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Survey of Malaysian Law ISSN: 0217-3239 Vol.14, Issue 2, 2017 Availed online on http://puum-my.org/
Article
CHALLENGES OF ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN AND
TURKEY NEO-OTTOMAN FOREIGN POLICIES
Mohammad Mansour Azimzadeh Ardabili1, Hossein Masoudnia2, Seyed Javad
Emamjomehzadeh3, Shahrooz Ebrahimi4
Abstract: Turkish foreign policy over the past decade has been experienced
remarkable changes and developments. This new foreign policy has been called neo-
Ottomanism. Turkey after several decades' cooperation with the West, now, in addition
to maintain its ties with the West, tries to establish and develop political relations with
the countries of Middle East, in particular those in the area of the Ottoman Empire.
This study seeks to analyze the aspects of the new Turkish foreign policy and answers
to these questions specifically that what effects foreign policy of Neo-Ottomanism has
on the region and Iran and what challenges may it have for Iran? Theoretical approach
of this article is based on constructivist approach and this assumption that the new
Turkish foreign policy is a discourse redefinition rooted in way of formation and
development of its historical identity. For this purpose, inventors of foreign policy of
Neo-Ottomanism try to link Islamic historical identity of Turkey with its Western values
ruled over it. The most important identity sources of Turkey are considered to be within
its region that the country's new foreign policy reflected seriously its relations with
surrounding countries. But in spite of the positive effects of foreign policy on relations
with Iran, will entail serious normative and identity challenges for Iran.
Keywords: Neo-Ottomanism, Turkish foreign policy, the Middle East, Iran,
America, Constructivism, Identity
I. INTRODUCTION
In final decades of the twentieth century, Turkish observed Islamic tendencies in
his domestic and foreign policy. The difference of this Islamism with Islamism of other
Islamic countries in Islamic world was especially in the field of Turkey's foreign policy.
This difference in orientation of Turks to Islam was moderated (Afzali and Motaghi,
2011: 176) which was set on the agenda of AKP. A brief look at Turkey's actions in
recent years, and especially since 2002 up to present (after coming to power of Justice
and Development Party), clearly shows the changes in the foreign policy of Turkey.
Ankara is developing non-stop in obtaining better position in Islam and relations with
1 Ph.D. candidate, Department of International Relations, Isfahan (Khorasgan) Branch, Islamic Azad University, Isfahan, Iran 2 Associate Professor of Political Science and International Relations, Faculty of Administratives & Economics, University of
Isfahan, Isfahan,Iran 3 Associate Professor of Political Science and International Relations, Faculty of Administratives & Economics, University of Isfahan, Isfahan,Iran and part—time academic member of Islamic Azad University, Isfahan(khorasgan) Branch 4 Assistant Professor of Political Science and International Relations, Faculty of Administratives & Economics, University of
Isfahan, Isfahan,Iran
202 CHALLENGES OF IRAN AND TURKEY
Islamic countries and this can be seen in extension of relations with Islamic countries
and the Middle East. This policy of Ankara is called "Neo-Ottomanism". Turkey after
several decades of one-sided orientation to the West now moves in direction of a middle
way and more balanced policy towards its neighbors in the Middle East and expand its
relations with the Islamic world and the West in accordance with its national interests.
Turkey requests for being in place of the ten first powers of the world by the year 2023
and this country's efforts in recent years to establish a balanced relationship with world
powers, polarization in Islamic world and resolving issues with neighboring countries
can be analyzed in this regard. Ahmet Davutoğlu as Turkey's new foreign policy
architect believes that foreign policy of Turkey is imbalanced and too much emphasis
is on relations with Europe and America and look to the West, moved away this country
from Middle East and North of Africa, i.e. the Ottoman Empire area. In his view,
Turkey has many identity indicators and must adjust its policy based on different
identities. Accordingly, Turkey must have constructive interaction with the Middle
East, Caucasus, Europe and Balkans, because orientation to one side creates an
imbalance in Turkey's foreign policy (Omidi and Rezaee, 2011: 239-240). According
to this introduction, we present the central questions of this research. This research
seeks to analyze the aspects of the new Turkish foreign policy and gives a clear
response to the question that what are the effects of Neo-Ottomanism on the region and
Iran and what challenges might it have for Iran? The theoretical approach of this article
is based on constructivism approach and this assumption that the new Turkish foreign
policy is a discourse redefinition rooted in way of formation and development of its
historical identity. For this purpose, inventors of foreign policy of Neo-Ottomanism try
to link Islamic historical identity of Turkey with its Western values ruled over it. The
most important identity sources of Turkey are considered to be within its region that
the country's new foreign policy reflected seriously its relations with surrounding
countries. But in spite of the positive effects of foreign policy on relations with Iran,
will entail serious normative and identity challenges for Iran Therefore, the purpose of
this study is to analyze different aspects and effects of Turkey's foreign policy. For this
purpose, the first part of the study deals with theoretical principles of constructivism
approach. The second part analyzes Turkey's new foreign policy constructively. The
third part will discuss its regional reflects and the final part, the challenges of this
identity politics on Iran's foreign policy will be discussed. The method of collecting
data is taking advantage of studying documents (books, magazines, local and foreign
papers) and the methods of data analysis is descriptive – analytical as well. At first the
literature and necessary information about Turkey's foreign policy and its regional
impact are collected. Then by description of this relationship from the perspective of
constructivism theory, its challenges on foreign policy of Iran will be analyzed.
II. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
As noted above, the theoretical framework of this study is based on
constructivism. Constructivism was entered into international relations through the
third debate of rationalism and radicalism. Constructivism is based on multiple main
ontological assumptions. Constructivists want to state that structures form behavior
social and political actors whether individuals or governments, "normative or
ideological" structures are as important as physical structures. Argument of
SURVEY OF MALAYSIAN LAW 203
constructivist is that systems composed of common thoughts, beliefs and values have
also structural characteristics and affect social and political actions strongly (Royce-
Smith, 2012: 284) . Second, versus the mainstream of international relations that keep
the identity of actors fixed and supposed in the international system, constructivists
(who know ontological their most important distinguishing feature emphasize on
"being constructed" the identity of the actors and know the importance of identity in
the creation and formation of interests and actions. Activists consolidate socially from
this perspective and their identities and interests are resulted from inter-minds social
structures. This means that firstly, identity and nature of interactions and relationships
between them is not unchanging; Secondly, the building blocks of international reality
are mental, intellectual and material. Thirdly, the meaning and importance of
intellectual factors are not independent from time and place (Moshirzadeh, 2003: 176).
