chapter 111 levels and trends in fertility of the major religious groups in india and kerala
TRANSCRIPT
CHAPTER 111
LEVELS AND TRENDS IN FERTILITY OF THE MAJOR RELIGIOUS GROUPS IN INDIA AND KERALA
3.1 Introduction
The twentieth century witnessed an unprecedented rapid
improvement in health carc technologies and peoples' easy access to health
care all over the world that caused a steep fall in the mortality and an
increase in longevity. The world population controlling agencies realised
these changes and took steps to make use of it reducing, but the decline in
fertility was not sufficiently steep. As a result the global population
underwent a fourfold increase in the last hundred years.
Demographers refer to the changes from a stable population with
high fertilityt and inortality?o a new stability in population with low
fertility and mortality patterns as demographic transition3. Different
countries in the world entered the demographic transition at different
periods of time. Also, there were substantial differences in the rate of
demographic transition and time taken to achieve population stabilization.
In this chapter an attempt has been made to understand the levels of
population and trends of change in population in terms of the major
I Fertility means the actual reproductive performance of an individual, a couple, a group or population, which is the same as gcneral fertility rate, i.e. the number of live births per IMO wamen in the age group 15-49 ycars in a given year.
2 Deaths as a corriponcnl of population change. 1 Demographic transition occurs in four phases; of these thc first three phases are characterired
by population growth. In the first phase there is a fall in death rate and impro\,ernenl in longevity; this lends to population growth. In the second phase there is a fall in birth rate hul fall is less steep lhan fall in death rates and consequently there is population growth. In thc third phase death rates plateau and replacement level of fertility is attained but the population growth eontinucs because of the large size of population in reproductive aze group. 'The fourth phase is characterized by fall in birth rate to below replacement level and reduction in tllc proportion of the population in reproductive age group; as a result of these changes population growth ceases and population stabilizes. Expcrience in some of the developed countries suggest that in some socicdes even after attainment of stable population thcrc rnay be a further decline in fertility so that there is a further rcduclion in the population- so callcd negative population growth phase of ihr demographic transilion
religious groups in India and especially in the State of Kerala, using the
relevant data from various census records and from the two Nalional
Family Health Surveys, NFHS-1992-93 and NFHS-1998-99.
3.2 Population of India: 1901-2001
India, a multi-cultural, multi-ethnic and multi-lingual country, is
only one of the two regions of the world where we have records of
uninterrupted human civilization from several millennia to the present day.
The other such nation is China. In the Far East the Chinese Civilisation was
a counter part of the Indian civilisation. In the Middle East and Central
Europe the Babylonian, Mesopotamian, Jewish and Arabic civilizations
flourished before the Greek and Roman civilizations. The Americas had
their own ancient civilizations until they were overpowered by the
European invaders. The ancient African civilization also was disrupted by
other intruders. The Arab and West Asian regions have come up with the
relatively new major Islamic and Christian civilizations, both extending
their hold on Major parts of Europe, Asia, Africa and Americas (Joshi,
Srinivas and Bajaj, 2003).
India and China together accounted for more than half the
population of the world at least from the beginning of the Christian era to
1850. In the earlier centuries of the Christian era, the combined share of
India and China was considerably more than half of the world population
and Indians outnumbered the Chinese up to at least 1500. The first
comprehensive census of India in 1881 recorded thc country's population
as 210.9 million which went up to 1028.6 million by 2001.It is indeed
alarming that more than 800 million people were added to India's
population in a century just 100 years after 1901. It has led to serious
repercussions in the socio-economic, political and religious set up of the
country.
The prevalence of high birth rates and death rates' during the early
years of the demographic history of India restricted the growth rate and the
size of population. This phenomenon was at the peak in 1921, the average
growth rate per year remained about 4.4 per 1000 persons as only 40.4
million people were added during this period.
Table 3.1
Population Growth and Decadal Variation in India, 1901-2001
Annual Growth I (Millions) (in 9%) Rate per 1000
252.1 5.7 I
Source: Census India. Hand Book of Population Statislics (1988), Census India, 1991 and 2001.
India experienced four broad phases of population growth during
1901 to 2001. The first phase of slow growth was experienced during
1901-1921. This was a state of great upsets in the demographic history of
- -
I Birth Rate is the number of live births per 1OOO population in a pivcn ycar and Death Kale is the number of dealhs per 1OOO population in a zivcn year.
India. This resulted in a net decrease of 0.3 pcrccnt during the decade
1911-1921 for the country as a whole. The main reason for this was a high
death rate caused by the epidemics like influenza during 1918-191 9.
The second phase startcd after 1921 and continued till 195 1. During
this period the annual growth rate increased by three times. Thus, 1921 is
termed as a great divide in the demographic history of India. During this
period the population increased from 251.3 million in 1921 to 361.1
million in 195 1. The Crude Death Rate (CDR)~ decreased by 19.8 points to
24.4 per 1000, whereas the Crude Birth Rate (CBR)' decreased only by 8.1
points to 40 per 1000.
Table 3.2
Crude Birth Rate (CBR) and Crude Death Rate (CDR) in India, 1901-2001
1 Year I CBR I CDR 1
Source: Census India, Hand Book of Population Statistics (1988), Census India, 1991 and 200 1.
' Same as rootnolc 5 6 Same as footnote 4
The year 1951 is considered as another great divide that accelerated
the decline in the CDR until 1971. The year 1971 took India into the fourth
phase of population growth and, therefore it is treated as the third great
divide in the demographic history of India.
3.3 Nature and Background of Population Growth in Kerala
The performance of Kerala on the demographic front received
worldwide attention and admiration. Demographic transition of Kerula
State began earlier than that of the other States of India, but i t was later
than that of several East Asinn developing countrics. "Kerala model of
demographic transition" was different from that of the developed countries.
It was also different from the demographic transition in the East Asian
regions such as Taiwan, Korca, Singapore, Hong Kong, etc. There are
significant differences in the experience Kerala's of demographic transition
from that of the other States in India such as Tamil Nadu, or Andhra
Pradesh, which experienced fertility transition to near replacement level a
few years after Kerala had reached that stage. Thus, Kerala's experience of
demographic transition and the factors that contributed to the transition
were characteristically different (Zachariah, 1998).
At the time of Indian Independence, Kerala's population was about
12.5 million and it was growing at a rate of about 2.2 percent per year.
; Fifty years later, in 1997, the population of Kerala grew to a little under 3 1 I
million. At present i t is now growing at a very much-reduced rate of under
0.9 per cent per year. In the mean time, the growth rate reached its peak
level of 2.3 per cent per year during 1961-71. Until 1971, the rate of
population growth in Kerala was higher than that of the country as a whole,
but from 1971 onwards, Kerala's growth became progressively slower.
Many authors who have written on India's population growth have
made a note of Kerala's high female literacy, its custom of matrilineal
116
inheritancc, political leadership co~ninitted to social welfdre, a scttlcnleilt
pattern that promoted individualism, communicalion and greatcr utilization
of social services, etc. as probable reasons for the low 1cve.l~ of fertility and
mortality in the State (Nair, 1974, 1986; Krishnan, 1976; Ratcliffe, 1978;
Nag, 1983). Literacy and education reflect the social development of a
community. Kerala had the highest literacy rate7 in India. The literacy rate
that was 47.18 percent in 195 1 almost doubled in 200 1 census. Accordong
to 2001 Census, literacy for the population aged seven and above was
90.92 percent as against 89.81 in 1991.The male literacy rate was 94.20
percent and the fernale literacy rate was 87.86 in 2001. The corresponding
figures in 199 1 census were 93.62 percent and 86.17 percent respectively.
The difference between male and female literacy declined from 20 points
in 1961 to 6 points in 2001. The all India level for the male and female
literacy rates were 75.85 and 54.16 respectively in 200 1
3.4 Population Profile According to Religious Affiliation in India
Among the various socio-cultural fixtors influencing fertility ,
religion was considered as an important one. Several researches
undertaken for studying the fertility within multi-religious populations
found variations in fertility hehaviours among different religious groups.
Studies conducted in the United States clearly revealed higher fertility
among Roman Catholics and lower among the Jews, (Jones and Nortman,
1969). Similarly, i n many studies the existence of fertility differentials
among religious groups was observed (Davis, 1968; Zachriah 1994 and
Rajan, 2005).
1 The percentagc of people aged 15 and nbovc who, can, with understanding, bolh read and write a short, ~irnple statement on their cvcryday life. The literacy rate was calculated for total population excluding population of 0-h years.
