. The

Rwandese genocide of 1994 stands out among the world’s most gruesome acts of man. Yet,

the people of Rwanda have taken concrete steps towards gender equality. They have adopted

an effective gender quota system and a legal framework that is suitable for enhancing gender

equity. With more than 50 percent representation in parliament, Rwandan women are holding

strong in their fight for rights, while the country’s male leadership is committed to ensuring

women’s equitable political participation. In South Africa, the racial segregation that lasted for

about 40 years did not break the will of women striving for political empowerment. Apartheid


19

only made South African women stronger in terms of advocacy, activism and political

negotiations. Consequently, the South African Constitution emphatically addresses the issue of

women’s political equity, equality and non-sexism. Like Rwanda, the gender quotas and the

proportional representation electoral system were adopted in South Africa with strong political

will on the part of the leadership to politically empower women. Women currently hold 44.5

percent of legislative seats in the lower house of parliament and 29.6 percent in the upper

house. Given the trend, these figures are likely to increase, ceteris paribus. In sum, the success

of Rwanda and South Africa can be attributed to a good legal framework and strong political

will that have been driven by strong advocacy, activism and civic education.

Lessons for Liberia

There are a number of useful lessons drawn from the above analysis that could be used to

increase women’s political participation in Liberia. Some of these lessons could be applied

immediately, while others could be used in the future as sustainable solutions to maintaining

gender equity in political leadership. For short-run impact the following lessons have been

identified:

1. Political parties need to take more pragmatic actions in practicing internal party

democracy by putting forward more women candidates (50 percent) and helping such

candidates in training, raising funds and campaigning

2. Women advocacy groups need to join together by forming strong coalitions that will

give them tenable positions and strong negotiating leverage

3. Pro-democracy and human rights organizations, as well as the news media, need to

highlight the issue of gender mainstreaming in politics as a rights issue

4. As part of the internal process of ethical fairness and transparency, employment at the

NEC needs to be based on gender equity, and all election-related programs should

employ a gender perspective and take issues of women as a central part of the process

5. The country’s executive leadership needs to be committed to gender equity and reflect

that at the level of cabinet appointments


20

In the long-run, that is, after the 2011 general elections, the following lessons could be applied

in Liberia in order to comprehensively address the issue of women’s equitable political

participation:

1. There is a need for a constitutional amendment to change the electoral system to list PR

and to create room for binding laws for parliamentary quotas for women. (The

Constitution of Liberia in Article 83 (b) specifies that all elections for public offices in

Liberia must be decided by an absolute majority of the votes cast; Article 80 of the

Liberian Constitution specially mandates single-member electoral

districts/constituencies)

2. There is a need for re-incorporation of civics as a core subject in the Liberian primary

and secondary school system

3. There is a need for a civic education commission in Liberia, to help propagate issues of

democracy, rule of law and women emancipation from household duties. (Questions

related to culture, tradition and entrenched societal values/norms that tend to impede

gender equality in political governance could be addressed by said commission)


21

Conclusion

The Liberian political landscape in terms of women’s political participation is complex and fluid.

Complex because legal bases for seat reservation or parliamentary quota mechanisms are not

established. Fluid because, given the fragility of the democracy and desperate quest for political

power in the country, there are no consistent efforts to mitigate the problem of women’s

limited role in decision-making. Additionally, the electoral system is the plurality/majoritarian

system and single-member electoral constituencies, which is not a solid system for electing

women. However, this complexity and fluidity is not insurmountable. Countries like Rwanda

and South Africa that use appropriate legal frameworks and other innovative approaches to

increase female participation have imparted valuable, applicable lessons. In the words of

Madeleine Albright, “Success without democracy is improbable; democracy without women is

impossible” (National Democratic Institute, 2010). Liberia’s success is sine qua non for its

stability; thus, its democracy must be possible, given the country’s recent history.


22

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