Third, constructivists, regarding the relationship between activists and the field of
macro-social that these activists act on it (or the issue of agent and structure), the
ontological primacy is given neither to units, nor to the structure. To get rid of this
reductionism, critical theories (here, constructivism) try to act, beyond debate, "the
agent structure". They argue that the structure and agent affect each other (Hay, 2002).
They claim that agents and structures consolidate each other "mutually". Normative
and intellectual structures can condition the identities and interests of actors, but if
recognizable procedures of activists did not exist, these structures have not been existed
(Royce-Smith, 2012: 286). Fourth, although analytical unit or entity under study is
similar to the theoretical mainstream in international relations is related on government
actors, in view of some constructivists, but it seems that way to be considered
necessarily theoretically to individuals, groups, NGOs, international organizations and
actors would not be closed. Constructivists emphasize on being constructed the
concepts such as sovereignty and the role of government procedures and international
society activists its formation and reproduction. So necessarily, there is nothing in
international community essence to turn the states to legitimate actors (Moshirzadeh,
2004: 175). So, if the reader of these lines arranges all of these aspects together, he will
observe that the constructivists adopt a middle position in ontologism. By this
explanation, we will discuss how this theory is applied in foreign policy, because
constructivism at first step is a theory of international relations. Constructivism has a
significant effect on foreign policy concept and is based on the assumption that actors
create their own world and foreign policy analysis is started from state as an actor; they
interpret, make decision, proclaim and implement. Foreign policy is to somehow action
on building something that actors decide and this view shows the effect of internal
factors on foreign policy, as well as the question of why foreign policy of various
countries, despite internal differences are the same in many cases (Shafiee and
Zamanian, 2011: 127-128). Thus, as pointed out by March Merle, foreign policy
should be subject to international components and domestic index, and on this basis for
political ideology, political elites, parties, internal structure, identity indications and
legal rules, originality must be considered (Mottaghi and Poostin Chi, 2011: 14). From
the constructivist perspective, in order to understand foreign policy of countries,
alongside material structures, knowledge structures, ideas, beliefs, norms and ideas
should be considered too. From the perspective of constructivism, identities, norms,
interactions and cultures play an important role in foreign policy. Identities and
204 CHALLENGES OF IRAN AND TURKEY
interests of states are developed by norms, cultures, and interactions and it is this
process that draws the interaction between states. It seems that constructivist theory is
the best way to define the concept of foreign policy. International System is a socially
constructed from their perspective which its characteristics are determined by
communication and interaction between its units. Constructivists' look to norms and
rules is also important and in the field of emphasis on norms have common comments
with liberals, but their striking difference with liberals is that liberals emphasize on
regulatory aspect of norms, but constructivist in addition to regulatory aspect also focus
on their development aspect, and they believe that norms emerge by processes such as
interaction. In Constructivism view, all actors rule Language and rules. Constructivism
aims to instead of emphasis on the ability of states or power distribution as a structural
feature of international system, points to identity of the states. Attitudes can influence
identities and interests and policies and a shift from abilities to identities is the things
that states can do to explain their position in the structure, so, although states act on the
principle such as self-help, safeguard of national interests and security, but If they
cooperate systematic, it will be possible that they ideas toward their identities and that
their relations with the world and international system be altered (Shafiee and
Zamanian, 2011: 127-128). Overall, it can be said that foreign policy was turned to a
mental and discourse concept from an objective concept. When we examine Turkey's
Neo-Ottomanism foreign policy and its impact on Iran from the constructivism
perspective, this question is raised whether the material elements can be marginalized
from foreign policy of a country and strategic orientations of the country be considered
merely ideological? Whether semantic column can be considered equal to material
column from the perspective of constructivism in Turkish foreign policy? At following,
these issues will be discussed.
III.NATURE OF FOREIGN POLICY OF TURKEY'S NEO-
OTTOMANISM
From the constructivist perspective, foreign policy of Turkey's Neo-Ottomanism
is a redefinition that its elite inventor has been constructed from themselves and
Turkey's position. Let's start from the principles of Kemalism foreign policy that
discourse of Turkey's Neo-Ottomanism is influenced by it at many ways. The founders
of the Republic of Turkey and at on top of them, Kemal Ataturk believe that Turkey
should keep itself as far as possible from the Middle East and its conflicts and struggles.
Thus, closeness to the West has turned to be the main priority and perhaps the only
priority of Ataturk in foreign policy. Six principles that Ataturk has offered for the new
political regime have been reflected in Constitution 1983 of this country:
republicanism, nationalism, populism, revolutionary, radical separation of religion and
state, are six principles which later became known as Kemalism. Six-principles of
Kemalism determine how to apply the power of the state over the society and its degree,
its efforts for social and economic changes in the society and the political structure of
Turkey (Kawakibi, 1996: 69). Kemalism in narrow sense is ''a name which is given to
official doctrine of Turkish political system guide in Secular republican of the country,
especially in decades 1920 and 1930, the periods after the collapse of Ottoman Empire
(Mateescu, 2006: 225). In widest sense, Kemalism as an identity-maker process in
Turkey is not necessarily a political process. But it is a social- cultural concept known
SURVEY OF MALAYSIAN LAW 205
with features such as encouraging to modernization, secularism and nationalism.
(Saeed, 2000: 83). Six fundamental principle of Kemalism, the Turkish Kemalism, as
stipulated in the approved constitution (1924 ( of Turkey and words and documents
related to Ataturk and Peoples' Democratic Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi), always
has been accepted as Turkey ontology principles and as a guide to people's lives and
country's politicians during one century. The Kemalist movement in addition to its
efforts to change the intellectual foundations and look at life in Turkish society and
viewing its surrounding communities from this perspective, by change in traditional
epistemology of Turkey which was established on continuity of religious traditions, it
was targeted to use of instrumental rationality to build an advanced and civilized
country. This policy based on the theory of constructivism may be explained that
constructivism will not committed itself to science-oriented epistemology and
methodology in explaining the foreign policy; however it does not reject it.
''Constructivism in terms of epistemology, is open; i.e. constructivism can be
compatible with a set of different ways. It uses theorizing theory based on rational
selection, positivist analysis to mere description, and anything as research knowledge.''