Table 3.3
Growth Rate of Different Religious Communities in India, 1901-2001
At the beginning of the 2oth century, the growth rate of Muslim
11991-01 1 1.9
was slightly lower than that of Hindus. After that the Muslims in India
Christian
2.6
1.9
2.9
registered higher growth rates in comparison with the other two religious
communities. Even during the influenza decade of 191 1-21, when India's
growth rate of population was zero and the Hindus registered negative
1951-61 2.0 1.9
I 2.8 3 1961-71 2.2 2.1 2.7
1971-81 2.2 2.2 2.7
1981-91 2.1 2.0 , 1.2 1
.
Year I
Total
1901-1 1 1 0.6
Source: Con~plied from S.1 Rajan (2005), Figures for 1981 include Assam and figures for 1991 include Jammu and Kashmir, where the census could not be conducted.
1.8
growth rate, Muslims registered a minimal growth rate of 0.1 percent and
Hindu
0.5
-0.1
1 .O
0.6
2.4 I
-
191 1-21
1021-31 I- 1931-41
1941-51
2.6 1 2.0 1
Christians registered 1.9 percent growth rate per annum.
Muslim
0.3 -
0.1
1.4
-1.8
0.0
1 .O
1.1
1.5
The turning point of Hindu, Muslim and Christian population growth
rate was the Independence of India. Muslims registered a negative growth rate
of -1.8 percent per annum during 1941-51 resulting from the large-scale
about fertility. Even if we could state what was the net content of the
teaching of the sacred scriptures of thc religion to procreation we might not
know how influential they were in determining the number of children. The
observed differences in fertility were rno s tly due to socio-economic
differences among the people even in between the religious groups
(Chaudhury, 197 1 and 1 984).
The Muslim population was growing faster in the poorer parls of
Bihar, Jharkhand, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh than in the comparativcly
developed States of Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Andhra Pradesh or Karnataka. I1i
fact, in Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh, the Muslim
population growth was lower than the national average. That suggested that
socio-economic backwardness led to higher fertility. That the socio-
economic condition of Muslims was worse than that of Hindus, particularly
in the urban areas, was borne out by all available facts. About 59 per cent of
Muslim women did not attend school; 60 per cent of then1 were married by
the age of 17 and hardly 14 per cent of them were registered for work
participation, (Asha, 2004).
According to census 200 1, Hindu religion was the major religious
group in the country. They made up 80.5 percent of the population, (827.57
million). The other significant religions of the country were the Muslims
with 13.4 percent; (138.18 million) followed by Christians 2.34 percent,
(240.80 nill lion) . Sikhs, 1.94 percent, (19.21 million) and the
Buddhists, with 7.95 million population accounting for 0.8 pcrccnt of the
total population. Similarly, during 2001 the total population of Jains in
India was 4.2 million, which was almost 0.4 percent of the total population.
Table 3.4
Population by Religious Communities in India, 1961-2001 (in 000's)
Source: A snapshot of population size, distribution, growth and socio cconomic characteristics of religious communities from Census 2001.Note: 1. Figures for 2001 exclude Mao Maram, Paomata and Puml sub-divisions of Senapati district of Manipur; 2. All India figures for 1981 and 1991 exclude Assam and Jammu & Kashmir respectively as no census was conducted there.
Chart 3.3
Populations by Religious Communities, India- 1961-2001
1200000 m 1000000 -
800000 -
600000 -
400000
200000
0
1955 1960 ' 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 - ------
AU -m- Hindus t Muslims + Christians 1 -- - - - - - - - -
Table 3.5
When lndia became independent in 1947, part of it became a
sovereign independent country, Pakistan. A large number of Muslims left
lndia and moved to Pakistan. Still in 195 1 (first census after independence)
there were 35 million Muslims living in Tndia, who formed the largest
minority (Shariff, 1993). According to this census there were 304 million
Hindus and about 8.3 million Christians. The Hindu population grew at a
rate of 21.3, 25.1 and 20.3 percent respectively during the past three
decades and in 1991-2001 they were 827.57 millions. Table 3.6 shows the
decadal growth rates of religious communities in Inclia during 1961-2001 .
The Muslim population grew at the rate of about 22.9, 34.5, and 36.8
percent each decade during the same period and by 2001 there were 138.18
million Muslims living in Tndia. The growth of Christians was 22.6, 21.5,
and 13.7 during the corresponding periods. The decadal growth rate of
Christians during 199 1-200 1 was higher than that of the previous decades.
In the I5 major States of India, the Hindu population was the
majority except in Jammu and Kashmir and Punjab. Jaminu and Kashrnir
were the only State where Muslims were the majority, Sikhs wcrc the
majority in Punjab and Christian population was mostly concentrated in
Kerala, (about 19 percent of the total population). In Kerala and West
Bengal the Hindu population was bclow the all India average, (Census,
2001).
Muslims
Christians
Table 3.6
Decadal Growth Rates of Religious Communities in India, 1961-2001
1991.01
22.7
20.3 ~
Religion
All
Hindus
Sikhs
Source: A snapshot of population size, distribution, growth and socio ccor~orl~ic characteristics of religious communities from Census 200 1.
32.3 1 26.0 1 24.3 1 18.2 1 Buddhists
Jains
Others
3.5 Demographic Profile of Kerala
1961-71
24.8
23.7
According to the Census records, India had a population of 548
million in 1971, 683 million in 1981, and 846 million in 1991 .The
population of India as of lSt March 2001 stood at 1,027 million. The
corresponding figure for Kerala was 32 million of which 15.5 million were
males and 16.4 million females. The rate of natural increase, computed
from subtracting the rate of net migration from the intercensal growth rate,
revealed some interesting features of' the demographic transition in Kerala
and that of India. Table: 3.7 shows the demographic characteristics of India
and Kerala over the last 100 years. Even though India had a negative
growth rate during 19 1 1 - 192 1, the growth rate of Kerala remained positive.
As in the case with the rest of India, the increase of Kerala's population
accelerated from the influenza decade of 191 1-1921. It is also clear that
19.1
28.5
45.9
1971-81
21.4
21.3
1981-91
26.0
25.1
23.8
23.1
26.6
35.3
4.6
18.2
24.5
26.0
103.1
there was another spurt in the growth that began in 1941-5 1. Kerala
registered a growth of more than 2 per cent during 194 1- 197 1 . Until 197 1,
Kerala's growth rate was always higher than India's general growth rate
and India overtook Kerala in terms of growth rate only during 197 1-198 1.
Table 3.7
Demographic Profile of Kerala, 1901-2001
Source: Compiled from various censuses: Bhat and Rajm, 1990; I Rajan and Zachariah, 1998: Zachariah, 2003.
Growth Rate
India Kerala
1901 6,396,232 0.81 972 1004
1931 9,507,050 1 .Ol 1.98 950 1022 90
Over the last century there was a five-fold increase in Kerala's
1951
1961
1971
1981
1991
2001
population (6 million in 1901 to 32 million in 2001.), whcreas India's
population growth was slightly more than three-fold (238 nlillion in 1901
13,549,i 18
16,903,715
21,347,325
25,453,650
29,098,518
31,838,619
1.25
1.96
2.22
2.20
2.14
1.93
2.06
2.21
2.33
1.76
1.34
0.91
946
941
930
934
927
933
1028
1022
1016
1032
1036
1058
117
142
177
216
167
324
---- 349
435
549
655
749
819
-0.11
-0.20
-0.16
-0.22
-0.31
-0.27
to 1.027 million in 2001). However, Lhe growth rate of Kerala during the
previous decade was only 0.9 1 per cent, thc lowest after the Sonnation 01
the State in 1956. Also, among a11 the Statcs and Union Territorics of India,
eral la registered the lowest growth rate during 1991-2001. Among the 14 ?
districts of Kerala, the lowest growth rate was observed in Pathanamthitta,
whereas the highest growth rate was registered in Malapurarn. Generally,
the northern districts of Kerala exhibited a higher growth pattern and the
southern districts follow the lower population growth rate, (for more details
see chapter V).
3.5.1 Birth Rate in Kerala
Kerala's birth rate was 45 per 1000 population in 1947. The rate of
decline gained momentum in the late 60s and the decline continued till the
early 1990s. By 1993, the birth rate reached an all time low of about 17
births per 1000 population and al'ter that the rate did not show any
tendency to decline. In 1997, the birth rate rernaincd at a level of about 17-
18. As this trend persists, the population of the State is supposed to
stabilize after about 30-40 years and decline eventually. In this case, the
total population of Kerala may not exceed 35-36 million at any time.
3 5 2 Density of Population
One of [he distinguishing features of Kerala's population is its high
densityL0. Keraln is one of the most densely populated regions in India. 1
Even~at the beginning of this century, the dcnsity of population in Kerala
was higher than the all India level. Despite significant out-migration (to
other niltio~ls from Kerala), the density of populalion in Kerala in 199 1 was
nearly 750 persons per square kilometer, nearly three times the all India
average of 267 persons, which increased to 8 19 (Kerala) and to 324 in India
in 2001. Among the major States, Kcrala had the highest density of
population until 1981. But by 199 1 West Bengal took the lead position.