(Moshirzadeh, 2010, 129) In other words, in view of constructivism, ontology cannot
be combined with timeless epistemology laws. At epistemology, that kind of ultra time
and place (like fixed rules on water boiling " regarded by positivists, is not emphasized
by constructivist.'' Choosing modernization approach by Kemalists led to change of the
country from traditional methods and laws that were more based on imitation
epistemology, to modernization. Kemalist's reforms goal with changing in
epistemology of social life of Turkey was the realization of a modern Turkish state and
society. At onset of new millennium, Turkey felt the need to redefine its position on
the world map. Discourse of Neo-Ottomanism is a new redefinition of the role of
Turkey. Diversification in foreign policy through maximizing strategic interests was
one of rare orientations seemed that the state and government institutions have national
consensus about it. This new approach over foreign policy focuses more on neighbors,
security of Black Sea and dynamics of the Middle East (Nigar Goksel, 2008: 14). In
this regard, based on the doctrine of strategic depth of Ahmet Davutoğlu, Turkey by
balancing international and regional in addition to tendency toward America and efforts
to join EU by getting away from some policies of previous state, politics has focused
on East's broad and comprehensive relations with all its neighbors. Turkey based on
conversation of Neo-ottman rather than merely follow extension of "global plans" it
must make its policies and be known as a country that has cultural relationship with its
region. According to Davutoğlu's beliefs, Turkey has a strategic attitude for the future
of its region. This attitude is based on common security frameworks, political
discussion, economic interdependence and ethnic and cultural balance. In other words,
his attitude to Turkey is as a significant regional player (Mofidi Ahmadi, 2010: 1078).
As can be seen, identities and interests of the foreign policy of Neo-Ottomanism are
created by norms, interactions and cultures, and this process leads to formation of
interaction between it and other countries. Turkey's Neo-Ottoman by enjoying the
cultural-historical depth of the Ottoman era imagines itself at the geopolitical center
and Geo-culture of the Ottoman era and additionally, draws the boundaries of its
identity not only within the boundaries of current Turkey, but also within the borders
of Ottoman era in authority era. After parliamentary victory of Justice and
206 CHALLENGES OF IRAN AND TURKEY
Development Party in 2011, he congratulated Tayyip Erdoğan of this victory to the
people of Jordan, Egypt, Tunisia, Syria, Sarajevo and Cyprus and takes into account
this victory as belonging the people of Nablus, Jenin, Ramallah, Gaza and Jerusalem.
Davutoğlu more explicitly describes new international borders of Turkey. In his speech
in "Chanak castle'' said: independent countries from ottoman, once again will be unified
with us and in 12 next years, we will become a universal state". Davutoğlu's words
expressly states that Turkey's Neo-Ottoman does not seeks to define a trans-identity
based on joint Geo-culture between a range of countries, but seeks to define a common
identity with common borders. He said in the third of March 2013: the last century was
only a parenthesis for us. We will close this parenthesis. We do this without war or
assign someone an enemy and without violating any boundaries and once again we
connect Sarajevo to Damascus and Benghazi to Erzurum and Batumi. ... May be they
are different countries from your view, but Yemen and Skopje were part of a single
country 110 years ago, and also, Erzurum and Benghazi (Madadloo, 2013). Neo-
Ottomanism approach seeks to end conflicts and promote stability in Turkey,
replacement of conflict with cooperation, finding innovative mechanisms and networks
for solving regional conflicts, encouraging positive change in the region and
developing links between discussion culture and mutual understanding. Moreover,
Turkey simultaneously seeks to increase political and economic influence in regions
where the historical past was a part of dominance of the Ottoman Empire (such as
Balkans, Central Asia and the Middle East). Before these changes, Turkey as a member
of NATO was known in an unstable but strategically important sector in the world
where has been established by military force and Kemalist structure. This structure was
based on classic hard power tools and was more a reactive rather than active and also
foreign powers like the United States had considerable influence on it. According to
Davutoğlu, after the events of 11 September, the new vision of geography, made
redefining of Turkey necessary. New Turkish position should be based on both
geographical and ideological base. Turkey's central geographical location of any
similar country similar is different because on one hand Turkey is an Asian, European
country, and on the other hand it is close to Africa through the Eastern Mediterranean.
Turkey has a special position to influence nearby regions such as the Middle East, the
Balkans, the Caucasus, Central Asia, countries bordering the Mediterranean and the
Black Sea. Studying Turkey's future perspective document 2023 shows that Turkey's
new elites know the role of the country in new structure of international system. They
believe that the fundamentals of this restructuring are economy and security in the
shadow of global needs to energy and raw materials, global trade expansion in the
shadow of open rules of free market and maintenance the financial stability at global
level, reducing poverty and increasing public welfare. Four main factors of political
position of Turkey include several ideas of elites as follows: 1) Integration with Europe;
2) Regional strategic cooperation with America rather than full political and strategic
partnership. Political relations of the two countries should be based on strategic
cooperation in the field of social, energy, trade and security; 3) Diplomacy of values
with region: Turkey should associate with regional countries based on diplomacy of
values. Because of religious differences, Turkey cannot be a complete political model
for the countries in the region. But it can be a sample on contemporary values such as
increased human development index and international legal norms. Turkey can
SURVEY OF MALAYSIAN LAW 207
Transfer these values through diplomacy values to countries in the region; 4) regional
and global political construction with international organizations: Turkey should policy
make and intervene regional and global issues in international organizations in which
it is a member. Turkey should increase its participation in international entities, be the
founder and leader of regional entities and participate on their management body.
Turkish security position consists of four factors: 1) regional cooperation with United
States to deal with regional security threat, Turkey should be a constant power rather
than an intervention power in coalition units created by United States; 2) cooperation
with Europe; 3) Turkey should act as a deterrent power and a source of stability. The
most deterrent power is the expansion of bilateral relations with countries of the regions
in order to provide transport security and security of region's vast energy resources; 4)
policy-making and being active in international organizations such as NATO security.
The economic, social, trade and energy, position of Turkey in the world will be also
consisted of the following factors: 1) business and economic partnership with Europe
and turning to be the fourth thoroughfare of energy supply in Europe; 2) regional
cooperation with America: Turkey must strengthen itself in the fields of direct
investment and financial investment of its economic ties with America; extension and
enrichment of East-West energy corridor is another aspect of cooperation between the
two countries; 3) multilateral business and economic diplomacy with countries in the
region: nearly countries in the region have an important role in Turkey's business and
economic global position. In the process of moving towards globalization, Turkey
should increase its business and economic relations with the countries of the region.
Turkey decided to be appeared as a regional service center, and energy and water
supply bridge in its area; 4) bilateral relations with other countries (Mofidi Ahmadi,
2010: 1078-1080).