Now Kerala is in the ~hird position and the second position having been
taken up hy Bihar. The differcnce between Kerala and West Bengal was
only 17 persons in 1991 and it increased to 85 pcrsons in 2001. Among the
14 districts the density of six districts was lower than the State average. Tn
2001 the highest density of population was recorded in Alappuxha and the
lowest in Idukki (Census 2002).
- "' Population per unil of land area, i,e., persons pcr quare mile or persons pcr square kilometer
of arahle land. Since the area is in squarc kilometers, the densily of population is also rncasured in squarc kilometers.
1
Source: Census 200 1
Ranking of Districts by the Density of Population in Kerala, 1991-2001
Rank in 2001
I
1
2
3
4
5
b
7
8
9
I 0
1 1
12
13
13
- L I
Districts
Alappuzha
Thiruvananthapuram
Kozhikode
Ernaku lam
Kol lam
Malappuram
Trissur
Kottayam
Kannur
Kasaragod
Palakkad
Pathana~nthitta
Wayanad
Idukkr
Kerala
Rank in 1991
1
2
3
5
4
7
h
8
9
1 0 -
11
12
13
13
-
Population
200 1
1488
1476
1228
1050 --
I037 -
1022
98 1
884
813
604
584
467 ppppp-
369
252
819
Density
1991
1415
1343
1118
963
967
872
903
828
759
538
532
450
315
236
749
Table: 3.10
Ranking of Districts by Sex Ratio in Kerala, 1991-2001
Rank in 2001
1 2 1 Trissur 1 1092 1 1085 I 1 1
I I I I
1
Districts
Pathanamthitta 1 1094 1062
3
4
5
6
A
8 Kozhikode -58 1027 9
Sex Ratio
2001 1 1991
7
Rank in 1991
Kamur
Alappuzha
Kollam
Palakkad
Malappuram
9
1090
1079
1070
1068
I
8 1 Thiruvanamthapurarn
11
12
Source: Census 2001
1063
Kasargod
13 -
-
1049
1051
1035
1031
1053
I058
10 1 Kottayam 1 1025 1 1003
Ernakulam
6
5
8 -
I
1036 'i- 1047 --
I I
Idukki
Kerala
1026
1017 I
Wayanad I 1000
993
1058
966 14
1000
975
1036
12
3.5.3 Sex Ratio
Sex ratio" is the proportion bctween the number of males and
females in the population at a given place, Kerala has a unique position in I
regard to sex ratio. It is the only State with an excess llurnber of females
and the only one where the numbcr of females grew in excess consistently
during the past century. The scx ratio of Kerala gradl~ally increased from
1004 in 1901 to 1028 in 1951 and then showed a slight declining trend in
1961 and 1971. After that a steady increasing trend. According to 2001
census Kerala was the only State in India where sex ratio was above the
equality ratio and broke the records of 100 years with 1058 females per
1000 males. Although part of the reason for the higher sex ratio was the
out- migration of males, studies showed that female mortality rate improved
considerably over the years unlike the o ther States in India. The pattern of
sex ratio was uniform in all the districts and the overall scx ratio was
favourable to females in all the districts in Kerala. In the 2001 Census the
highest sex ratio was observed in Pathanamthi tta, Thrissur and Kannur
districts and the lowest in the Idukki, Wayanad and Ernakulam districts,
Table: 3.10.
3.5.4. Literacy
Kerala is the rnost literate State in the country. There had been an
increase in the literacy rate from 47.18 in 195 1 to 90.92 in 2001. The
literacy rate, which was calculated for total population excluding
population of 0-6 years, was 90.92 percent with a break up of 94.20 percent
for rnales and 87.86 percent for females. The corresponding figures at the
199 1 census were 89.8 1, 93.62 and 86.17 percent respectively, Table 3.1 1.
Among all the districts of the State the highest literacy rate was in
Kottayam (95.90 percent) and the lowest rate in Palakkad (84.3 1 percent).
I I The nu~ilhcr of females per 1000 males i n a population
A discernible feature of literacy rate in Kerala was that the belt of
Kottayam, Alappuzha, and Pathanamthitta districts had very high lit-9 rate with 95.90, 93.66 and 95.09 percent respectively.
Table 3.11
Literacy Rate in Kerala, 1951-2001
Source: Coniplird from various Census Reports. Note: In 1951. 1961. 1971, literacy rate is the percentage of literates to total population aged 5 years and above. In 1981, 1991 and 2001 it is the percentage of literates to population aged 7 years and above.
I Year
Tn almost all the studies related to the determinants of fertility
decline in Kerala, the State's high educational level and low mortality rates
were found to be the key factors. All the studies on fertility decline and
lower mortality level observed the impact of the increase in women
education in Kerala. Pursuit of education delayed the traditional age of
marriage of women. Age of marriage of women moved to the age of
completing high school and college education. Education also gave them
better understanding of marriage, family and family planning methods. All
these resulted in fertility declined. This is the diffusion point of view.
Persons Males Females
Table 3.12
Literacy Rate by Sex and Districts in Kerala, 1991-2001
I T i t
I ) Ernakulam 1 92.301 93.421 95.40 95.95 89.22 90.961
ldukki 1 86.97 1 88.58 1 90.891 92.1 1 1 82.971 85.04 1
Kollam
Source: Census1991 and 2001; Note: * Literacy rate is the percentage of literates to population aged 7 years and above.
3.5.5 Family Planning
Family planning'2 is considered to be an important intcrrnediate
variable al'f'ecting fertility. According to the Ministry of Health and Family
Welf&e, almost half of the couples in Kerala are protected by some family
planning lncthods to postpone or stop births. However, the data from the
Directorate of Health Services (DHS) reveal that the Couple Protection
Rate (CPR), which was 37 percent in 1981, almost doubled in 1992 (72.2
percent) and that the current rate is 64 percent. Among the districts in
Kerala, Thiruvananthapuram reported the highest CPR with 8 1 pcrcent and
Palakkad the lowest with 43.1 1 percent. The relative contribution of the
two principal proximate determinants also underwent a major change. In
the beginning, much of the fertility decline was caused by the increase in
age of marriage, but in the 1980s and 1990s fertility declines were caused
more (80-90 per cent of the total decline) by the family planning
programmes than through the irlcrcasc in the age of marriage.
In the beginning family planning in Kerala was virtually a
sterilization programme with vasectomy, but after 1973 tubectomy became
more common. In recent years, there has been a slight upward trend in the
proportion of couples who resort to temporary methods of family planning.
More than 30 per cent of the sterilization operations in Kerala were done in
private hospitals, indicating that in Kerala, private hospitals and clinics
played an important role in the implementation of family planning
programme.
I ? The conscious effort of couples to regulalc Ihe nu~rlher ni~d spacing of birlhs Ihroupli artificial natural methods of contraception. Family planning connotes conception conlrol to avoid pregnancy abortion, but i t also includcs crrorts of couples to induce pregnancy.
Table: 3.13
Couple Protection Ratio by District in Kerala, 1981-1999
Districts 1981 2990 1992 1999
Kassaragod
Kannur
Wayanad
Kozhikode
Malappuram
Palakkad
Trissur
Enlakulam
ldukki
Kottayam
Alappuzha
Pathanamthi tta
Kollr-lm
Thiruvananthapurnm
Kerala 36.8 60.9
Source: Direclorate of Health Services, Thiruvanan~hapura~n.
3.5.6 Nuptiality
~ u ~ t i a l i t ~ " plays an important role in determining fertility.
Nuptialily is the ratio of the number of married wolncn to Ihe total number
of population. It is a major determinant of fertility. Evcn Mslthus (1798),
recommended lhal delayed marriage as a preventive measure for
I i The [nost basic rare4 cuprc\s thc nurnber uf ~nnrriages per lhou\and ~,opulatinn, or lhc nullher of people per thousand rrlarrying in n p b e n year.
137
controlling the growth of population. The age of marriage was not uniform
across different regions. It varied even within societies in the same area
(Zachariah and Ra.jan, 1997). If measures are taken to raise the age of
marriage among all sections of the society in Kerala, Zero Population
Growth (ZPG) can easily be achieved before 2020. However, this is not to
be achieved by the imposition of any coercive policies but through the
creation of awareness among people belong to the lower strata of the
society where the age of marriage still remains comparatively low
(Krishnakumari and Moli, 1997).
Kerala has always maintained a relatively higher age of marriage.
Even though. the age for marriage of girls in Kerala was about 15-16 years
In 1947, it was higher compared to that in the other States of India. By
1997, the mean age of marriage for girls increased to about 22-23 ycars,
which affected the fertility rate of women in the 15-24 age group very
significantly. According to the 1991 cenqus, the proportion of ~narried
women in thc 15-24 age group was 34 per cent compared to 51 percent in
1951. Other things being equal, this 17 percentage point dccline in the
number of married women in the 15-25 age group made a similar
contribution to the fertility decline during the period. Age of maniage of
women differed very significantly according to the socio-economic
characteristics of the woman and her husband. Education was the principal
differentiating factor. The more a woman was educated the higher was her
age at marriage. At present, the interval between the age of puberty and the
age of marriage is about 10 years in Kerala. Thirty years ago, the intcrval
was only about 3 years. As marriages began to be delayed more and more,
the interval also got extended. Such extension had its positive effect on
fertility reduction and the girl's educational attainments. But in many
families in Kerala, the waiting period tended to be too long, bringing with
it many social and psychological problems (Zachariah, 1998).
factors like literacy, family income, religion, work participation,
, percentage of population residing at rural or urban areas labour force in . .
y-iculture and sex ratio of the general population. Any change in the
above said factors changed the age of marriage. Workrrlg women with a
higher educational level usually had higher mean age at marriage while the
uneducated employed women had a low age at m'miage. A study carried
out by Goyal (1988) among the various districts of western India
substantiated these points.
Table 3.14
Mean Age at Marriage Among Females in Kerala, 1901-2001
Source: Con~plied from Zachariah and lrudya Rajan (1997) and Census 200 1
I
Year
1901
' 1911
1921
1931
194 1
1951
196 1
1971
198 1
199 1
200 1
Male
23.2
23.8
23.3
25.6
25.6
26.3
26.6
27 .O
27.5
27,9
28.7
Female
17.1
17.3
17.8
19.6
19.3
19.8
20.2
21.3
22.1
22.6
22.7
Difference
6.1
6.5
5.5
6.0
6.3
6.5
6.4
5.7
5.4
5.3
6.0
Table 3.14 reveals that the age of marriage of women in Kerala was
always higher than that of India even at the turn of this century. Between
1901 and 1951, the increase in the age of marriage for males and females
was 3.1 and 2.7 years respectively. However, over the last 40 years, the
increase in the age of marriage was not impressive for males (1.6 years),
but it continued to increase for females (2.5 years). The increase in the age
of marriage among males and females during 1901-1 99 1 was 4.7 and 5.2
years respectively.
Among the districts in Kerala, the highest female age of m.arriage
for females was found in Ernakulam, Kottayam and Alappuzha districts,
and the lowest in Malappuram as per the 1991 census. According to the
1991 census, only 0.28 percent of males and 3.23 percent of females
married before they complete 20 years of age. However, there were some
variations among districts. The highest proportion of married females
below 20 years of age was found in the district of Malappuram (7.23
percent) and the lowest was observed in the district of Kottayam (0.88
percent). During the last 40 years the proportion of females marrying
below 20 years was on the decline (Zachariah and Rajan1997).
Chart 3.6 Mean Age at Marriage for Kerala
districts. This trend is shown in Table 3.15. The highest increase during
1931-1981 was noticed in Kvttayam whereas in 198 1-1991 the highest
/ increase was in Ernnkularn. Thc higllcst age of marriage for females was
found in the district of Ernakulanl (23.73) and the lowest in the district of
Malappuram (20.49). From the trends in the agc of nlrtrriage, i t can be said
that age of marriage of males and females in all the districts of Kerala was
higher than the minimum level prescribed by the Indian law.
Source: Complied fro~n Zachariah and Raji:m ( 1 997); and WHS-I1
Table 3.15 Trends in Age at Marriage in Kerala, 1971-1991
According to Zichariah and Rajan, who based their study on other
r
District
Kerala
Kassorgod
Kannur
Wayanad
Kozhikode -
Malappuram
Palakkad
surveys including the Kerala Fertility Survey and the NFHS-I and NFHS-
Male I Female
1971 -~
26.30
27.43
-
26.51
24.85
21.14
22.13
2 1.87
23.07 --
23.09
-
22.35
22.59
1981
27.20
-
25.87
25.05
27.01
25.3 1
28.39
28.68
26.87
28-13
28.21
27-42
27.90
27.75
27.49
27.84
25.90
27.43
27.83
-
27.37
27.84
Trissur
Ernakul am
Idu kki
22.70
23.78
22.80
21.68
23.40
22.90
22.72
22.76
1981
21.90
-
21.03
20.37
20.62
19.34
27.19
27.09
-
22.4
23.7
23.0
24.4
22.9
23.2
22.2
22.6 --
29.67
1391
27.90
28.41
28 78
26.33
27 91
25.78
26 08 ---
29.1
28.5
25.8
28.2
28.1
27.6 -
25.2
28.0
1991 -
22.30
21.68
22.43
2 1.48
21.42
20.49
27.50 26.71
21.87
22.08
-
21.88
22.15
-
22.47
21 $5
Kottayam I 26.31 I
NE'HS-XI
22.7
20.6
20.8
20.5
20.6
.- 18.7
21.77
L
NFWS-U
Alappu~ ha
20.9 P
1971
27.3
27.24
20.31
l~athanamthilta 1 26.36 CII--
Kol lam -
27.81
Trivandrum 26.30 -
28.7 20,80
27.6
28.4
25.6
26.7
24.7
i - -
19.98
-
19.61
18.7 1
11, though the age at first marriage among Kerala females was high
compared to that among the females al l over Indin, the differentials were
large. There was a five-year difference in the age of rnarriagc between
illiterate women and those who completed high school education. Also the
difference between Muslin1 and Christian women was five years.
A major reason for fertility decline since 1970s was the high mean
age of marriage. According to Kerala Fc.rtility Survey, an increase in age at
marriage contributed 20 per cent to the total fertility reduction in
Ernak~llam, whereas in Palakkad and Malappuram, the increase of the age
of marriage contributed only 10 per cent for the fertility decline. While
explaining the differentials on the klge of female nlarriage, it is found that
fcmale literacy influenced the age uf female marriage to a substantial
extent (.Zachariah, 1 984).
Table 3,16 Median Age at Marriage among Females by Socio-economic
- Differentials in Kexala, 1992-93 - and 1998-99 Age at Marriage
Urban 1 20.3 I 21.7
Socioeconomic Charaeteristies 1 1992-93
Residence
1998-99
Literate and below middle complete 1 18.6 1 18.8
Rural
Education Illiterate
Middle school complete 1 20.5 1 20.2
19.6
18.2
19.9
18.1
High school and above - Religion and Caste Hindu Muslim
ST 1 18.7
23.6 - .
20.4 16.7
-
22.7
21.2 17.7
Source: NFHS-I and NFHS-11
Thc results of the First National Family Health Survey. (NFHS-
1992-93), indicate that fertility control programmes were successful in the
case of all socio-economic groups in Kerala. Differentials by religion were
[he largest and narrowed the least. Muslims had the highest current and
cohort fertility of any group. Muslim fertility was higher than that of
Hindus and Christians by more than one child per family Table 3.17. The
Second NFHS also revealed that the total fertility rate (TFR) for Kerala
was 1.96 in 1998-99 and the sane differentials existed among different
socio-economic characteristics of the population. (International Institute for
Population Sciences, 2000)
Table 3.17
Source: NFHS, 1992-93: 1998-99
Fertility by Religion in Kerala, NFHS-I, NFHS-I1
According to the Second NFHS-11, fifty-five percent of household
heads in Kcrala were Hindus, 26 percent were Muslims, and 19 percent
Religion
were Christians. Muslims constituted only 16 percent of the urban
households and 29 percent of rural households.
TFR
The number of children that a woman will have in her lifetime is
Mean Number of Children Ever Born to Women
Aged 40-49
Hindu
Muslim
Christian
dependent on the age at which marriage is consummated. NFHS-I1
1.66
2.97
1.78
1.64
2.46
1.88
3.19
5.33
3.28
2.58
4.26
2.64
measured the age of the first cohabitation as a proxy for the age of
consummation of marriage. Although in some States (in India) cohabitation
usually did not follow the formal marriage, in Kerala, there was only a
negligible difference between the age of the first marriagc and age at the
first cohabitation with husband for all age groups. Ages of marriage,
cohabitation, and consumn~ation of marriage were all likely to coincidc for
the vast majorily of womcn in Kerala. In Kerala, the mcdian age of first
cohabitation with the husband was 20.3 years for women age 25 - 49. The
median age was highcr by about one year (21 years) for womcn age 25 - 29
than for the women of older age group (20 years).
The median age at first cohabitation rose sharply with women's
level of education from 18 years among illiterate women to 23 years
among women who completed at least the high school cducation. 'The
median was higher for Christian women (23 years) than for Muslim (18
years) or Hindu (21 years) women. It was lower by about one year for
women from the scheduled castes and other backward classes. The median
age at first cohabitation was also higher among the womcn from
households with a higher standard of living, compared with the women
from households with a low or medium standard of living.