IV.TURKEY'S FOREIGN POLICY NEO-OTTOMANISM
REFLECTIONS ON THE REGION
In the light of foreign policy new approach, Turkey has tried in recent years to
transfer its growth and development position into civilization as a country in Islamic
civilization and also modern and democratic, and among Muslim countries as is known
as a large modern country (Omidi and Rezaee, 2010:242). So, even though Turkey's
elites' Neo-Ottomanism policy formed based on a kind of new identity-seeking, one of
its objectives is retrieval of regional identity based on combination of latitudinarian
Islam's thought with modern achievements that has a strong social originate in Egypt,
Tunisia, Morocco, Syria and Arab countries; this retrieval of regional identity, at first,
makes Turkey the central actor in the region, and in other words, all countries in the
region such as Iran, Hamas and Arabic countries tries to resolve their problems with
the world through the diplomacy channel of Turkey. This view has economic and
cultural advantages for Turkey. An economic advantage of Turkey's presence is in the
regional market, so that after Ikhwan contract that was signed between Turkey and
Syria, large of Syria market was deposited to Turkey. Many countries in the region,
considered Turkey as their desired model, some of opposition leaders of the region such
as Syrian opposition calls like Turkey model as a successor model in its country
(Hosseini, Ebrahimi and Shah qhale, 2012: 76). Islamists by drawing the theoretical
model ''zeroing problems with neighbors and adopting doctrine ''strategic depth'' have
208 CHALLENGES OF IRAN AND TURKEY
begun their intervention in the Arab world after victory in elections in Turkey at 2003.
Intervention in Middle East especially Arab world is based on opinions of Davutoğlu
who wants Turkey to be an actor in Arab world. ''Turkish politicians believe that due
to strategic depth of this country, it is required that Ankara has more presence in Arab
world. In fact, this theory on one hand, is along historical and religious interest of
Justice and Development party elites and on the other hand, supplies security benefits
of the country.'' (Heidari and Rahnavard, 2011:12) Turkey in recent years was as
regional crisis mediator to show the importance of multiple regional identities of this
country and its unique geopolitical position. This matter includes mediation among
Lebanon, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Pakistan and India, Hamas and Fatah, Syria and Israel
and Syria and Iraq groups. These diplomatic activities were good reasons for selection
of the position of Turkey as a non-permanent member of Security Council for the years
2009-2010. So Turkey's foreign policy was developed based on objective and
normative criteria and in analysis of Turkey's foreign policy of political system from
the perspective of its identity, its sources of identity in society and history must be
addressed in order to prove its context. One of the most important sources of identity
of the region was Middle East. According to constructivism, Turkey's foreign behavior
are not only based on objective factors, but also rather on the basis of norms that Turkey
has a direct impact on the interests and identity of Turkey. These norms play restrictive
roles for governments and are considered as benchmarks for behavior.
In an overall assessment, regional reflections of Turkey's Neo-Ottomanism
approach can be summarized in the following:
(i) Take into consideration the East rather than the West: Turkey by creating
balance in international and regional policy and at the same time, and efforts towards
membership in EU, by getting away from some policies of previous state, politics has
focused on East's broad and comprehensive relations with all its neighbors.
(ii) Efforts to resolve Kurds' issue in region and attracting the region's
Kurds to themselves: this politics can be seen in Iraq's Kurdistan explicitly in foreign
policy change of Turkey's foreign.Turkey's approach for Kurdistan until 2008 was
based on "red line policy" which based on, Turkey opposed to any autonomy of Kurds
in Iraq and its relationship with Kurdistan was through Iraq's central government. But
from this year onwards, red line policy of Turkey for Kurdistan changed and a new
period were established in relations between the parties. Turkey's close relationship
with KRG, granting nationalization to Iraq's Vice President and tensions in Baghdad-
Ankara can be enumerated in this regard.
(iii) Efforts to establish diplomatic relations with Armenia: Turkey's foreign
ministers and Armenia acted out to normalize diplomatic relations by signing an
agreement memorandum in November 2009 by mediation of America, Switzerland,
Russia and France. In view of Washington, the more active Armenia on equations of
the region and less dependence to Iran and Russia deteriorate, this Christian country
with many cultural and civilization similarities with the West and enjoyment of a
strategic status, may become closer to the West which the first step of this politics was
begun by Washington by putting pressure on Ankara to improve relations with Yerevan
and opening the border, in order to be able at next steps to participate Armenia in
political and security equations of the West. On economic aspect, improving relations
between Armenia and Turkey will have the advantage that Nabucco pipeline has been
SURVEY OF MALAYSIAN LAW 209
designed to aims to bypass Russia and Iran, to pass it through Armenia far shorter. Thus
we see that a set of Turkey's interests, Armenia and the West taken place in a more
complex game than by Soviets that aim to press Saakashvili Westernized government,
have agreed on improvement of relations between Yerevan and Ankara. (Koozegar,
2009: 19-21)
(iv) Efforts to catch the leadership of Ikhwan movement: Justice and
Development Party led by Tayyip Erdoğan cannot behave as secular parties and secular
in Turkey and expect survival, because its identity is articulated in line with the original
Ikhwan beliefs.When Arabic development has begun in North Africa, based on
neighborhood theory and its spread to other countries, Turkey had common look into
Ikhwan activities of Pasa Mubarak. Turkey's view to Egypt Mohamed Morsi was an
Islamism view which follows a Neo-Ottomanism approach. They also placed tune-
singing at the head of their activities in new government of Egypt. So, the issue that
Tayyip Erdoğan or Oghlu pursued, its root has risen from Ikhwan activities, hence they
seek modern or reformative Ikhwan. Turkey continued the activities of Ikhwan after
Morsi, but the organizational structure of Arabic countries, especially with a focus on
Saudi Arabia or Egypt, did not accept this approach. Then, they wanted to control it.
Turkey aimed to raise the Muslim Ikhwans and its leadership to play a role in the future
of the region. Role those reformists Ikhwans follow in Turkish style, not Egyptian or
even Tunisia or Libya-style. Therefore, reformist Ikhwan looks for an alternative in
order to follow its activities due to limitations and this is possible only in Turkey. So,
it can redefine itself in Turkey in various areas and play its political role. Turkey seeks
to redefine the Ikhwan and based on reformist Ikhwan, follows its Neo-Ottomanism
policy. On one hand, Saudi Arabia, UAE, Bahrain and other countries want to eliminate
the risk of Ikhwan. However, Qatar is different as a regime that has reformative and
more modern approach among Arab countries. Saudi Arabia seeks to remove Ikhwan
that may be a danger for the monarchy and the country that serves as an older brother.