3.5.7 Marriage squeeze
Rapidly declining fertility rate had its effect on the parity between
the number of femalcs and the number of males in the marriage-age
groups. As females married at relatively younger ages than males, the
number of females in the marriage market usually exceedcd the number of
eligible males. However, the situation changed considerably when fertility
declined rapidly as it occurred.in Kerala during the last two decades. The
effect of such a fertility decline was felt initially in the number of females
in the usual ages of marriagc. As males normally got married at highcr
ages, the effect of a fertility decline on the size of their age group was felt
only 5-6 years later. In Kerala, most females got irlarried when they wcre in
the age group 20-24 years and most males got married when they were in the
25-29 age group. The difference betwcen the number of fenlales and males
in these age groups was the measure of the marriage squceze in the State
Table 3.18
Population of Marriageable Age in Kerala, 1961-2001
Females in the age group 20-24 years always outnumbered the
1961
t 197 1
C
1 198 1
199 1
200 1
males in the age group 25-29 years. The excess was as much as 20 per cent
in 1961 which increased to 34 per ccnt in 1971, greatly increasing the
marriage squeeze. Froin that time on it declined with the result that the
Source: Complied frcltn Zachariah and Rajan (1997); Census 2001 . . . . .
755,227 -
1,012,032
1,364,026
1,634,240
1,448,101
females in Kerala had a much wider choice in finding suitable grooms than
they ever had in the past. The number of females in lhe 20-24 year age
group became more or less the same as the number of males in the 25-29
604,244
year age group in 200 1. This was a welcome consequence of the fertility
decline during the last two decades (Rajan and Zachariah, 1998).
150,983 19.99 1 347,667 34.35
1,005,88 1 358,145 26.26
1,263,540 1 370,700
1,377,9 10 70,191 4.85 1
3.5.8 Migration
As already pointed out, the educational development created an
imbalance of educatcd people and eniploynient opportunities. Migration to
the other parts of India, where thcre wcre more employment opportunities
and to other countries, where therc were better job opportunities, was one
of the necessary solutions for the crisis.
The oil boom of the 1970s in the Gulf Countries brought about a
new chapter in the history of migration from the State. Large number of
migrants from India and especially from Kcrala began to move to the Gulf
countries. Around 1975, the estimated number of migrants from India in
the Gulf countries was 150,000, majority of whom were from Kerala. A
study conducted by the Kerala Government placed the total emigrants and
out-migrants from Kerala at 680,000 of whom 301,000 were in Gr~lf
countries. According to Zachariah and others, about 10 per ccnt of the
Kerala families had one or more migrants in the Gulf countries by 1990s
(Zachariah et al. 1994). Migration from Kerala was never a very significant
component of population growth in the State. The ~naximum effect was in
the decade 1981-91 when net migration rate was 0.30 per cent compared
with a natural increase rate of 1.63 per cent per year. In Kerala, migration
must have contributed more to the alleviation poverty than to any other
socio-economic factor including agrarian reforms, trade union activities
and social welfare legislation (Zachariah, Mathew and Inldaya Raj an,
2003)
3.6 Fertility Trend
The fertility showed a significant declining trend in Kerala
particularly after the 1970s. According to the surveys the Total Fertility
Rate declined from 5.8 to I .7 by 199 1 and then stabilized at that point.
However, at the all India level the TFR was still higher than the
replacement level of 2 children per womcn. There was a decline in thc
crude birth rate (CBR) from 29.3 in 197 1-75 to 17.8 in 1990-93.The
fertility rate declined continuously in both in thc rural and urban areas.
Reliable data on fertility trends of Kerala are available only since the
in~roduc tion of SRS . However, several authors made estinlates on fertiliiy
using available census data of the different periods. Table 3.19 gives the
estimates of some fertility incasures for Kerala and India from 195 1-2001
Table: 3.19
Estimates of CBR and TFR in Kerala and India, 1951-2001
Source: Bhat, 1987, 1996; Guli~noto and Rajan (2005); SRS: NFHS-11.
Decade
195 1-61
1961-7 1
1971-81
1981-91
1991-01
SRS (1998-99)
NFHS (1998-1999)
According to the figures presented in the table, the Crude Birth
Rate, (CBR) in Kerala came down from 44 per 1000 in 195 1-6 1 to 17.1 per
1000 in 199 1-2001. Thc Total Fertility ate'^, (TFR) declined from 5.6
I4 The average nuinber of children that would ht: horn LO a woman (or group OF women), during hcr lire time if she were to pass through her chiidhcuring years conforming to the age specific rcrlility ralcs of a giben year. This rare is son~t: statcd us the numbers of childrcn wornen are having today.
Crude Birth Rate Total Fertility Rate
Kerala
43.9
37.1
28.1
20.3
17.1
18.3
18.6
Kerala
5.6
5 .0
3.4
2.0
1.7
1.8
2.0
India
47.1
33.0
37.2
3 1.6
25.9
26.5
24.8
India
6.3
6.0
5.2
4.6
3.3
3.2
2.9
births in 1951-61 to 2.3 in 1986 and 1.7 in 1991-2001. Even in 1951-61,
Kerala had a lower fertility rate than the all-India average. The difference
.was about 3 per 1000 in the CBR and 0.7 births per woman in the TFR. As
'fertility declined faster in Kerala, the gap between the two (CBR and TFR)
increased, and in 197 1-8 1 it was as much as 1 1 per 1000 in the CBR and 2
births per woman in the TFR. The sinall difference in fertility between
Kerala and the all India average during 195 1-61 was due to the higher age
of marriage among Kerala women. However, the large difference in
fertility levels seen in the table came about mainly because of the greater
use of contraception in Kerala. There was some decline in fertility in
Kerala between 195 1-6 1 and 196 1-7 I , and it was falling very rapidly after
196 1 -7 1 (Guilmoto and Rajan, 2005).
Chart 3.7
Crude Birth Rate, Kerala and India, 1951-2001
Chart 3.8
Total Fertility Rate, Kerala and India, 1951-2001
The Child-Woman ~ a t i o ' ~ , (CWR), computable from age
pstribution in the census was helpful to understand the time of the onset of
apid fall in fertility. The CWR calculated from the censuses for Kerala as
whole (for the Southern and Northern parts of Kerala) is shown in Table
.20. Two kinds of ratios are presented, one obtained by dividing the
population of ages 0-4 by the number of women in the age interval 15-49
FCWRI), and the other by dividing the population of ages 5-9 by the
bumber of women in the age interval 20-55 (CWk). The former ratio
brovided information on the level of fertility in the last 5 years preceding
the census, while the latter ratio gave the same information for the 5-9
years preceding the census.
IS 'Tl~e number of children urlder age 5 per 1000 women in the agc groups 15-44 or 15-49 in a population in given year. This cnlde fertility measure, based on basic census data, is some times used when more basic fertility information is not available.
I
Table 3.20
Changes in CWRs in Kerala, 1951-2001
Source: Gulirnoto and Rajan 2005. Note: Southern Kerala comprising Thiruvanmthapuram. Kollnrn Alnppuzba. Kottayam, Idukki, Emakulam and Trissur districts in 188 1 and Pathananthit ta, in 1991 .Nourthem Kenla comprising Kannu r, Waymiid, Kozhikode, Malappuram and Palakkad districts in 198 1
Year
Kerala had one of the highest inaritaI fertility in the country before
family planning became popular in the State. However, because of the
higher age of marriage and the relatively low proportion of married women
in the young reproductive ages, the actual fertility rate (TFR) of women in
Kerala was not very high, between 5.6 and 6.0 in 1947. Fertility transition
in Kerala took almost a generation to reach a level significantly below the
Southern Kerala*
CI'R, 1-4
CWR
1951
1961
197 1
198 1
1991
200 1
% Change
Northern Kerala** Kerala
CWR
559
638
550
406
330
276
CWK % Change
CWR, 5-9
% Change
- -
14
- 14
-26
- 19
- 16
- -
37
4
-1 I
-44
-49
195 1
1961
1971
1981
199 1
2001
590
647
526
360
252
180
544
698
666
524
403
3 10
- -
10
-19
-32
-30
-28
--
2 8
-5
-2 1
-23
-24
50 1
622
59 1
482
290
200
- -
24
-5
-1 8
-40
-45
576
722
656
475
270
150
- -
2 5
- 9
-28
-43
-44
48 1
657
682
605
339
1 69
replacement level. This made the fertility transition in Kerala a unique
event in the demographic history of the sub-continent.
An important feature of the demographic transition in Kerala is that
the rate of decline in fertility was relatively constant after 1970. According
to the two studies conducted by Zachariah at an interval of ten years, the
rate of fertility decline in the districts under survey had remained more or
less constant over time and across the regions (Zachariah, 1984 and
Zachariah et al. 1993). The official State level data indicated a 25 per cent
decline in both the decades; 1971-80 and 1981-90 confirming the
constancy of the decline. This is perhaps an indication that a major factor
in the fertility decline was the family planning programme, which was
implemented uniformly across the State during 1970s and 1980s.
Kerala's land reform and other redistribution policies played a major
role in peoples making an option for a small family. Cohort of women who
got married after the implementation of land reform and intensification of
the family planning programme in Kerala had a distinctly lower fertility
level than women who were married before that period, (Zachaiah, 1984).
This could be taken as an indication of the major role which land reforms
and family planning programmes played in the fertility transition in the
State. In an analysis of the impact of land reforms on fertility using the
World Bank Fertility Study data Zachariah (1983) concluded that the
amount of land owned hy a household or the amount of land a household
gained or lost through the land reforms had very little association with the
fertility level of women in the household. Nevertheless, Zachariah
maintained that it was premature at that time to conclude that the land
reforms had no effect on fertility decline in Kerala. According to him, land
reforms had indirect influence on fertility by shaping family habits, the
value system, etc.",
In the beginning, when fertility rates were determined by biological
factors, the significance of socio-economic differentials was not seriously
taken; the fertility rate differences were explained by health related factors.
Considerable differentials emerged not in the fertility level and in the rate
of decline in fertility. The large decline arxlong the iniddle level socio-
economic groups was a reflection of' the differentials in the acceptance of
sterilization as a family planning method, By early 1990s, when fertility
level had reached near replacement level, socio-economic differentials in
most of the southern districts of Kerala had practically disappeared. This
might be taken as an indication of the universal acceptance of family
planning in these districts.
3.7 Trends in Mortality
Kerala's advantage in mortality position over India is not a recent
phenomenon. Because of the favorable climatic conditions, food
availability, settlement pattern, etc., living conditions in Kerala were
always better than those in the other parts of India. Death rate of Kerala
declined from about 25 deaths per 1 000 persons in 1947 to abo~it 6 deaths
per 1000 persons in 1997.The infant mortality rate (IMR) decreased from
over 150 in 1947 to about 13 infant deaths per 1000 births in 2001
compared to 72 for the whole of India. Reliable data on nlortality and
fertility trends of Kerala were available only after the introduction of the
Sample Registration S ys tem (SRS) in the late 1960s. Available estimates
16 People who gained a small plot of land under the land reform schemes modified thcir ramily building habits. A more fundamental change i n the desircd family sizc has come about through a change in the value system of the society. The place of land as cconomic asset was rcplaccd by acquired attributes such as education and heallh. This basic change in [he value system has had a deeper and more lasting impact on the demand Ibr rcrtilily control than has the physical redistribution of land brought about by the land reforms. In [his rcspect, land reform played a. significant role in the diffusion of birth control ideas nmonp Lhe population of Kerala.
show that, the crude death rate (CDR) in Kerala hovered around six during
the last decade and the infant mortality rate (IMR) declined marginally
from 16 per thousand live births in 1991 to 10 per thousand in 2002. In
2002 the life expectancy at birth in Kerala was 68 years for males and 74
years for females with a gender gap of six years in favour of females. One
of the strongest determinants of infant and child mortality in Kerala was
the educational level above four years of schooling of the mother.
3.8 District-wise Population Profile in Kerala According tu Religious Affiliation
In Kerala, fertility was higher among the Muslims compared to the
Hindus and the Christians and it remained so in spite of an overall low
fertility in the State. There was an increase in the growth rate of the three
religious groups during 1960s. Thereafter the growth rate showed a
declining trend for all the three groups, though the growth rate was
comparatively higher for the Muslims than for the Hindus and the
Christians, Tables3.21 - 3.25.
Table 3.21 Percentage Distribution of Population by Religion in Kerala, 1961
Source: census India, 196 1 .
Districts
Kerala
Kannur
Kozhikode
Palakkad
Trissur
Ernakulain
Koltayam
Alappuzha
Kollam
Trivandru m
Hindu
6037
69.5 3
63.60
75.55
62.89
46.15
48.93
65.40
64.16
7 1 -49
Muslim
17.91
23.5 3
30.52
22.55
12.64
1 1.26
03.83
06.08
1 1.57
10.79
Chris tian
21.22
06.94
05.88
01.90
24.47
42.66
47.24
28.52
24.27
17.72
According to the 197 1 census, Malappuram had the highest number
of Muslims among the districts, and the lowest number of Hindus and
Christians. The other district with a special demographic characteristic was
Kottayam, with the lowest number of Muslims and the highest number of
Christians. The largest and lowest of Hindu population was recorded in
Palakkad and Malappuram districts respectively
Table 3.22
Percentage Distribution of Population by Religion in Kerala, 1971
Districts
Kerala
Kannur
Kozhikode
Malappuram
1 Ernakulam 1 46.12 I 12.34 1 41.54 (
Hindu 1 Muslim
59.45 1 19.50 2 1.05 pp
I Christian 1
66.26
62.22
34.07
02.70
25.18
While there was an increase in Muslim population from 19.50
percent to 21.25 percent during 1981-91, Hindu and Christian population
had decreased from 59.45 to 58.18 and 21.05 to 20.56 respectively. The
highest percentage of Hindus was in Palakkad district (73.12), Christians in
24.34 09.40
2 1.27 --
13.69
Palakkad 76.03
I
Trissur
46.94
27.63
- 7
Kottayam
Alappuzha
30.63
61.13
Kollam
Thiruvananthapuralr
Source: census India, 197 1
07.16
- -
48.64 1 04.42
63.94 1 01.99
65.51 06.85
Kottayam (47.50) and Muslims in Malappuram (65.50). Persons belonging
lo other religions and persuasions are negligible
Table 3.23
Percentage Distribution of Population by Religion in Kerala, 1981
1 Districts I Hindu I Muslim I Christian
1 Kerala
Kozhikode 61.25 33.95 04.80
Malappuram 32.12 65.50 02.38
Kannur
Wayanad
1 Kottayam 1 47.54 1 04.96 47.50 1
64.76
50.97
Palakkad
Trissur
1 Alappuzha 1 65.52 1 07.45 1 27.03 1 1 Kollam 1 63.33 1 14.02 1 22.65 1
25.69
24.57
73.12
60.02
09.55
24.46
As per the census 1981, among Lhe Lhree major religions, Hinduism
is the most dominant religion in h e State that claims 58.18 percent of the
total population. Hindus are dominant in all the districts expect
Malappuram. In ~ a l a ~ p u r a m district Muslims take the first place with
65.50 percent. Numhcr of Muslims in Kannur, Wayanad. Kozhikode and
23.13
14.89
Trivandrum
03.75
25.10
Source: census India, 1981
69.80 12.50 17.70 1
Palakkad comes next to that of the Hindus while Christianity has the
second place in population i n all southern districts from Trissur to
Thiruvananthapuram.
Table 3.24
Percentage Distribution of Population by Religion in Kerala, 1991
Source: census India, 1991
Kottayam
Pathanamthitta
Alappuzha
Kollam
Trivandnlm
48.81
55.60
69.03
65.36
69.92
05.35
04.03
09.27
17.65
12.82
45.84
40.36
21.70
17.00
17.27
According to 1991 census, Hindus accounted for 57.35 percent of
the total population of the State. Muslims were the second largest religious
community with 23.37 percent and the Christians the third important
religious community with 19,32 percent. Palakkad recorded the highest
percentage of Hindus (70.36 percent), followed by Thimvananthapurnm
169.92) and Alappuzha (69.03). Among the 14 districts, the highest
proportion of Muslims was recorded in Malappuraiu with 67.38 percent.
Christians, the third important religious community, accounted for 19.32
percent of the State's population. Their percentage share was the highest in
Kottayam district (45.84 perccnt), followed by Ernakulam district (42.24
percent). The lowest percentage share of Christian population was noticed
in Malappuram with 2.33 percent, which is below the national average of
2.34 percent.
3,9 Religious Fertility Differentials in Kernla
Religious differentials in fertility have been empirically docunlented
in 14 districts of Kerala. According to 2001 census there was a decrease in
the proportion of Hindu and Christian population from 57.35 percent and
19.32 percent to 56.1 1 and to 19.02 percent respectively. At the same time
Muslim population increased by 1.36 point, that is, from 23.33 percent to
24.69 percent. Muslim population increased in all districts of Kerala during
1991-2001. W i l e the other two religious communities showed a declining
trend in their growth. Malappuram district had a population that was 68.53
percent Muslims as against 24.69 percent Muslim popualion for Kerala
State. Similarly, in 2001 Kerala had a population of 56.1 1 percent Hindus
as against 24.69 percent Muslims and 19.02 percent Christians.