However, in the future, we will witness regional rivalry among Saudi Arabia, Turkey
and Egypt, so that in the future, on the one hand, Turkey be able to come along with
Egypt and the reformist Ikhwans have activities in Egypt, but reduce the role of Saudi
Arabia. Even in the future, their least demand can be a change to the structure of the
state, government and politics in Arabian Peninsula (Bakhshi, 2014).
(v) Strengthen ties with Russia: with arrival of the AKP in 2002, Turkey and
Russia agreed on some areas due to multiple meetings between senior officials of both
countries. Especially in the field of energy, more than 70 percent of Turkey's gas is
supplied from Russia, and between the two countries, a dedicated gas pipeline called
"Blvatrym" in Black Sea, has been installed. The two countries signed a separate
agreement to expand energy business that can make Turkey a key country to expand
Russian gas transit to Europe. The volume of trade between the two countries has
reached to an unprecedented level (Karami, 2011: 64). In general, it should be noted
that in the current situation Moscow and Ankara want to redefine their relationships .
Given the poor backgrounds of relations between Turkey and Russia it should be
considered that the relations between the two countries in recent years in both political
and economic growth have been different; this means that in economic issues and
particularly in the field of energy, we had significant growth, while in political context
210 CHALLENGES OF IRAN AND TURKEY
in spite of many sharings, fear and competition govern the relations (Hosseini,
Ebrahimi and Shah Ghale, 2012: 81-82).
(vi) Activation of Turkey's regional policy in Middle East:
Revival of relations with the Arab world
Mediation in the Arab-Israeli peace process with sympathetic to the Palestinians.
Getting closer to Iran.
Turkey in recent decade had become one of the key and influencing players in
the Middle East. This policy can be followed sensibly in Turkey's relations with Syria
before the uprising known as the Arabic development. At decades 1980 and 1990 the
two countries have experienced tense relations, but Turkey's threat to invade Syria,
providing continuation of Damascus support from ''PKK'' in October 1998 reached the
crisis in relations between the two countries to its high level. Syria, versus Turkey's
military superiority withdrawn its positions and retreated to expel Abdullah Ojalan, the
leader of "PKK" and closing training camps of this group. This shift in Damascus
position paved the way to gradual improvement of relations. Between the years 2002
and 2009, the two countries signed nearly 50 cooperation agreements and announced
the establishment of Supreme Council of strategic partnership. In addition, Turkey and
Syria conducted the first joint military exercises. In 2010, Turkey and Syria signed the
historical agreement of the struggle against terrorism and in 2011; Turkey became the
biggest trade partner of Syria. Turkey's position on Middle East peace process is to
support the principle ''land for peace'', the roadmap and peace initiative of Arabs.
Turkey supports the resolutions 1397, 338, 242 and 1515 of UN Security Council. It
opposes town construction in occupied territories. It identifies return of Golan to Syria
as contextualization for peace between Syria and Israel. And it believes that the justly
and lasting solution to end the conflict in the Middle East is to create and government
beside secure and recognized borders. Despite Turkey did not obtain any result in the
region from its many efforts to develop peace in the region, what it earned itself was
introducing itself as a major valid and effective player, as well as a benevolent mediator
in the region and enjoyment this role in providing maximum of its own national
interests. (Agha Alikhani, 2011: 54) Generally it should be said that the constructivism
of the relationship between structure and agent is mutual and consolidative and
emphasizes their bilinear. In this respect, Turkey has integrated in particular distinctive
material and normative structure in the region and Turkey's elites try to consider
effective potential of its country on this structure. In view of Tayyip Erdoğan, Turkey
is the only country in the Middle East that can interact with some opposite countries
such as Iran, Israel, America, Europe and Arab and this represents the soft power of
Turkey which the country has less such capability. Turks believe that Europe must be
forced to beg Turkey to compensate for its historical humiliation, because Turkey is
located in a politically sensitive and energy area and it is Europe that needs Turkey.
Turks believe that Turkey has soft power to manage issues of Islamic world and the
West must believe it, because Turkey is among 50 first countries, in terms of having
majority of Muslims and is the only country that is a member of NATO and negotiates
to join the EU (Omidi and Rezaei, 2010: 242). Moreover, the most recent aspect of
Turkey's Neo-Ottomanism foreign policy should be traced back in recent crises in Arab
world. By the start of 2011 and developments in Arab world that has been known to
Arabic spring, according to the formation of a positive attitude toward Turkey in Arab
SURVEY OF MALAYSIAN LAW 211
world, Turkey has taken a more active role in the development of Tunisia, Libya, Syria,
and in particular Palestinian issue. Influenced by these developments in one recent
decade, Turkey's relations with Arab world spread significant rather than before, along
with the policy of attitude toward the East. But the Arabic Spring developments
provided special complexities for Turkey's foreign policy on the region, for, Turkey
developed political and economic relations with sovereign states of the region, which
could not develop the same relations with oppositions and opposite people groups
simultaneously. Due to the process of Turkey's foreign policy developments in recent
years, it seem that in states that the perspective of debilitation and collapse of the regime
have been revealed, Turkey has tried to host opposition meetings and cooperation with
international powers such as NATO and Security Council to provide an opportunity for
the future of its relations with these countries. But in countries where developments are
not serious or the chance of regime to prolong its rule appears to be fairly definitive,
Turkey adopted a cautious stance, and tries to maintain its interests and relations and
to continue the good relations. Although in general it emphasizes on reforms and
attention to people's wishes and opposition groups. However, some experts in Arabic
countries, the most important challenge of Turkey's foreign policy in the region and
Arab world that the future may be subject to restrictions on expansion of ties between
Turkey and Arab world, knows formation of Arabic religious bloc and increase the role
of Egypt and the history of Turkey's Ottoman in the world that beside to challenge of
zero problem with neighbors in Arabic spring changes which is based on forming and
planning with the states or opposition groups can be analyzed (Heidari and Rahnamood,
2011: 157-158).
V.NEO-OTTOMANISM OF TURKEY'S FOREIGN POLICY AND ITS
CHALLENGES FOR ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN
Appearance of new Ottomanism can be found in linking the Islamic identity,
Eurasian and European of Turkey and persuasion of the country to improve relations
with all neighbors, including Middle East countries. Fall of Iraqi regime has provided
a favorable environment for Kurdish nationalism in Iraq, Turkey continued more
activities to find anti-kurdish allies in Iran and Syria and the relationships of Ankara
with Tehran and Damascus significantly improved (Omidi and rezaee, 2011: 246). Due
to that, in recent years, the relations between Iran and Turkey have been growing; the
relative stability on the relations between Iran and Turkey would overcome
misunderstanding and providing an appropriate context for mutual confidence.
Cooperation between Iran and Turkey in political, security, economic and cultural areas
have been expanded and future long-term cooperation in the field of security, fight
against terrorism and the construction of natural gas pipelines are considered by the
two sides. Political situation in north of Iraq and the future of Kurds of this country is
another area of cooperation between Iran and Turkey. Iran and Turkey are highly
opposed Israel's dominance on north of Iraq and separatism of Kurds from Iraq's central
government. Expanding the volume of trade and business exchanges between Iran and
Turkey in recent years is not hidden to anyone (Naghdinezhad, 2008). But despite these
positive effects, Turkey's foreign policy had disputing discussion over Iran and its
foreign policy on the region. Based on constructivism theory, influencing variables on
divergence process of two activists are examined in different identity, cultural,
212 CHALLENGES OF IRAN AND TURKEY
historical and ideological formats (Abbasi, 2013:11) Thus, from a constructivist
perspective, some of the most challenging areas of foreign policy of Turkey's Neo-
Ottomanism will be analyzed for Iran.
(i) Development of Western model of democracy and human rights
In analyzing the foreign policy of Turkey and Iran, the relativistic conception of
democracy and human rights must be considered. Relativism is a belief that values are
relative and subjective and does not believe in any objective and absolute value that
can be proved by reason and science. They extend this perception to concepts such as
democracy and human rights. Democracy and human rights are defined concepts such
as water, soil, rocks that are regardless of ideology and worldview to be interpreted.
But as injustice and justice, are concepts that would be affected by the view of
interpreters to the world, the universe, the fate of humans. Accordingly, developing
countries accuse the West and which is relied on universal western of democracy and
human rights to development to the rest of the world. Relativists argue that despite
common conditions differ greatly among communities; we require attention to different
perceptions of human rights. Relativists accuse universal approach to cultural
imperialism (Christie, 1995: 206). According to this analysis, the basis of constructivist
and Identity analysis of human rights and democracy is provided. Democracy and
human rights are deemed a framework to organize relations between government and
humans. In other words, human rights and democracy are developmental rules that
define a part of the legitimacy of identity and activism of the states. As sovereignty has
identity-creative role for the states, discussion of democracy and human rights
dominant on it acts, as a part of discussion that defines the identity of states, and can
cause states to have different identities from the international view (Moshirzadeh and
Masoodi, 2009: 266). Accordingly, Turkey develops a type of formulation of human
rights and democracy in the region and Iran which is seriously opposite to Iran in
dominant perception and interpretation. Perception of Justice and Development Party
from Islam is to somewhat different from Iran. This party is primarily dependent on the
religious intellectual movement in Turkey which its perception from Islamic principles
is different from interpretations of traditionalism. The feature of this movement is
introducing "Rahman and Rahim" Islam that all human beings possess natural rights
and human dignity. In This interpretation of Islam, violence, blind assassinations, and
absolute thinking have no place. Islamic intellectual in Turkey linked skill and realism
religion between Islam and modernity, and make modernized foundations and
principles, Turkey or native. Slowly significant parts of Turkish people convinced that
it is possible to be both a Muslim and a true Turkish nationalist and believe in modernity
bases in politics and economy (Yazdi, 2003). Turkey on the basis of its approach and
far from the ideals of political Islam tries to improve the status of democracy and human
rights in Middle East using the dominant liberal and Western model. Turkey works out
both in terms of thinking and policy making for this purpose. Turkey in new foreign
policy especially in recent years and during the developments so-called Arabic uprising
takes position in favor of neighbor countries' people and tries for foreign policy to
become "democratic" in Middle East that can be a reflection of the country's efforts to
move other countries toward liberal democracy; a process that is now current in the
country. So, Turkey tries to introduce a moderate, modern and democratic model to the
region and claims leadership of Middle East towards liberal democracy and human
SURVEY OF MALAYSIAN LAW 213
rights. As noted, human rights and democracy is normative and identity discussion and
formulation of conversation of Turkey of it is in conflict with the political Islamic
concept of Iran is. Iran is adhere to a kind of interpretation of human rights and of
democracy that stems from Islam, and in many ways tries to develop Shiite
interpretation of Sharia-based rules. Then, it is possible that Iran is not adhered much
Western pattern from democracy and human rights. As a result, it should be said that
political Islam of Iran offers special interpretation of human rights and democracy,
which has clear identity boundaries with interpretation of Turkey's dominant secular.
Therefore, foreign policy of Turkey's Neo-Ottomanism, efforts of this country to
influence on the region's countries and Iran and promotion of common liberal
interpretation of human rights and democracy to them may result in negative effects on
Iran. This matter in rise of Arabic developments of the region and Turkey's support
from Syrian oppositions that has strategic relations with Iran is clearly visible. Iran and
Turkey have particular views on issues and regional developments that are in line with
the strategic orientation of the foreign policy of each country. At This framework it is
natural that the understanding of two countries of developments in Arab world and its
consequences reflect their future attitudes, hopes and planning. Turkey's view about
revolutions of Arab world is based on the idea that the countries of region will move
towards democracy and this is inevitable. In line with this idea, Turkey acts out to
support demands of Arabic countries' people and emphasizes that this demands are
values such as democracy, freedom and human rights in that Turkey believe. As a
result, in Turkey's perspective until there is real will for change, radical reforms are
possible in any regime. Positioning and Turkey's performance in recent years reflect
the efforts of the leaders to lead the Muslim world and providing an alternate model of
political Islam that is different from perceptions of Islamic Republic of Iran of Islam.
In this context, emphasis on Islamic identity of Ankara government and its deep ties
with the Islamic world and improvement of Muslims attitude to Turkey, on one hand,
and closeness to West and Europe, on the other hand is taken into consideration
(Masoudnia and Najafi, 2011: 150).