Table 3.25
Population of Kerala by Religion, 2001
Source: Census Tndia 200 1
Table: 3.26
Percentage Distribution of Population by Religion in Kerala, 2001
Hindu
Muslim
Christian
Tolnl
1 Districts 1 Hindu I Muslim I Christian I
All religions
17883449
7863842
6057427
31841374
Male
8690473
377637 1
298 1 790
15468614
1 Kerala 1 56.1 1 I 24.69 1 19.02 1
Female
9 192976
408747 1
3075637
16372760
1 Kannur I 61.46 1 27.63 ~ 10.08 1 Kasargod
I Wayanad I 50.23 1 26.87 1 22.48 1 I Kozhikode I 57.97 1 37.46 1 04.42 1
58.85
I Malappuram I 29.16 1 68.53 1 02.24 1
34.30
Idukki I 50.18 1 07.19 1 42.57 I
07.05
Palakkad
Tris sur
Kottayarn I 49.31 1 05.97 1 44.60 1 Pathanarnthitta I 56.28 1 04.57 1 39.02 1
68.87
59.42
KO 1 lam 1 65.18 I 18.33 1 16.39 1
26.88
16.43
Alappuzha
04.17
24.21
69.08
Trivandrum
09.86
Source: census India, 2001
68.08
20.93
13.34 I
18.4 1
I
[ Table: 3. 27
Decadal Change in Population by Religion in Kerala, 1961-2001
i
Hindu 60.87
Muslim 17.91
Source: Joshi, Census India 2001
Christian
Chart: 3.9
Decadal Change in Population by Religion, KeraIa, 1961-2001
Year
59.45
19.50
l o b 0 C L 1950 1960 t 970 1980 1990 2000 2010
-- -- -
Muslim Christian 1 -- --
2 1.22
2001 1981 1961
58.18
21.25
1991 1971
21.05
57.35
23.33
56.1 1
24.69
20.56 19.32 19.02
Table: 3.28
Estimates Fertility by Religion in Kerala from Selected Sourccs
~ Source
SRS 1979 TFR
TMFR
Rural
Urban GFR
Reference Period
1981 Census TFR
TMFR
Rural
Urban
GFR
Religion
Hindu I Muslim I Christian
SRS 1984 TFR
TMFR Rural
Urban
GFR
1991 Census TFR
TMFR
Rural
Urban
GFR
NFHS-I TFR
NFHS-I1 TFR
Source: Alagarajan, (2000), NFHS-1 and NFHS-I1
I, Fertility es lilnates from different sources show that Muslim fertility
was a'ways been higher than Hindu fertility in India. In Kerala Muslin
fertility was substantially higher than thc Hindu and Christian fertility,
Table 3.28. The TFR shows a difference of more than one child between
Hindus and Muslims, while Christian fertility is nearly the same as Hindu
fertility. SRS 1979 data shows that Muslim fertility in Kerala was
substantially highcr, by 65 per cent more than Hindus fertility, whereas
fcrtility diffcrentials wcrc negligible between Hindus and Christians.
Estimates of 1981 Ccnsus showed that the Muslin1 fertility was over 60
percent higher than that of the Hindu\
TFR for both Hindus and Chr-istinns was just above 2, whereas this
was well above 3 among Muslims. 'l'he I984 SRS also shawecl higher
fertility Sor ~ u s l i n ~ s . Estirnales from 199 1 and 2001 Census showed hiyhcr
fertility for hluslims. NFHS-I and NFHS- I1 estimated Muslim fertility to
be higher than Hindu ancl Christian I'ei-tility. Thus, it can be said that, all
the estilnates confirrlled [hat Muslim lkrtility was substantially highcr than
the Hindu nr~d Christian Sertili ty in Kerala-
3.10 Determinants of Regional Differences in Fertility
Regional differences in fertilily wilhin the State were not providecl
by SRS or NFHS, Howevcr, some other exlensive surveys did provide
regional differences in fertility within the State. The Kerala Fertility
Survey, (1992) showed that within the districts there were regional
differentials in fertility among the difl'eretit religious groups in Kerala,
(Zachxiah et al, 1994). It is clear from thc survey analysis that Musliin
fertility was high in each sa~uple districts of Ernakulam, Palakkad and
Malappuran~. Table 3.29.
There arc various factors that caused thc differeniials in fertility
among the religious groups in Kcrala. Naiional Family Hcalth Surveys
I
provided the data regarding the proxiinate determinants of fertilit)
differentials. These included mean age of marriage, mean number ol
children ever born to women 40-49, median age at the first birth, ideal tota
pumber of children, percentage of women who wanted to st01
childbearir~g. the length of postpartum arnmenorrhoea and the use o-
contraceptives.
Table: 3.29
Fertility Differentials by Religion in Kerala 1991 I
I
I Districts
i Ernakulam Palakkad Malappuram
Mean Children Ever Born to Women age 45-49
Nairs 2.91 3.92 3.40
Ezhavas 3.76 4.10 3 -22
Scheduled Castes 3 -22 5.92 4.24
Christians 4.15 2.50 4.00
Muslims 5.29 6.3 1 6.30
Others 3.70 4.50 4.73
General Fertility Rate (1986-91)
Nairs 90 109 139
Ezhavas 96 112 77
Scheduled Castes 99 136 133
Christians 102 67 120
Muslilns 115 15 3 16 1
0 thers 93 107 93
Source: Zachariah et a]., (1994).
Both surveys NFHS-I and NFHS-IT showed that the age at rnarriagc
was higher for Christian women compared to Hindu and Muslim. Howeve
the Christian Hindu difference was negligible and the Hindu Muslim
difference is large, Table 3.30. The desired family size was an indicator of
the future expected fertility. The proportion of women who wanted to stop
childbearing was the lowest for Muslims compared to other religious
groups. While NFHS-11 showed an increase in the proportion women who
wanted to stop childbearing among all the religious communities and the
highest percentage increase was among the Muslims.
The data from NFHS-I showed that the mean number of children
ever born for women of age 40-44 was highest among Muslims (5.33)
followed by Hindus (3.19) and Christians (3.25). During 1998-99 the
mean number of children ever born decreased for Muslims (4.26) Hindus
(2.58) and Christians (2.64). At the time of the survey the responrlents
were asked to state the ideal number of children for a family. A birth was
considered unwanted if the number of living children at the time of
conception was greater than or equal to the ideal number of children
reported by the respondent at the time of the survey. The intensity of
unwanted fertility can he measured by comparing the total wanted fertility
rate with the total fertility rate (TFR)'~. The total wanted fertility rate of
1.81 in Kerala was lower by 0.15 children compared to the total fertility
rate of 1.96 (NFHS-11).
Both surveys NFHS-1 and NFHS-I1 showed that the use of
contraceptive was more prevalent among Hindus and Christians than
among Muslims in Kerala, Table 3.31. The use of most contraceptive
methods was lower among Muslims than among women of the other
~ l ig ions . Muslim woinen particularly did not use sterilization as the
Hindu or Christian women. Muslim women had higher unmet need for
'' The total wanlcd Fertility rate teprcscnls the level of fertility [hat lheoreticnlly would resull if all unwanted birlhs were prevented.
family planning than Christian and Hindu women. The pcrcentage of total
demands satisfied was higher for the Hirldu and Christian women than fbr
the Muslim women.
Table: 3.31)
Determinants of Fertility Differentials by Religion in Kerala, NFHS-1 and NFHS-I1
Religion
NFHS Hindu Muslim Christian -
Total Wanted Fertility
Mean Children Ever Born Age (40-49)
Median Age at Marriage Women Age (25-49)
2 1.2 (20.4) 17.7 (16.7) 22.6 (2 1 .X)
Median Age at First Birth Women Age (25-49)
Percentage of Women Who Want No More Children (currently
married women)
Mean Ideal Number of Children (ever married women)
Source: NFHS-I and NFHS-11. Data from NFHS-I*- Bracketed Figures
Table: 3.31
Percent of Currently Married Women Using Contraception, Clnmet need and Need Satisfaction by Religion in Kerala, NFHS-I and NFHS-I1
Religion
NFHS-I
Any Any Modern
Method Method
Hindu / 72.5 1 63.6 1 57.2
Muslitn
Christian
1 89.9
All
Source: NFHS-I and NFHS-11.