(ii) Iran's nuclear program: Constructivists leave objective view at threat and national security and offer the
perception of threat and constructed security. Iran's nuclear program and its
interpretation as a threat by the dominant players of structure of international system
reflect the constructed and redefinition of threat and security in view of foreign policy
officials of Turkey's Neo-Ottomanism about Iran, because Iran's peaceful nuclear
program has been verified at different times of by international entities and Iran has
stated several times that it does not follow such security strategy. So, objective threat
from Iran and specifically its nuclear program do not understand other countries. In this
context, identity tags on Iran in the field of proceeding proliferation of nuclear weapons
has affected identity boundaries, shaping the perception to Turkey's agents of threat
and creating danger identities from Iran. So, despite Turkey's close relationship with
Iran, nuclear program and Iran's acquisition of nuclear weapons threatens its own
existence. Turkey's approach in recent years has shown that this country while fears of
Iran's access to nuclear weapons, and its realization has been defined as the defeat of
Turkey in achieving the objectives in neo-Ottomanism policy framework, however,
despite using intelligent and soft tools and encouragement others to these tools for
214 CHALLENGES OF IRAN AND TURKEY
settlement of the nuclear issue, does not seek war against Iran. Reflecting on Turkey's
foreign policy towards Iran's nuclear program, indicates that Turkey's view has
paradoxical nature over Iran's nuclear program, which means that on one hand, Turkey
tries to use this matter by playing the role of mediator actors in negotiation between
Iran and group 5+1 to realize the goal regional player, but on the other hand, since one
of central goal of Turkey within the framework of doctrine of neo-Ottomanism is
becoming a regional superpower, the country is concerned about that Iran through
nuclear weapons changes the balance of power in the region, and a country wins when
it has different attitude to Islam with Turkey. Therefore, on one hand, Turkey tries to
become a regional player by mediation, and on the other hand, by knowing Iran's
nuclear program, prevent any change on the balance of power in the region in favor of
Iran and against itself (Masoodnia, Najafi and Forooghi, 2012: 81).
(iii) Intervention in Middle East
One of the main axes of new Turkey's foreign policy is emphasis on its historical
identity, i.e. Middle East. This emphasis in many cases may have challenges and
negative impact on foreign policy of Iran. An obvious example of this challenge can be
seen in Syria. Syria has continued its relations with Turkey from one decade before
relations. So, initially the two countries decided to establish the Supreme of strategic
partnership and also canceled the need of issuing visa for travel of each other's
nationals. At next stages, Turkey's government even attempted to mediate between
Syria and Israel. But by beginning of recent developments in Syria, Turkey initially
adopted a mediatory policy and with supporting reforms in Syria and even
recommendation to Bashar Assad to implement the reforms, in order to control the
situation, has ask the parties to restraint and appeasement. A bit later, Turkey called
Syria's development, inhuman and asked Bashar Assad to leave power, and in line with
its new policy not only allowed Syrian opposition to pass cross its territory to carry
weapons inside Syria, but also it progressed to a military conflict with Syria. Generally,
it should be said that the weakening of Syria and collapse of Bashar Assad's regime is
as loss of one of Iran's strategic allies. As noted above, Turkey began its relations with
Iraqi Kurdistan since 2007. A redefinition of Turkish rulers for renewing relations with
Iraqi Kurdistan and continuation of developing the relationships with them might affect
relations between Kurdistan and Iran. It should not be forgotten that Iraqi Kurdistan is
one of Iran's traditional zones of influence of Iran that its relations history predated
even to the era of Pahlavi and Iran's overwhelming support of Kurds in their recent
clashes with ISIS clearly proved this issue. Another area is concerned to Lebanon and
Palestine. All analysts of Muslim world know that the key of developments of Islam
world is Palestinian issue. This view derives from the history of changes in Muslim
world in twentieth century. Moves such as actions of Jamal Abdel Nasser, Gaddafi, and
Saddam and . . . who dreamed to achieve the leadership of Arab world testifies this
(Masoudnia and Najafi, 2011: 152). Although Turkey's measures to have active role in
Lebanese politics did not succeed, the increase in the country's influence in Palestinian
political arena is evident. Turkey's influence in Palestine, especially after the attack of
Israel to the Gaza Strip became more pronounced. This incident led to the known
protest of Tayyip Erdoğan in 2009 at Economy World Forum in Davoos through a
panel discussion by Shimon Peres. After the protest, Israel attacked on the Turkish ship
carrying humanitarian aid to Gaza Strip. Thus, due to the influence of Turkey in
SURVEY OF MALAYSIAN LAW 215
Palestine, it is expected that due to different perceptions of Iran to resolve the
Palestinian issue, this matter will affect the relations between the two countries.
(iv) Coalition of Turkey and Arab states against Iran, and joining Turkey to
Sunni axis in the region After the so-called Arab Spring developments in Arab world, the strategy of
rebalancing Turkey regarding the development of the region has been changed and
Turkey aims to strengthen actively the Sunni axis and taking role in its framework and
this approach of Turkey and, especially about the Syrian crisis is clearly visible.
Destruction of relations between Iran and Turkey and the gap between the two countries
will lead to more closeness the Turk party to Arab Union and Persian Gulf Cooperation
Council which will ultimately lead to the strengthening the Sunni axis of the region and
will have entirely loss for Iran and the Shia axis (Arab, 2012). Turkey formally since
2008 has entered this area by signing strategic political, economic and security
agreement with Persian Gulf Cooperation Council. The treaty in its kind was the first
treaty between Persian Gulf Cooperation Council and other states. On other hand, the
perception of Islamic Republic of Iran of this treaty was the desire of Gulf Cooperation
Council to create a strategic balance with motivation against Iran. This matter has
greatly caused concern for Iran to Turkey's actions in Persian Gulf. It seems these
concerns of Tehran are logical, because from views of Arabic countries of Persian Gulf,
the strategic partnership with Turkey can balance Iran's power in Persian Gulf. In this
regard the Arabic countries of Persian Gulf planned on the agenda of Turkey's
membership as an observer member in Arab Union, supporting the country's efforts to
mediate between Syria and Israel and strengthening cooperation with NATO
(Masoudnia and Najafi, 2011: 152).
(v) Triangle of Israel, Turkey, Azerbaijan against Iran
One of reflections of Neo-Ottomanism of Turkey's foreign policy can be
accompany of this country with Israel and Azerbaijan. The target of this convergent
triangle is against Iran whether we like it or not. The secret agreement of Israel
government and Azerbaijan government that the news disclosed in Foreign Policy
magazine in March 2012 represents hostile position of Azerbaijan versus Iran and is
evaluated very dangerously. According to the agreements, the Azerbaijani government
places an air base near Iran's northern borders. This matter increases the risk of an
Israeli military attack Iran's nuclear installations. Military expansion of Israeli in
Azerbaijan will increase tensions between Iran and Israel and will make it more
complex (Arab, 2012). Azerbaijan since its independence in 1991 has shown that it is
the closest friend of Israel in Muslim world. Participation on Turkey as the most
important ally of Azerbaijan on this anti-Iran axis can have negative effects on the role
of Islamic Republic of Iran in the region. For example, military cooperation with Israel
can be mentioned. Sandy Times English newspaper in April 2013 released news, that
Turkey's government wants to provide a base for attack Iran's nuclear installation. In
this report stated that ''Yakoof Amidor'', the chairman of the Security Council Israel
regime plans to get permission from Turkey to use air base at a distance of 1000 miles
from the Iranian border by offering delivery numbers of missiles and advanced military
technology to the country. Despite Turkey's reaction to reject the news, but the
government did not completely reject the military cooperation issue with Israel against
Iran and only denied it "at the present stage"; in other words, this perspective that this
216 CHALLENGES OF IRAN AND TURKEY
cooperation will be take place in future, exists (Tabnak, 2013). It seems that after
cooperation close of Baku with Israel and releasing occasional news about the
possibility of assigning a base on its territory to Israel, this time we see that after
reaching the relations of Ankara-Tel Aviv to ''desired stage'', anti-Iranian actions on
Turkey is also intensified. This approach clearly threats Iran's national security, and
from identity view, it will cause strengthen of discussion axis of Western-Israel peace
of the region against Iran.