Female
Sterilisation
37.8
7 1.7
Hindu
Muslim
Christian
All
Fertility differentials among the religious groups in India, especially
between the Hindus and the Muslims, were well recognized. This could be
explained in terms of both differentials by religion and dil'lerentials in
spatial distribution. In Kerala, where there has been substantial population
of the three religions, namely, Hindu, Muslim and Christian religions, the
estimates of religious fertility differentials indicate that the Muslin fertility
was always higher than the Hindu and Christian fertility. SRS and NFHS
data also showed the same. The all lndia picture showed that Christian
fertility was much lower than Hindu fertility. But, in Kerala fertility
differentials between the.Hindus and the Christians is nominal.
NFHS-I1
63.3
Unmet Need
32.0
58.6
71.6
47.2
7 1.5
63.7
Need Satisfaction
54.4
27.6
51.0
48.3
64.5
41.1
59.2
56.1
63.5
89.7
55.3
36.2
51.6
48.5
9.2
16.6
10.3
11.7
88.8
74.0
87.4
84.4
3.11 Conclusion
This chapter presents the levels and trends of fertility according
to religious affiliation in India and in the State of Kerala in particular.
The data from various census reports and the two National Family
Health Surveys showed that IIindus were the significant majority in all
the States except in Jarnmu and Kashmir and Punjab, where Muslims
and Sikhs outnumbered the Hindus. Among the 14 major States, the
Christians wcre found in considerable percentage only in Kerala.
India, with a population of 1028.6 million in 2001 and TFR of
3.3, was one of the 13 countries in the core stage of the fertility
transition. In 1952, India became the Iirst country to launch a family
planning progratnme aimed at rcducing populalion growth, since then it
has provided direct support to family planning activities. In 1950s the
total fertility rate was 6.3 in India. After the onset of fertility decline in
1970, TFR declined from 5.4 births per woman during the period of
1970-1 975 to 3.3 in 1991-2001, about two children fewer per woman in
thrce decades.
There was a clear divide between the northern States and the
Southern States of India. Some States in the south, such as Kerala and
Tamil Nadu, already had TFRs below the replacement level, whereas
Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh in the North had
TFRs above 4 children per woman. This diversity could be a reason why
India's overall TFR was declining at a relatively slow pace. The
demographic information made available by the Indian Census of 1981,
1991, and 2001 showed that the Muslims had higher fertility than the
Hindus. Such differences persisted, mainly because the process of
demographic transition started earlicr for Hindus (Goyal, 1990).
Kerala has made a remarkable achievement in the demographic
transition within a short period of time after Independence. The crude
birth rate (CBR) was 44 per 1,000 population in 1951-61 and declined to
18 per 1,000 population in 1995-2000. Similarly, the crude death rate
(CDR) was 20 per 1,000 population in 1951-61, which declined to
around 6 per 1,000 population in 1995-2000. The total fertility rate
(TFR), which was 5.6 per wornan in the1950s, declined to 3.7 in the
1970s, and achieved the replacement level of fertility at the beginning of
the 1990s. But against the predictions of rrlany demographers in India
and abroad, Keraia's total fertility rare declined further to 1.7 by Lhe
year 1993, and remained the same for the last one decade.
Several factors were responsible for the unique demographic
transition in Kerala. Policies and programmes formulated at the national
as well as the State level played a major role in the demographic
transition in the State. Some of these policies and programmes,
especially those formulated at the national level, were implemented with
the specific objective of moderating fertility and mortality rates. Thcy
include the family planning programme, the maternal and child health
care programmes, the universal immunization programme, etc. Kerala
succeeded in imp1 ernenting these programmes effectively in the State.
In addition to the national level programmes many State level
programmes were formulated and implemented with social, economic and
pol; tical objectives. Their demographic effect was indirect and
unintentional. Nevertheless, their long-term demographic consequences
were far-reaching. Foremost among these programmes were Keralafs land
reform, other redistribution programmes and the universal literacy
programme. The socio-economic changes, especially the historic
achievements in the field of education and health, helped Kcrala to reduce
its fertility through the increase of marriage agc.
Religious differentials in fertility have been empirically
documented in k4 districts of Kerala. According to 2001 census, among
the three major religions Hinduism was the predominant religion with
56.11 percent of the total population of the State. Muslims were the
second larger religious community after the Hindus wilh 24.69 percent
of the total population and Christians the third large religious
comn~unity with 19.02 percent of the population. Among the three major
religions, Hindus were dominant in all the districts expect Malappuram
district. In Malappuram district Muslims had the first place with 68.53
percent of its population. In Kannur, Wayanad, Kozhikode and Palakkad
Muslims had the second place after the Hindus while Christianity had
the second place in all southem districts from Trissur to
Thiruvananthapuram.
According to the recent surveys, ihe highest percentage of Hindus
is in Palakkad district (68.87). the highest percentage of Christians in
Kottayam (44.60) and the highest percentage of Muslims in Malappuram
(68.53). The lowest percentage of Hindu, Muslim and Christian
populations was in Malappuram, (29.16), Pathanamthitta, (04.57), and
Malappuram (02.24) districts respectively. Persons belonging to other
religious persuasions are negligible.
Thus, there exist religious differentials in fertility in India as well
as in Kerala. But the pattern of Lhe religious differentials in fertility in
Kerala is different from that of India in general. Religious affiliation is
found to have a significant effect on fertility. The effect of religion on
fertility is generally con~plicated because of the simultaneous effects of
other variables that are difficult lo control adequately. In order to
ascertain properly the effect of religious affiliation on fertility
behaviour, a considerable body of data is required. The present study is
an attempt to analyse the various determinants of fertility dillerentials
among the religious groups in Kerala.
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174
INDEX
Age at Marriage: 138, 139, 139, 141,
142, 143, 165, 166, 173
Asha Krishnakumar: 173
Bajaj,J.K: 172
Bhat, P.N Mari: 125, 142, 172
Biological Factors: 153
Birth rate: 113, 114, 126, 136, 146,
147, 169
Buddhists: 119, 120, 123
Chaudhury, R.H:119, 171
Christian: 117, 118, 119, 120, 121,
122, 140, 141, 142, 153, 136, 163,
170
Cohabitation: 142, 143
Cohort: 141, 151
Contraception: 147, 151, 156, 166
Couple Protection Rate (CPR): 126,
134
Crude Birth Rate: 113, 145, 146, 152,
157
Crude Death Rate: 113, 114, 1563,
168
Death Rate: 113, 116, 126, 153, 156,
169
Demographic Transition: 169, 172, 174
Density of Population: 127, 128
Diffusion: 131
Dorothy Nortman: 171
Education: 115, 131, 135, 136, 141,
146, 169, 171, 172
Family Planning: 131, 133, 134, 151,
162, 165, 168, 171
Female Literacy: 114, 115, 140
Fertility: 141, 142, 144, 145, 146,
147, 148, 149, 451, 152, 154, 158,
163-173
Fertility Differentials: 115, 153, 163,
164, 166, 167, 176
Fertility Trend: 145, 146, 451
Gavin Jones: 171
Gopinathan Nair P.S: 173
Goyal, R.P: 137, 468, 171,
Hindu: 117, 118, 119, 120, 122, 142,
143, 153, 154, 156-172
James K. S: 172
Joshi, A.P: 154, 171
Kannan, K.P: 173
Kerala Model: 114
Kingsely Davis: 171
Krishnakumari, K: 136, 171
175
Krishnan, T.N: 151, 171
Land Reform: 151, 152, 161, 172
Levels: 109, 110, 115, 151, 165, 167,
171
Literacy Rate: 115, 130, 131, 133
Marriage Squeeze: 143, 144
Mathew E T: 145, 173
Mean age at Marriage: 136, 137, 138,
139, 140, 171
Median Age at Marriage: 140, 166
Migration: 123, 124, 126, 127, 130,
132, 134, 144, 145
Misra U.S: 173
Moli, G.K: 171
Muslim: 117, 118, 119, 120, 122,
141, 142, 154, 155-172
Nag, M: 115, 172
Nair, P.R.G: 115, 164, 171
Navaneethan K: 173
Need Satisfaction: 166, 167
NFHS: 139, 141, 142, 144, 146, 162-
167
Nuptiality: 112, 135
Oil Boom: 145
Population Growth: 168
Ractliffe, J: 172
Rajan S I: 115, 117, 124, 135,
137, 138, 139, 142, 144, 145, 146,
151, 156, 172, 174
Religion: 117, 118, 119, 120, 122,
142, 155, 156, 158
Sarma P.S: 172, 174
Sex ratio: 112 129, 130, 136
Shariff, Abusaleh: 122, 173
Sikhs: 168
Socio-Cultural Factors: 115
Srinivas, M.D: 171
Sterilisation: 167
Trends: 112 136, 139, 142, 152, 167,
171
Universal Literacy: 132, 169
Unmet Need: 165, 166, 167
Zachariah, K.C: 115, 124, 126,
135-139, 140, 144, 145, 149, 151,
164, 173
ZPG: 135