(vi) Maintaining relations with America
Turkey has close ties with West and particularly America. This convergence from
constructivist perspective may be rooted in identity discuss and values ruling Turkey.
Turkey's political system is inspired by Western values, and democracy and human
rights can be seen as factor linking it with America. Giving these explanations, the main
interests of Turkey in maintaining strategic relations with America can be summed up
as the following cases:
Necessity of economic and financial support of America, especially financial entities
such as global Bank and International Monetary Fund which had a role in resolving
financial crises of Turkey;
Maintaining proper position in NATO and European collective security system;
Forcing Europe Union to accept Turkey's membership;
Using military power and knowledge of America for modernization of military
defense system to maintain military superiority of Turkey to its neighbors;
The presence of Turkey in shaping the future of the north of Iraq and the Kurds issue;
Entrance to capitalist system and global economy;
Use of America's credibility for economic privilege of the region such as the oil
pipeline of Baku-Jeyhan;
Turkey's requirement to America versus Russian hegemony in the region;
Inhibition of Kurdish ethnic conflicts;
Enjoyment from the support of America in political, economic, cultural and ethnic to
central Asia region and Caucasus (Afzali and Mottaghi, 2011: 195).
As the result of these relations, America extremely puts Turkey under pressure
to end its broad and deep relations with Iran. Now, Turkey and Israel are still the most
important allies of America in Middle East. Becoming volunteer to accept the missile
shield, accompanying NATO in attack Libya, the pressure and threat from Syria, are
prominent examples of loyalty to this alliance. Understanding the strategic concept of
membership in NATO and Ankara's coordination and cooperation in various fields with
Washington shows the special position of United States in determining Turkey's
strategic policies. Aids of International Monetary Fund and the global Bank that are
under America's influence were important factors in economic growth of Turkey in
past decade. Generally, it should be noted that alignment of Turkey with America is
resulted from Turkey's position and America's expectations. This matter in general
framework should define the future of Middle East changes in a way that Turkey
intends to be in a position where be the referent of involved parties, opposition groups
and countries in crisis. In other words, nation-states and national and international
actors defined such role for themselves, they also move in this direction (Hosseini,
Ebrahimi and Shah Ghale, 2012: 81-82).
SURVEY OF MALAYSIAN LAW 217
CONCLUSION The aim of this study was to analyze the aspects and different effects of new
Turkey's foreign policy. In the next stage, the effect of this new approach of Turkey on
Iran's foreign policy was important for this study. For this purpose, at first, the
theoretical foundations of constructivism approach have been studied and then based
on it; the nature of the new Turkey's foreign policy was analyzed. It was argued that
constructivists despite of differences in several ontological statements and assumptions
have common attitudes. First, normative structures and ideas, norms and shared inter-
minds values influence and play an important role in international politics and foreign
policy of countries; second, the intellectual and normative structure establishing and
formative role in shaping the identity and interests of countries; and finally, intellectual
- normative structures and countries mutually consolidate each other (Dehghani Firooz
Abadi, 2009: 43-44). Accordingly, and in particular, based on the second assumption
it was tried to analyze Turkey's new foreign policy. It was noted that the new Turkey's
foreign policy or an approach known as Neo-Ottomanism is rooted in the historical and
contextual process of providing interests of this country that returns to the way of
creation and development of identity. Neo-Ottomanism approach tries to create
consistency between historical, identity sources of Turkey and current values of the
country. These sources are rooted in space capacity of Middle East. Accordingly, it is
the architect of the new Turkey's foreign policy, namely Davutoğlu, talks about deep
doctrine of strategic depth. Now, this country tries to achieve a better position in
Muslim world and developing relations with Islamic countries and Middle East. Turkey
with multiple identity indexes assumes that it should set its policies based on this
diverse identity. So, Turkey must have constructive interaction with Middle East,
Caucasus, Europe and Balkans, for orientation to one side creates an imbalance in
Turkey's foreign policy. This new foreign policy of Turkey has serious repercussions
on its relations with the countries of the region, including look to the East rather than
West; Efforts to resolve the Kurdish issue in inside and absorption of Kurds in the
region towards them; trying to establish relations with Armenia, and to strengthen
relations with Russia; becoming active of Turkey's regional policy in Middle East;
revival of relations with Arab world; mediation in the peace process of Arabs and
Israel; and getting closer to Iran. In addition, the development of foreign policy despite
of its positive impact on relations with Iran will have serious identity and normative
challenges for Iran. Turkey develops a formulation of human rights and democracy in
the region which is in serious contrast with dominant interpretation of political Islam
discourse. And also, this country while is concerned about Islamic Republic of Iran's
access to nuclear weapons and the realization of it means Turkey's failure to achieve
its determined objectives in the context of Neo-Ottomanism politics, however, using
intelligent and soft tools and encouragement and persuasion others to these tool for
resolving the nuclear issue, will not follow the war against Iran. Anyway, Turkey with
discussion on West's Iran-phobia, despite close ties with Iran, developing regional
influence of Iran and propagation of identity concepts of Islamic Revolution discourse
considers a threat, so one of the main axes of new Turkey's foreign policy is its wide
influence and enhance its role in Middle East, this approach can in many cases have
challenges and negative impacts on foreign policy of Islamic Republic of Iran and
affect regional influence. Finally, it must be said that Turkey does not ignore its new
218 CHALLENGES OF IRAN AND TURKEY
foreign policy from its relations with America and the West, America where is in
conflict discussion with the Islamic Republic of Iran more than three decades. The
effect of this factor can be seen in cases such as welcome to missile shield of America
on its territory, accompanying with America for reducing the regional influence of Iran
and weakening the resistance and intervention of Syria.
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